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THE LIFE 



OF 



GEK ALBERT SIDNEY JOHNSTON, 



EMBBAOINa 



HIS SERVICES m THE ARMIES OF THE EXITED STATES, 

THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS, AXD THE 

CONFEDERATE STATES. 



BY 

WILLIAM PRESTON JOHNSTON. 

V 



WITH ILLUSTRATIONS ON STEEL AND "WOOD, 



NEW YORK : 
D. APPLETON AND COMPANY, 

549 AND 551 BROADWAY. 

1878. 




LU7 



COPYRIGHT BY 

D. APPLETON AND COMPANY, 

1878. 









THIS BOOK 

IS 

DEDICATED 

TO 
GOOD SOLDIERS EVERTWHEEE; 

BUT ESPECIALLY TO 

THE SOLDIERS OF THE SOUTH, 

AND 

TO THE SONS OF THE MEN 

WHO SUFFERED IN ITS CAUSE. 



P K E F A C E 



A BioGKAPHT of Albert Sidnet Johnston will need no apol- 
ogy witli a large class of his countrymen. Many discreet men have 
urged upon the writer that his duty, both as son and citizen, re- 
quired him to do this work. They believed that the omission of a 
picture of this heroic life would leave unfilled an important panel 
in the gallery of American history, in which the Civil War occupies 
so large a space. In response to such demand this memoir has been 
written. 

The wi-iter would gladly have devolved his task on some more 
competent and disinterested hand. He has felt keenly the restric- 
tions and obhgations imposed by the fihal relation. Hostile criti- 
cism can always begin its argument with the charge that it is im- 
possible for a son to be fair ; and the writer's own heart teaches him 
how difiicult it is to be always and perfectly just, A wi'iter who 
strives to delineate a dear, dead father will not mar the picture by 
a portrait below his own ideal, though it may well fall short of the 
heroic proportions of the original. But it is not necessary to be 
impartial, in order to be tnithful ; and, without love, there can be 
no correct interpretation of character. Knowing that he has made 
an honest effort to find out and relate the truth in every particular 
in this volume, the writer trusts that much will be pardoned to him. 

If a friend could have been found fitted by preparation, leisure, 
and literary enthusiasm, for so heavy a charge, it would have been 
consigned to him with a feeling of immeasurable relief. But this 
was not to be. The labor promised and proved to be very great. 
The very sources of information had often to be discovered, and 
the material employed has been gathered from quarters remote and 
obscure ; siftings of the memories of the aged or the unwilling, for 
many of those best qualified to speak of the events of the Civil War 



vi PREFACE. 

are often the most averse to recall its painful experiences. Then, 
too, the verification of the facts involved processes too tedious for 
any one not animated by the strongest sense of personal interest 
and responsibility. Hence it came to pass that the writer was him- 
self compelled to discharge this duty. 

In spite of these serious obstacles, the writer has had some pe- 
culiar facilities for the successful achievement of his purpose. A 
strong call from within and from without has urged him on. The 
friendship of eminent Confederates and the sympathy of a multi- 
tude of worthy people have encouraged him in his design and fur- 
nished him with valuable information. General Johnston's own 
papers have been preserved almost entire since 1836; and these, 
including his Confederate archives, complete, have supplied ampler 
and more perfect materials than most biographers enjoy. Gentle- 
men who were opposed to him in the late Civil War have been both 
courteous and generous in affording all proper information ; and, in 
this respect, he is especially indebted to the Honorable George W. 
McCrary, the present Secretary of War, to General D. C. Buell, 
General Fitz-John Porter, and Colonel George H. Elliott, of the 
Engineers, and to other gentlemen to whom acknowledgments are 
made in the course of the narrative. 

Such frequent and important services have been rendered in the 
preparation of this book by so many friends that their recognition 
can be made appropriately only in the same way ; and, indeed, a 
large part of the value of this work is due to their unselfish aid. 
But the writer cannot omit to express here his deep obligations to 
the Honorable Jefferson Davis, ex-President of the Confederate 
States ; to the late General Braxton Bragg ; to Governors I. G. 
Harris, John C. Brown, and James D. Porter, of Tennessee ; to 
Colonel Edward W. Munford, General William Preston, General 
W. C. Whitthorne, General William J. Hamby, Dr. William M. 
Polk, Colonel A. Eidley, Captain G. W. Gift, and Captain :N'. J. 
Eaton. His late colleagues. Prof. Edward S. Joynes, now of Yan- 
derbilt University, and Prof. Carter J. Harris, of Washington and 
Lee University, have given him most acceptable literary assistance. 

In addition to the writer's unusual opportunities for arriving at 
the truth, there were certain exceptional features m his relations to 



FREFACEi. Til 

General Johnston, not often found between father and son. There 
was the utmost confidence and intimacy in their intercourse, and 
yet General Johnston sedulously cultivated the independent devel- 
opment of his children. Further, the writer's lines of life and 
habits of thought have been widely remote from his father's. Hence 
he believes that, thus unfettered by his authority yet conversant 
with his ideas and a£fairs, he can often explain better than any one 
else the bearing of obscure transactions. 

Nevertheless, the close tie between the biographer and his sub- 
ject has to some extent marred the artistic effect of this book. !N^ot 
only delicacy but a sense of duty to the intelligent reader has dic- 
tated that it was better in all personal matters to speak in the lan- 
guage of others, wherever it was possible ; and yet this could only 
be done at some sacrifice of brevity and of apparent unity. Then, 
too, in the discussion of controverted points, where a bias might be 
presumed to exist, he has thought it proper, while frankly stating 
his own conclusions, to give the evidence on which they rest. Some 
original documents and tables of military statistics, pertinent to the 
narrative, have been published with it, for the sake of their his- 
torical value. 

There has been no effort to make General Johnston the central 
figure of his times, or to drag into his biography matters extraneous 
to his career. But where any phase of life, or series of events, was 
interwoven with it, the reader is not assumed to be acquainted with 
unfamiliar or forgotten facts. Such facts are recounted as succinctly 
as the matter will admit, but not, it is hoped, at the expense of ac- 
curacy. But, though he has been diligent in seeking to be exact, 
he knows the difficulties, and, so far from deprecating judicious 
criticism, he invites it, in the interest of historical truth. 

General Johnston was singularly tolerant of others, though him- 
self severe in principles and circumspect in conduct. Hence it has 
not been thought necessary, for the most part, to vindicate his opin- 
ions or actions ; since, if the tenor of his life was noble and good, 
its errors and mistakes may well be left standing for such warning 
or censure as the moralist shall feel compelled to employ. Such 
would have been his own wish. But the integrity and sincerity of 
the man permit the writer to use an uncommon frankness in detail- 



viii PREFACE. 

ing not only tlie events of liis public career, but sucli incidents of 
liis domestic life as may serve for instruction or illustration. The 
facts of a life are the best— perhajDS, the only — apology for writing 
it ; and General Johnston was so truthful and simple in all he 
said and did that the fittest tribute to his memory is absolute accu- 
racy in whatever relates to him. ISTo ideal of what a hero ought to 
be has been framed herein ; but the story of a life has been told, 
just as it was lived. Sympathetic spirits, however wide the differ- 
ences of circumstance, creed, or opinion, may learn, in its adversities 
and its consolations, some lessons of fortitude and magnanimity. 

This biography recounts a stirring theme. The most casual 
reader must be struck with the dramatic interest of the career of a 
man who, with small share of wealth, patronage, or political arts, 
filled so large a sphere by mere moral and intellectual force. It is 
something in this material age to find a man almost wholly above 
the accidents of fortune. In some respects he was a man represent- 
ative and typical of his times, his country, his section and his j)ro- 
fession ; in others he stood apart with an individuality so marked 
that Marcus Aurelius might have welcomed him as a brother-stoic, 
or the Chevalier Bayard as a knightly peer. In Albert Sidney 
Johnston's long life he mingled in many great and memorable 
events, and in some of the greatest he acted the chief and most con- 
spicuous part. In all of them, his countrymen accounted him a fine 
example of civic and military virtues. His death was not only the 
decorous and becoming end to a grand life, but many of the wisest 
and ablest leaders believed that in his fall a national tragedy culmi- 
nated, which ever after declined toward its final catastrophe. Many 
of the most judicious have declared that on his arm rested the for- 
tunes of the Confederate cause. It cannot be well that such a 
figure should pass into utter oblivion. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

PAQE 

Family and Boyhood ........ 1 

Bii-th and Family of Albert Sidney Johnston. His Father. His Maternal Grandfather. Boy- 
hood and Early Friends. Character as a Boy. Anecdote. His Schools. Transylvania. 
Desire to enter the Navy. Visit to Louisiana. His Brothers. Vigor of Early Settlers of 
Kentucky. Sketch of Josiah Stoddard Johnston. His Distinguished Career. His Gener- 
osity to his Brothers. Return of A. S. Johnston to Transylvania. Appointment to United 
States Mihtary Academy. Kindness to Animals. Formation of Character. Illustrative 
Anecdotes. Captain Eaton's Account of Entr.ance at West Point. His Conduct there. 
Testimony of his Fellow-Cadets. Singul.ir Occurrence at his Graduation. Assignment to 
Second Infantry. Intimacy with Leonidas Polk. His Friends at West Point. 

CHAPTER II. 
Early Army-Life ......... 14 

Furlough passed in Kentucky. Anecdote illustrating his Benevolence. Visit to Washington 
City. Society there, in 1S26. Mrs. J. S. Johnston. Brilliant Offer of General Scott to him 
declined. Its Influence on his Career. Ordered to Sackett's Harbor. Incident in Artil 
lerj'-Practice. Ordered to Jefferson Barracks. Description of the Post. Expedition 
against the Winnebagoes. Red Bird. Aversion to Letter-writing. The Angry Flute- 
player. General Atkinson and his Wife. Johnston's Standing as an Officer. A Suicide. 
His Charity in Judgment. Pveligious Belief St. Louis in Old Times. Henrietta Preston. 
Her Family Connections. Governor William Clark. Thomas H. Benton. Miss Preston's 
Education. Marriage. Mrs. Johnston's Character. Early Married Life. 

CHAPTER III. 
Black-Hawk War ......... 25 

Causes of Indian Wars. Indian Characteristics. Justice of the Army toward the Indians. 
Eeasons for introducing this Narrative. Lieutenant Joh^iston, Chief of Staff, and the Real 
Historian of the War. History of the Sacs and Fo.xes. Their Conduct in the War with 
Great Britain. "The British Band." Keokuk. Black Hawk. His Character and Plans. 
Anecdotes of him. Quarrels about the Site of Rock Island Village. Black Hawk's Con- 
Bpiracy. Lieutenant Johnston's Journal. Movements of Troops. General Atkinson's 
Negotiations for Peace. Pacific Course of Keokuk and Wapello. They surrender Crimi- 
nals. Movement up Rock River against Black Hawk, who declares War. Stillman's 
Defeat. Arrangements for tho Campaign. Saviige Butcheries and Skirmishes. General 
Henrj''s Engagement at Wisconsin Heights. Cholera among General Scott's Reenforce- 
ments. March from Cosconong to Blue Mounds. On the Trail. Battle of the B.ad Axe. 
Capture of Black Hawk. Losses of the W.ar. Submission of the Indians. Report of the 
Secretary of War. Kind Treatment to Black Hawk and his Followers. Changes of Half 
a Century in the Theatre of the War. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER IV. 

PAGE 

Jefferson Barracks ........ 45 

Zachary Taylor. Lieutenant Johnston's Military Repute. Anecdote. Rebuke to a Libertine. 
Cholera. Sickness in his Family. Domestic Happiness. Discussion of Plan of Life. 
Consults his Brother, J. S. Johnston, about resigning. His Reply. Curious Reflections 
of a Successful Politician. His Premonitions of Civil War. Another Letter. Death of 
J. S. Johnston, by Steamboat Explosion. His only Son, William. 1882-33. Mrs. John- 
ston's Illness. Malpractice of the Times. Pulmonary Consumption developed. Lieuten- 
ant Johnston resigns. Visit to Mountains of Virginia and Atlantic Coast. Return to 
Louisville. Mrs. Johnston's Death. Mrs. Hancock's Account of Albert Sidney Johnston's 
Character. He retires to Farm, near St. Louis. Various Plans of Life. Brief Visit to 
Washington. Determines to embark in the Texan Revolution. 

CHAPTER V. 
The Texan Revolution . . . . • • . • . 56 

Discovery by Lasalle. Disputed Title to the Territory. Spanish Occupation. Early His- 
tory. Philip Nolan. Boundary Disputes. Revolutionary Measures. Magee's Expedi- 
tion. Mina's and Long's Attempts. Moses Austin. Stephen F. Austin. His Colony. 
The Fredonian War. Federal Constitution. Mexican Jealousy. Bustamante's Arbitrary 
and Centralized Government. Oppression of Texas. Colonel Bradburn's Tyranny. Re- 
sistance of Colonists in 1832. Anahuac Campaign. Bradburn's Defeat. Piedras compro- 
mises. Convention of San Felipe. Convention of 1833. Santa Anna. Austin's Imprison- 
ment. Santa Anna's Revolution. Population of Texas. Santa Anna's Attempt to estab- 
lish Military Despotism. Resistance. Moore's Fight on the Guadalupe. Capture of 
Goliad. Bovi'ie's Combat at Conception Mission. Cos surrenders San Antonio. The 
General Consultation of 1835. Provisional Government. Declaration of Independence. 
David G. Burnet. Santa Anna invades Texas. Dissensions of Colonists. Want of Prepa- 
ration. Mexican Atrocities. WilUam B. Travis. The Alamo. The Thermopyte of 
Texas. Its Fall. Fannin's Massacre. Santa Anna's Advance. Houston's Retre.it. Con- 
duct and Character of Houston. Movements of the Armies. Battle of San Jacinto. 
Santa Anna's Personal Danger. His Secret Treaty and Release. Sympathy for Texas in 
the United States. Houston elected President. Albert Sidney Johnston joins in the 
Texan Revolution. His Motives. 

CHAPTER VI. 
As Texan Soldier ......... C9 

Johnston's Arrival in Texas. Kills a Puma single-handed. Texan Army. Its Composition 
and Spirit. Valor and Insubordination. Rusk in Command. Lamar appointed General, 
but not allowed to take Command. Rusk recommends Felix Huston as his Successor. 
Johnston joins the Army as a Private Trooper. His Appearance, Habits, and Manners. 
Made Adjutant-General. Peculiar Circumstances of his Appointment. Rapid Promotion. 
Life of the Camp. Incidents. Called to the Scat of Government as Adjutant-General. 
Sent to New Orleans. Appointed to Command of the Army. Felix Huston. His Career. 
His Threats. General Johnston takes Command. Huston's Challenge. Reply. The 
Duel. Reconciliation. Huston leaves the Army. Johnston's Magnanimity. Grounds 
of his Action in the Duel. Hftston's Testimony. Sufferings from the Wounds. Hostile 
Movements of Mexico. Policy of Texas. Letter from Felix Huston. Condition of the 
Army. Rangers. The Whiskey Riot. Assassination of Teal. Johnston suffering from 
Wound. Asks for Furlough. A Letter from him. President Houston's Letters. Indian 
Policy. Policy toward Mexico. Gener.il Johnston's View. Hostility engendered toward 
him in the President. Compliments from his Army. Visits New Orleans. Effects of his 
Wound. Visits Kentucky. Noticed by Jackson. Henry D. Gilpin's Letter to him. Re- 
turn to Texas. Letter to Mr. Hobbs. Differences with the Administration. Indian Nego- 
tiations. Essowakkeny, the Comanche. Incident with General Johnston. The " Talk." 
Their Treachery. Treaty. Indian Cannibals. " The Little Child's Footprint." Political 
Overtures. Mexican Invasion. Extraordinary Orders to General Johnston. His Desper- 
ate Resolution. Its Success. Furlough. Annexation Schemes. Reaction in Public Sen- 
timent. Lamar elected President. General Johnston Secretary of War. 



CONTENTS. xi 

CHAPTER YII. 

PAOE 

Secretary of War of Tkxas — Cherokkf, War . . . . .92 

Embarrassed Condition of Texas in 1S39. Scant Material Resources. Hopefulness of the 
Administration. Mirabeau B. L.amiir. His Policy, Financial and Educational. Vast and 
Organized t>chemes of Fraud arrested by the Government. Foreign Relations. Energetic 
Policy toward Mexico. Letter from General Johnston on the Situation. Attempt to create 
a Diversion by Encouragement to the Federalists. The Opposition organized under Gen- 
eral Houston. Cherokee War. General Houston's Resistance to it. Vindication of the 
Good Faith of the Texan Government. Settlement of the Cherokees in Te.xas. The Colo- 
nists no Party to it. Perfidious Policy of Mexico In the Matter. Colonization Act of IS'25. 
Indian Irruption of 1832-33. Remonstrances. Solemn Declaration of the Consultation. 
Houston's Treaty with Indians. Its Nullity. Houston's Failure to get it ratified. His 
Relations with the Indians. Bad Faith of the Indians. Their Conduct in the Revolution. 
Kept down by the Presence of United States Forces. Yoakum's Testimony. Secret 
Alliance with Mexico. Continued Hostilities. Plan for a General Revolt of the Indians. 
Their Butcheries. General Johnston organizes Troops. General Edward Burleson. 
Flores killed. Proofs of AlUance between Me.xico .ind the Cherokees. The Case summed 
up. How the Cherokee Question was met. Report of General Johnston, Secretary of 
War. Troops sent forward, and Unavailing Negotiations. The Battle of the Neches. 
Pursuit. E.xpulsion of Indians from Texas. Redemption of all Northern Texas from the 
Savages. Genenal Douglass thanks the Vice-President and Secretary for Exertions on 
the Field. Incident. The Fugitive emboldened. Joy and Gratitude of Texas. Site of 
the Capital. Austin selected. Laid out in August, 1839. Its Frontier Position. The 
Comanches. Their Fierceness and Perfidv. Alarm of the Settlers. A Rand of Co- 
manches visits San Antonio. Treaty. San Antonio Massacre. Its Dramatic and Deadly 
Features. Comanche War. Defeat of the Indians. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

1840-1845 .......... 118 

Prepares to retire from Public Life. Reasons for doing so. Pecuniary Embarrassments. 
Causes. His Education, Temper, Liberality, Public Sacrifices. Ilis Impaired Health. 
Dislike of Politics. Unfriendly Correspondence with General Houston. Its Adjustment. 
Arcadian Dreams. A Letter. Resigns Secretaryship of War. Visits United States. 
Friends try to make him a Candidate for the Presidency. Houston elected President. Re- 
newal of Mexican Invasions. Vasquez captures San Antonip. Volunteers assemble to 
retaliate. Disbanded by the President. Agents sent to the United States by Houston. 
His Proclamation stigmatizing General Johnston. General Johnston's Counter-Address, 
The President's Evasive Reply. Houston's "Do-Nothing" Policy. Another Mexican 
Invasion. Woll enters San Antonio and captures the Court and Bar. Bill passed by Con- 
gress for the Public Defense, killed by the President's " Pocket Veto." Massacre of Daw- 
son's Force. General Johnston urged to become a Candidate for the Presidency. His Pro- 
phetic Reply. History of Annexation Schemes. Te.xas enters the American Union. Mar- 
riage to Miss Eliza Griffin. Description of China Grove Plantation. Purchase. Conse- 
quent Embarrassments. General Johnston's Friends. Chess. His Intellectual Habits. 

CHAPTER IX. 

The Mexican War . . . . . . . . .131 

General Taylor occupies Corpus Christi. Horsemanship of the Texans. Taylor moves to the 
Rio Grande. Hostilities by the Mexicans. Battle of Palo Alto. Eesaca. Volunteering. 
General T.iylor's Letter in Regard to General Johnston. Asks him to join the Army. He 
goes on Horseback from Galveston and joins the Army. His Letters from Point Isabel, 
detailing Military Operations. Elected Colonel of First Texas Riflemen. Pride in his 
Regiment. Disbanded. His Bitter Disappointment. Anecdote, the Texan Father. Gen- 
eral Johnston's Letter describing the Battle of Monterey. Letter from the Hon. Jefferson 
Davis explaining and describing it. Gener.al Johnston's Extraordinary Peril. Rallies the 
Ohio Regiment. General Hooker's Account of it. Incident with General Hamer. Com- 
plimented and recommended for Brigadier-Gener.il. Overlooked. Jefferson Da^is. His 
Account of an Incident in the Capitulation of Monterey, and Estimate of General John- 
ston's Character. Anecdote by General Johnston. He leaves the Army. 



Xii CONTEXTS. 



CHAPTER X. 

PAGE 

Plantation-Life ......... 145 

Keception at Galveston. Reasons for retiring from the Army. Generosity to the Writer. His 
Plantation, China Grove. Texas Coast Scenery. Game. His family. Occupation. Man- 
ual Labor. Warren D. C. Hall. The Writer's Boyish Reminiscences of China Grove. 
General .Johnston's Relations with Children. Irish John. Shooting-. Close Observation of 
the Habits of Animals. The Crested Wood-Duck. The Wounded Eagle. GeneralJohn- 
ston's Ideas of the Conduct of Life ; of Education. His Love of Justice and Breadth of 
View. Books. Opinions on the War ; of Colonel Rog-ers ; of General Taylor. His View 
of how the Mexican War should be conducted. Letter to Preston, giving his Estimate of 
General Taylor. Reserve. Gradual Isolation in his Solitude. Almost forgotten. Excep- 
tions. Illustrations of his Character and Plantation-Life from his Letters. Letters giving 
his Views of Education. Preference for an American Training. Notions on Rhetoric, 
Mathematics— Requirements for Legal Success. Lessons of Moderation. Begins to lose 
Hope and Health. His Fortitude and Magnanimity. General Taylor's Nomination and 
Election. Movements of General Johnston's Friends to advance him. His Unexpected 
Conduct. Letter on Office-Seeking. Finally appointed a Paymaster in the Army. 

CHAPTER XI. 

Paymaster in United States Armt . . . . . .169 

Appointment. Hope of Transfer to the Line. Headquarters at Austin. Frontier District. 
Yellow Fever. Duties. Transportation of Funds. Enlargement of District. His Mode 
of Travel. The Indians. Bad Transportation. His Carefulness. Character of Country. 
The Excessive Labor required. Letter to his Daughter, describing his Tours. The Writ- 
er's Tour with him. Interesting Topographical Features of the Country. Its Floral 
Beauty. Hailstorms. Northers. Prairie Dogs, Birds, Grasshoppers. General Johnston's 
Study of Nature. His Buffalo-Hunt. Patience and Unselfishness. His Providence, Modes 
of Thinking, Topographical Aptitudes. His Deep Interest in Texas. Know-Nothingism. 
Is relieved from Debt. Large Losses by RobberJ^ Detection of Thief. His Punishment. 
Scrupulousness in Accounts. Playful Letter to his Son, on coming of Age. Familiar Let- 
ters. Anecdotes by the Rev. Edward Fontaine, Illustrating his Patience and Forbearance. 
Death of a Child. His Religious Views. 



CHAPTER XII. 

The Second Cavalry . . . . . . . .183 

Pierce elected. Jeflerson Davis Secretary of War. Strength of the Army. Increase of Force 
asked. Action of General Johnston's Friends. Recommended by Texas Legislature. 
Senator Rusk. William Preston. Political Appointments the Tradition. Mr. Davis re- 
verses the Rule. General Johnston made Colonel of the Second Cavalrj'. No Favoritisms. 
The Appointments tested. Ben McCulloch's Disappointment. General Scott's Opinion of 
General Johnston's Appointment. General Johnston's Acceptance. Public Honors by his 
Neighbors. Enlistment of his Regiment. March to Texas with the Second Cavalry. Suf- 
fering from Cold. Northers. Illness. Letters. Patriotic Apprehensions of Disunion. 
Opposition to Abolitionism. Administration of his MiUtary Department. Extraordinary 
Success in repressing Indian Outrage. Activity of his Command. The People satisfied. 
Mode of dealing with the Frontier People. His Motives. General Johnston's Influence 
with Young Men. Two Illustrations. A Duel prevented. A Filibuster overruled. His 
Present Estimate of General Johnston's Character. 



CHAPTER XIII, 
T'lE Mormon Rebellion . . . . . . . .195 

The Rise of Mormonism. Joseph Smith. His Career. Brigham Young. Nauvoo. Salt 
Lake City. Utah. Qu.an-els with Feder.al Officials. The Danites. " Reformation " of 
1S56. A Hideous Fanaticism. Buchanan's Appointments. Revolt. Young's Proclama- 
tion. Mormon Oratory. A Mountain Stronghold. Orders to the Saints. Mountain 
Meadows Massacre. A Late Retribution. 



CONTENTS. xiii 



CHAPTER XIV. 

PAGE 

Utah Campaign ......■•• 207 

Federal Policy toward tho Mormons. Expedition to sust.nin Civil Officers. General Harney 
appointed to eominaud it. GenuralJolitistou succeeds him. Army Orders. Start. Celer- 
ity. Journey. Mormon Hostilities. South Pass. Concentration. Movements of Troops. 
Winter. Efforts to re.ich Winter-Quarters. In the Snow-Drifts. His Defense by Mr. 
Davis. General Johnston's Letters detaiUng the Circumstances. Eescue of the Army. 
Arrival at Bridgor. The Tests of :?oldiership. In Winter-Quarters. Fort Bridger. Major 
Porter's Diary. Brigham's Salt Embassy. Ornithology. Conflicting Policies. Colonel 
Kane the Diplom.ati8t. Senatorial Criticism on General Johnston. Trouble with Governor 
Cumming. An Icy Spring. Peace Commissioners. Submission of the Mormons. Gen- 
eral Johnston's Keply to Peace Commissioners. His Proclamation. Governor Cumming's 
Protest. Army Matters and Orders. Brevet Brigadier-General. Commendation and 
Criticism. General Johnston's Keview of Strictures on Himself. 



CHAPTER XV. 

Camp Floyd ........•• 233 

Location. Duties. Disbanded Volunteers. Winter-Quarters. Indian Affairs. ]\Iormon 
Slanders. Issue with Governor Cumming. Conflicts of Authority. Governor's Procla- 
mation. Ambiguous Policy of the Government. General Johnston's Administration of 
Utah. Eelieved. Letter in regard to jjcrsownei of the Army. Family Affections. Part- 
ing with his Army. A Gift declined. Attempt to bring him forward for the Presidency. 
His Letters on the Subject. His Valuation of his Citizenship. A Fleet-footed Indian. The 
Japanese. A Quartermaster-General appointed. Eeunion with his Family. 18C0. The 
Crisis of American Destiny. Assignment to Command in Cahfornia. 



CHAPTER XVI. 
The Southern Confederacy ........ 249 

Origin of the Troubles. Standpoint of the Southern People. The Slavery Question. Views 
of the Constitution. Mr. Lincoln's Election. Confederate Government organized. Its 
Policy. Opinion In the South. Virginia. Lincoln calls for Troops. Kevulsion and Seces- 
sion of Border States. War. Bethel. Manassas. Its Results. Comparative Strength of 
the Sections. Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland, West Virginia. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

California ....-••••• 256 

General Johnston's Ideas of Government. The Eight of Eesistance. The Alternative present- 
ed. Resigns and is relieved. Imaginary Plot. Slander refuted. General Buell's Letter. 
Governor Downey's Statement. General Mackall's Letter. Incidents of Resignation. 
Attempted Eeparation by the Administration. Hon. Montgomery Blair's Letter. Los An- 
geles. Advice to Citizens. Writer's EecoUections. General Johnston's Correspondence. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 
The Desert Journey ........ 275 

Eesignation accepted. Impending War. A Dread Alternative. Cherished Gift. Surveillance 
and Escape. On the Eoad. The Desert. The Comet. Tucson. The Pimos Indians. 
Anecdote. Federal Troops. Running the Gantlet. An Indian Massacre. Tho Rio 
Grande. Anecdote. Escape of Moore and Lord. Lj-nde's Surrender. Through Texas. 
Anecdotes. The Journey summed up. A Nation's Suspense and Joy. Arrival at Rich- 
mond. 
Itinerary . . . ... • • • ■ 291 



xiv CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER XIX. 



PAGE 



Situation in the West . . . . . . . .291 

Demand for General Johnston in the West. His Orders. Rank. Command. Missouri. Its 
Politics. Blair and Lyon. Jackson and Price. Camp Jackson. War. Battle of Wilson's 
Creek. Capture of Lexington. Fremont advances. Price retires. Ilardee. Kentucky. 
Her People and Politics. John C. Breckinridge. Other Leaders. Simon B. Buckner. 
Political Contest. Duplicity. Neutrality. Secret Union Clubs. Unionists prevail. 
Camp Boone. Military Preparations. General Robert Anderson. General George H. 
Thomas. Domination of the Federals. Peril of the Southern Party. Humiliation of 
Kentucky. Seizure of Columbus and Paducah. 

CHAPTER XX. 
Military Situation in Kentucky ....... 306 

General Johnston's Arrival in Nashville. Personal Reminiscences. The Defense of Tennessee. 
General Johnston's Resources and Theory. Letter to President Davis. The Confederate 
Line. ZoUicoffer and Buckner. Buckner seizes Bowling Green. Federal Alarm. Con- 
federate Advance. General Johnston's Proclamation. Considerations determining the 
Line. The The.itre of War. Strength of Armies. Johnston conceals his Weakness, His 
Memoranda. Federal Plans. Johnston's Staff. 

CHAPTER XXI. 

General Polk and Columbus, Kentucky . . . . . .318 

Leonidas Polk. His Ancestry, Birth, and Education. Marriage, Ordination, and Travels. 
Farmer, Manufacturer, and Preacher. Missionary Bishop. Bishop of Louisiana. Pecu- 
niary Losses. University of the South. Sugar and Cotton Planting. Visit to Richmond. 
Appointed Brigadier-General. The Bishop-Soldier. Appearance. Anecdotes. Command 
in West Tennessee. Services. Force. Occupation of Columbus. River-Defenses. Polk's 
Subsequent Career. Governor Reynolds's Recollections of General Johnston at Columbus. 
His Plans. Anecdotes. Habits. 

CHAPTER XXII. 
Efforts to get Arms and Troops ....... 328 

Small Resources and Powers. Begging for Arms. Scant Results and Deficient Armament. 
Recruiting the Army. Concentration. Requisitions for Troops. Obstacles. The Ten- 
nessee Troops. Condition of the Men. Embarrassments. Twelve-Months' Volunteers. 
Distant Control. Difficulties of the Government. Call for Militia. General Johnston's 
Urgency. Letters to the Southern Executives. Appeals to the Secretary of War. Mr. 
Benjamin's Letters. 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

Bowling Green ......... 349 

Confederate Army in Kentucky. — Hardee's Force, brought from Arkansas. Situation in 
October. Apathy in Kentucky. Organization of the Army. Sketch of General William 
J. Hardee. Hindman, Cleburne, Marmaduke, and Brown. ZoUicotfer's Operations. Gen- 
eral Johnston's Views of that Field. Repulse at Wild Cat. General Federal Advance. 
Minor Operations. Eastern Kentucky. Anecdotes. General Johnston's Difficulties. 
The Western District. Its Defense. Delusive Demonstrations. Cleburne's Reconnais- 
sance. Sherman paralyzed. Stampede from Wild Cat. East Tennessee. Insurrection. 
Bridge-Burning. Anecdote. General Carroll in Eest Tennessee. 

Appendices .......... 365 

Federal Strength. 

CHAPTER XXIV. 
The Battle of Belmont ........ 366 

Grant's Claims. Polk's Dispatch. Grant's Report. Grant's Object. Polk's Preparation. 
Pillow's Account of the Opening of the Battle. Grant's March. The Federal Force. 



CONTENTS. XV 



PAGE 

First Engagement Confederate Camps captured. Federal Retreat and Rout. Polk's 
ReOnforcement. Grant's Escape. Confederate Strength. The Losses. Results. Con- 
gratulations. 

CHAPTER XXV. 

TiiE Fall Campaign ......... 378 

Federal Generals. Buell. Kentucky Refugees. John C. Breckinridge. The Kentucky Pro- 
visional Government. Minor Operations. The Cavalry. Morgan and Duke. Fight at 
Woodsonville. N. B. Forrest. Texas Rangers. Fight at Sacramento. Letters to the 
Secretary of "War. Anecdotes. 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

Battle op Fishing Creek ........ 390 

Situation in January. "Western Kentucky. Eastern Kentucky. Humphrey Marshall. His 
Strength. James A. Garfield. His Attack at Prestonburg. Subsequent Operations. 
Sketch of Felix K. Zollicoffer. His Character. His Movements in the Autumn. Mill 
Springs. General Johnston's Warnings disregarded. Sketch of George B. Crittenden. 
A. Schoepf. Skirmishing. Thomas's Advance. His Force. Mill Spring. Fishing Creek. 
Confederate Strength. Crittenden's Night-March. Attick. "Walthall and Battle. Curi- 
ous Incident. Strenuous Combat. ZoUicoffer's Death. The Retreat. The Federals follow. 
Crittenden gets across the River. Deplorable Plight of the Confederates. Their Retreat. 
The Losses. ZoUicoffer's Body. Slanders on Crittenden. Disparity in Arms. General 
Johnston's Considerate Treatment of Crittenden. Thomas's Movements. 

CHAPTER XXVn. 
Fort Henry .......... 407 

River-Defenses. Location of Forts. Strategic Importance. Topography. Polk's Report. 
General Johnston's Orders and Preparations. 'Warning to Polk. Major Gilmer, Chief- 
Engineer. His Operations. Lloyd Tilghman in Command. Fortifications projected on 
the Cumberland. DiflSculty of getting Labor. Gunboats. Abortive Attemps at Defense. 
Supreme Efforts of the North. Their Gunboats. General Johnston's "Warnings and Pre- 
cautions. Origin of Federal Plan of Invasion. Scott's Share. Sherman's Picturesque 
Narrative. Halleck and Buell's "V^iews. Federal Demonstrations. Grant, Smith, and 
Foote. Federal Advance. River-Defenses. Letter of Hon. James E. Saunders. Gen- 
eral Johnston's Appeal for Reenforcements. Directions for Defense. Floyd detached. 
General Johnston's Strength. Condition of Fort Henry. Gilmer's Report. Firing on the 
Fort. Tilghman's Strength. Tilghman's Telegrams. Reenforcements sent. Tilghman's 
Movements. The Attack and Bombardment. Defense. Surrender. Loss. Phelps up 
the Tennessee. 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 
Fort Donelson ......... 433 

Preparations for Defense. Concentration. Federal Strength. Demoralization. Military Crit- 
icism. Encouragement. Skirmish. Strength of Position. Plan to abandon it. General 
Johnston's Orders. Floyd's Vacillation. Explanation. Floyd's Plan. General Johnston's 
Plan. Defenses and Topography. Confederate Troops. Federal Troops. Design of Ad- 
vance. Delay. Advance. Battle of tue Tkenches. Apathy of Defenders. Gunboat 
Disabled. Death of Dixon. Battle of the GrNBOATS. Repulse. Important Order. 
Authority and Responsibility. A Quiet Day. Abortive Sortie. Divided Counsels. Fed- 
eral Reenforcements. Exaggerated Reports. Discouragement. Sortie agreed on. Bat- 
tle OP Dover. The Attack. Federal Strength. "Well-matched Antagonists. Fight on 
the Left. Brown's Assault. Hanson's Assault. "Wynn's Road cleared. Cessation of 
Conflict. The Critical Moment. Recall of Troops. Grant's Advance. Grant and Smith. ^. 
Assault by Federal Left. Capture of Outwork. Close of Battle. Losses. Confederate 
Victory telegraphed. Sortie planned. Forrest's Reconnaissance. Council of "War. Dis- 
cussion of Surrender. Escape of Floyd and Pillow. The Breaking-up. Prisoners. Sur- 
render. Consequences. Terms of Surrender. Confederate Strength and Losses. Federal 
Strength and Losses. Value of the Fort. Separation of Army. News of Surrender. Con- 
gressional Inquiry. General Johnston's Inquiry. Governor Johnson's Oi>inion. 

Appendices . . . . . . . . . . 477 



(\ 



Xvi CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER XXIX. p^oj. 

The Retreat from Bowling Green ...... 484 

General Johnston's Strategy discussed. Mr. Swinton's Extraordinary Statement. Memoran- 
dum of Conference held by Generals Johnston, Beauregard, and Hardee. Plan of Cam- 
paign. Military Prophecy. Colonel Schaller's Account. Kesolve to retreat. Munford's 
Account. John C. Brown. Preparations for Retreat. Protests of the Kentuckians. Colo- 
nel Woolley's Account of General Johnston's Work at Bowling Green. Evacuation of 
Bowling Green. The March. Kentucky Brigade. Precautions. Donelson surrendered. 
At Nashville. Munford's Account. Panic and Mob. Floyd. Eetreat. Forrest. Govern- 
or Harris. Letter to the Secretary of War. 

CHAPTER XXX. 
From Murfreesboro to Corinth ....... 500 

Change in Plans. Corinth determined on as a Centre. Letter from Beauregard. Eeenforce- 
ments and Arms. Power of Local Demands. General Johnston's Eeview of the Situa- 
tion. Plan of Concentration. Testimony of Preston, Whitthorne, Harris, and Tate. 
Choice of Route. A Difficult Eetreat. Eeorganization at Murfreesboro. The Eetreat. 
Morgan's First Eaids. The March. Public Terror and Fury. Exasperation against Gen- 
eral Johnston. Demands for his Eemoval. The Press. Prominent Officials. President 
Davis's Firmness.- Attacks in Congress. General Johnston's Serenity. Steadfast Friends. 
Moral Power and Confidence of Final Success. Floyd and Pillow again. Correspondence 
between President Davis and General Johnston. Success the Test of Merit. Colonel 
Jack's Account of President Davis and General Loe. Concentration completed. 

CHAPTER XXXI. 

PiTTSBtTRG LaNPING ......... 523 

The War in Missouri. Price and McCuUoch. Dissensions. Van Dorn put in Command. 
Curtis's Army. Battle of Elkhorn, or Pea Eidge. Beauregard in West Tennessee. 
Evacuation of Columbus. Island No. 10. Pope's Expedition. Grant's Expedition up 
the Tennessee. Plan and Movements. Pittsburg Landing. The Army. Shiloh. Its 
Strength. Maps. Aggressive Purjjose. Overweening Confidence. Topography of the 
Country and of the Battle-field. A Natural Stronghold. What Sherman has said of it. 
False Security. Campaign concerted between Buell and Halleck. Buell's Movements. 
The Federal Strength. Distances. 

Appendix .......... 537 

CHAPTER XXXII. 
Concentration at Corinth ........ 538 

Strategic Importance. The Concentration. The Initiative. Johnston's Objective Point. 
Beauregard's Plan and Letter. Beauregard's Eeport of Shiloh. Van Dorn. General 
Johnston's Personal Stafif. Braxton Bragg. Johnston's Offer to Beauregard. Governor 
Johnsou's Protest. The Resolve to attack. General E. E. Lee's Letter. Plan of Battle. 
Comments. Johnston's Telegram. 
Appendix .......... 555 

Orders. 

CHAPTER XXXIII. 
Battle of Shiloh — Before the Battle ...... 489 

General Johnston's Prediction. Anticipation of Battle. Strength of Federal Position. Beau- 
regard's Eeport. Bragg's Sketch of Preliminaries. The Resolve to attack. Its Origin. 
General Lee's Letter. Preparations. Attempt to employ Negroes. General Johnston's 
Telegram. Orders of March. Enthusiasm of Troops. The Army marches. Field-Map. 
Distribution of Arms. Bad Roads. Skirmish on April 4th. Explanation of Orders. Provi- 
dential Storm. Under Arms. Reckless Fusillade. Careless Pickets. First Line of Battle. 
Personal Movements of General Johnston. Morning of the 5th. "This is not War!" 
Delay. Its Causes. Rawness of the Army. A M.ajestic Presence. Encouraging the 
Troops. Address to Army. The Council of War. Beauregard for Eetreat. Johnston's 



CONTENTS. XVii 

PAGE 

Decision, and Reasons. Confederate Array. Sherman's Theory. Reconnaissance. False 
Security. "Was it a Surprise 1 Federal Array. The Opponents. 

CHAPTER XXXIY. 
Battle of Shiloh. — Sunday : 

I. Morning. ......... 582 

A Glorious Dawn. Exultation of the Commander. The Issue formulated. Map. Winged 

Words. Chieftain and Clansmen. Valor and Enthusiasm. The First Gun. The Start. 
Beauregard's Summary. Difficulties of Description. Skirmishing. The First Collision. 
The Onset. Hildebrand routed. Prentiss driven back. The Surprise. Reenforcements. 
Sherman's Stronghold. Cleburne's Assault. A Repulse. General Johnston on the Right. 
Rout of Federal Front. Sherman broken. Sherman routed. Confederate Right. Fed- 
eral Left turned. Plan of Battle discussed. 

II. Mid-day 599 

New Line of Battle. Second Engagement. Polk on the Centre. Confederate Alignment. Ter- 
rible Fighting. Grant's Personal Movements. Grant and Buell. Federal Left falls back. 
The Combat. " The Hornet's Nest." Wallace and Prentiss. Gibson's Assaults. Ander- 
son's, Polk's, and Cheatham's Assaults. Hardee and Sherman. The Kentucklans. Cle- 
burne's Brigade. Confusion there. Confederate Centre and Right. Hurlbut's Position. 
The Federal Key. Statham's Attack. Stubborn Resistance. A Memorable Charge. 
Governor Harris's Account. Breckinridge's Rally. General Johnston leads the Charge. 
Victory and Death. Harris's Narrative. Incidents of Death. Beauregard in Command. 

III. Afternoon .......•• 61G> 

Dislocation of Commands. Regularity in Development of Plan. Duke's Comments. Map 

(Third Position). Development of Plan. Regularity and Impetuosity. Impulse of Lead- 
ership. Slaughter. Momentum of Success. The Crisis. Lull along the Line. Third 
Engagement. Rugglos masses Artillery. Polk and Bragg against Wallace and Prentiss. 
Crushing Assault— Wallace killed, Prentiss captured. Bragg's and Hardee's Summaries. 
The Field swept. The Rout. The Last Assault. Buell at Pittsburg Landing. A Routed 
Army. 

IV. A Victory lost ........ 627 

Beauregard's Theory of Shiloh. His Report. Fatal Order to retire. Jordan's Statements. 

Errors corrected. The Evidence— Governor Harris. Hardee and Cleburne. Polk's Re- 
port. Bragg's Report. Bragg's Sketch. Jordan's Statement. Withers's and Ruggles's 
Reports. Gibson's and Gilmer's Letters. Duke's "Life of Morgan." Jordan's " Life of 
Forrest." Chahners's Account. Consequences of the Mistake. A Fruitless Field. 

CHAPTER XXXV. 

I. The Night of the 6th ........ 639 

The Withdrawal. Estimated Losses. Polk's Position. Bombardment and Tempest. Beau- 
regard's Headquarters. Reenforcements. The Respite improved. Federal Orders for 
Attack. Buell's Statements. The Remnant of Grant's Army. 

II. The Battle of Monday . . . . . . .643 

Renewal of Battle. Federal AUgnment. Confederate Right. The Attack on it. The Battle. 

Individual Heroism. Contradictory Orders. Buell's Attack. Battle at the Centre. At- 
tack by Grant's Army. Polk's Defense at Shiloh Church. Bragg resists Lew Wallace. 
The Kentucky Brigade. Beauregard retreats. The Rear-Guard. Abortive Pursuit. 
Forrest repulses Sherman. The Artillery. Rev. Robert Collyer's Account. Losses. The 
Fiercest Fight of the War. The Consequences. Grant, Sherman, and Buell. Amenities 
in War. End of the Campaign. 

Appendices .......... 661 

General Beauregard's Official Report. Killed, Wounded, and Missing. Field Return of the 
Confederate Forces that marched from Corinth to the Tennessee River. Field Return of 
the Army of tha Mississippi after the Battle of Shiloh. Field Return of the Army of the 
Mississippi before and after the Battle of Shiloh. Organization and Casualties of the Army 

2 



Xviii CONTENTS. 



PAGE 

of the Mississippi, April 6 and T, 1862. Organization, Stren^h, and Casualties, of Grant's 
Army at the Battle of Shiloh. United States Troops engaged at Shiloh. 



CHAPTER XXXVI. 

General Johnston in the Grave ....... 688 

From Shiloh to New Orleans. Sepulture and Public Sorrow. General Beauregard's Order. 
President Davis's Message. Confederate Congress. Legislature of Texas. Honors at 
New Orleans and Galveston. Official Brutality. Honors at Houston, Austin, and New 
Orleans, 

CHAPTER XXXVII. 

The End .......... 715 

Not reckless. Estimates of Character by Colonel Munford, by General Preston, by Major Hay- 
don, Colonel Jack. Reminiscences of Eev. K. D. Chapman, of Rev. E. Fontaine, of Dr. D. 
"W. Yandell. Description in Harjwr's Weekly. Estimate by Thomas F. McKinney, by the 
New York Times, by General William J. Worth. Reminiscences of Rev. Dr. Galleher, of 
Colonel J. W. Avery. Estimate by General W. C. Whitthorne. Anecdote by Lieutenant 
J. M. Fairbanks. Scott and Davis almost agree. Estimate by Judge Ballinger, by Colonel 
W. J. Green, by Governor I. G. Harris, by President Jefferson Davis, by Major Alfriend, by 
Professor A. T. Bledsoe, by General Richard Taylor. Epitaph by John B. 8. Dimitry. A 
Filial Estimate. The End. 



Index .......... VSY 



LIFE 



GENEEAL ALBEET SIDNEY JOHNSTON. 



CHAPTER I. 



FAMILY AND BOYHOOD. 



Albert Sidney Johnston was born on the 2d of February, 1803, 
in the village of AVashington, Mason County, Kentucky. He was the 
youngest son of Dr. John Johnston, a physician, and one of the early 
settlers of that town. Dr. Johnston's father, Archibald Johnston, was 
a native of Salisbury, Connecticut, and descended from a Scotch family 
of some property and local influence, settled in Salisbury. John John- 
ston, having received a liberal education at New Haven, and at the 
medical school at Litchfield, began the practice of his profession in his 
native town. In 1783, at the age of twenty-one, he married Mary Stod- 
dard, by whom he had three sons, Josiah Stoddard, Darius, and Orra- 
mel. In 1788 he removed to Kentucky, and settled at Washington, 
where he remained until his death in 1831. 

Mason County, which then included all the northern and eastern 
portion of Kentucky, in 1790 contained only 2,729 inliabitants, while 
the whole population of the Territory of Kentucky was less than 74,000. 
The country still suffered from Indian incursions across the Ohio, and 
was indeed the very frontier of civilization. But, although an outpost, 
this beautiful and fertile neighborhood already enjoyed the benefits of 
social order, and was fast filling up with substantial and educated fami- 
lies, principally from Virginia and Maryland. Dr. Johnston's skill and 
worth soon secured him not only a large practice, but the warm friend- 
ship of the best people, with whom he continued in the kindest relations 
during his whole life. 

Having lost his first wife in 1793, in the following year he married 
Abigail Harris, the daughter of Edward Harris, an old settler, who, with 



2 FAMILY AND BOYHOOD. 

his wife, had emigrated from Newburyport, Massachusetts, and whom 
a venerable citizen describes as " the old John Knox Presbyterian of 
the place ; " adding, " anecdotes are still told of the spirit and courage 
with which he defended his Church." One of General Johnston's ear- 
liest recollections was of his grandfather giving him money to buy a 
catechism. Edward Harris had been a Revolutionary soldier, and was 
appointed military storekeeper and postmaster at Washington, Ken- 
tucky, by President Washington. A letter to the Postmaster-General is 
still extant in which he resigns the latter office, because some new postal 
arrangement required him to open the mail on Sunday, which he could 
, not conscientiously do. The letter is a candid expression of very de- 
cided religious convictions, and is evidently the production of an edu- 
cated and thoughtful man. Edward Harris died in 1825, aged eighty- 
four years. He, at one time, owned a large body of land in Ohio, but 
lost it by the intrusion of squatters. Dr. Johnston's second wife lived 
about twelve years after her marriage, and died, leaving him six chil- 
dren — John Harris, Lucius, Anna Maria, Clarissa, Albert Sidney, and 
Eliza. Anna Maria married Mr. James Byers, Clarissa remained un- 
married, and Eliza married John A. McClung, distinguished first as a 
lawyer and afterward as a Presbyterian minister. Dr. Johnston subse- 
quently married Mrs. Byers, a widow with a large family of children, 
but there was no issue from this marriage. He died in 1831. Wonder 
was often expressed that he did not remove to a city, where his ac- 
knowledged skill would have secured adequate reward ; but it may be 
presumed that he fairly estimated his advantages, and was satisfied to 
be able to maintain and properly educate so large a family. This he 
did, giving all his children the best education that the times afi"orded. 
Though diligent and conscientious in his profession, he was not anxious 
to accumulate money, and late in life became poor from the payment 
of security debts. To discharge these he voluntarily gave up all his 
property ; his home was sold at public sale, but it was bought and 
restored to him by his eldest son, who had then become eminent and 
prosperous. Mr. J. S. Chambers, from whom these facts were obtained, 
adds: 

I alM^ays thought General Johnston inherited his frank, manly nature from 
his father. His mother was a gentle, quiet woman; while the old doctor was 
bold and blunt to a remarkable degree. He had no concealments, and was 
physically energetic, and mentally bold and independent. He had a large prac- 
tice, and was often called into consultation in difficult, or rather in desperate, 
cases. 

All the old citizens of Washington bear witness to his industry, 
skill, talents, and probity, and to his kind and genial temper. General 
Johnston's mother is spoken of by others as a woman of handsome per- 



BOYHOOD. 3 

son, fine intellect, and sterling worth ; but, whatever traits her children 
inherited from her, she died too young to have done much toward 
moulding their character. 

The boyhood of Albert Sidney Johnston was a fit prelude to his 
after-life. Though his father's means were narrow, yet the education 
which he had, at whatever personal inconvenience, bestowed upon all 
his children, could not fail to exercise a liberalizing influence on his 
household. The habits of all classes at that time were plain and unos- 
tentatious ; but this family was necessarily trained to a Spartan sim- 
plicity that was ever after the rule and habit of life most congenial to 
the subject of this memoir. Captain Wilson Duke, United States 
Navy, one of the choice friends of his youth, used laughingly to tell 
how he tore off his ruffled shirt-collar and hid his shoes on the road to 
school, from fear of Albert Johnston's ridicule. His intimate friends 
in those early days nearly all obtained more than ordinary positions in 
after-life. Among them were : Captain Wilson Duke, the father of the 
gallant General Basil W. Duke ; Captain William Smith, also of the 
United States Navy; Captain William Bickley, of the United States 
Army ; Hon. John D. Taj^lor, well known in the politics and jurispru- 
dence of Kentucky; Mr. Charles Marshall (known as Black Dan), Mr. 
John Green, and John A. McClung. 

Albert Sidney Johnston was endowed by nature with an ardent and 
enthusiastic temperament ; but to this were joined a solidity of judgment 
and a power of self-control, that early held it in check, and eventually 
so regulated it that it was only displayed in resolutions and actions 
requiring uncommon loftiness of soul. The feature of his character 
most remarked by his contemporaries was, in his early boyhood, an 
energy that made him an acknowledged leader among his comrades ; 
later, it was a self-contained dignity and reserved power that subjected 
aflfections, will, and passions, to the performance of duty. 

His eldest sister says of him that, when he was a boy, he was fear- 
less and impetuous ; but kind, affectionate, and just ; amenable to 
reason, and deferential to age. 

Mr. J. G. Hickman, of Maysville, writing in 1869, "after consult- 
ing all the old folk," says : 

My aunt and Mr. Lashbrooke remember General Johnston from his infancy ; 
and they say, as indeed all say, that there was great promise about him from 
his childhood. He was a handsome, proud, manly, earnest, and self-reliant 
boy ; and his success and distinction in after-life were only what were expected 
of him by those who knew him in his boyhood. Mr. Lashbrooke says he went 
to the same school with him, in 1811, to Mann Butler, a teacher of some dis- 
tinction in his day. He was distinguished, too, for his courage in boyhood and 
early manhood. "While he was a born gentleman, as they all say, and as far 
from being a bully as any boy in the world, yet he was one whom the bullies 



4 FAMILY AND BOYHOOD. 

left undisturbed. Colonel C. A. Marshall told me of one fellow about "Washing- 
ton who was proud of playing the bully, but who, to the amusement of the 
town, always skipped Albert Johnston and Black Dan Marshall, 

General Johnston sometimes told an anecdote of his early boyhood, 
from which he was wont to draw many a valuable moral. Playing 
marbles "for keeps" — a species of boyish gaming — was a favorite 
sport of his schoolboy days ; and be was so skillful and successful a 
marble-player that at one time he had won a whole jar full of white 
alleys, taws, potters, etc. It was then that the design entered his 
breast of winning all the marbles in the town, in the State, and event- 
ually in the world. Filled with enthusiasm at the vastness of his 
project, he cast about for the means ; and finally concluded, as the first 
step, to secure his acquisitions by burying them. He buried his jar 
very secretly, reserving only marbles enough " to begin life on." Pur- 
pose lent steadiness to his aim, so that again he beat all his rivals " in 
the ring," and added daily to his store. Only one competitor stood 
against him, whose resources seemed to consist not so much in skill 
as in an exhaustless supply of marbles, that were sacrificed with a 
recklessness arguing unlimited pocket-money. At last he, too, suc- 
cumbed, and the victor went with a jar larger than the first, to add it 
to his spoils. To his dismay, however, he found his hoard plundered 
and his treasure gone. The inferior, but desperate, marble-player had 
furtively watched him, robbed him, and then staked and lost his ill- 
gotten gains. The second jar contained the same marbles as the first, 
and larceny had contended for empire with ambition. General Johnston 
said that he felt the lesson as a distinct rebuke to his avarice and 
rapacity ; the plans he had built upon success vanished ; and he learned 
that world-Avide renown as a marble-player was merely " vanity and 
vexation of spirit." 

Mr. J. S. Chambers, writing in January, 1873, says : 

He was six or seven years my senior, yet I remember him with great dis- 
tinctness. He was my ieau-ideal of a manly, handsome boy. He went to 
school for several years to James Grant, about one mile and a half west of 
Washington, He was active and energetic in the athletic games of the period, 
and fond of hunting on Saturdays, and always stood well in his classes, having 
a special talent for mathematics. He was grave and thoughtful in his deport- 
ment, but, when drawn out, talked well, and was considered by his associates 
and teachers as a boy of fine capacity. 

When he was nearly fifteen years of age his father yielded to his 
wishes, and sent him to a school in Western Virginia ; but he was 
disappointed in its character, and remained only one session. He was 
afterward, for a short time, in the drug-store of Mr. Thomas Duke ; 
but, whether with the intention of adopting trade or medicine as a line 
of life, we are not informed. Throughout life he showed an uncommon 



EDUCATION. 5 

knowledge of physiology, and acquaintance with medical practice ; due 
in part, perhaps, to this apprenticeship, but probably still more to the 
informal instruction of his father. 

Colonel C. Marshall, writing with reference to this period of his life, 
says : 

His dignified bearing, bis reserved and quiet manners, even at that time, I 
can recall. The influence be always possessed with the young men of bis own 
age, and bis habitual interference for the protection of the smaller and weaker 
boys, are well remembered. 

He was then sent to Transylvania, where he remained a session, 
the room-mate of his townsman, John D. Taylor, who was of his own 
age, and who wrote concerning him : 

Nature bad endowed him with a genius and fondness for mathematics, 
which enabled him to bold a high position in his class at Transylvania. 

He studied hard, but at the end of the term became restless, from 
a desire to enter the navy. The gallant achievements of the American 
Navy in the war against Great Britain, and the subsequent daring 
exploits of Decatur at Algiers, had doubtless inspired him with the 
desire to emulate these high examples. His friends Duke and Smith, 
under the same impulse, sought and obtained warrants as midshipmen. 
But this project received no favor at home. His father and family 
opposed it ; and, in order to divert his mind from brooding over a plan 
on which he had set his heart, it was proposed that he should accom- 
pany his sister, Mrs. Byers, and her husband, who were going to Loui- 
siana. In the autumn of 1819 he went with them to the parish of 
Rapides, whither all his brothers had preceded him, and made a visit 
to his eldest brother, Josiah Stoddard Johnston. This visit was 
attended with important consequences to the adventurous youth, 
changing the theatre of his ambition from sea to land. Indeed, as 
the youngest son, the Benjamin of the household, sent to this new 
land of plenty by the old man, his father, he was received with a 
double portion of kindness by the elder brother, who, now in middle 
life, had already achieved a conspicuous position. 

It will not be inappropriate here to give a brief account of the 
brothers of Albert Sidney Johnston, since a strong family likeness to 
" the old man, their father," and to each other, serves in some measure 
to throw light upon his character. It has been already mentioned that 
the immigration to Mason County had brought with it a degree of 
wealth, culture, and social order, unusual in new communities, to which 
was joined the enterprise that had peopled the wilderness. The intel- 
lectual vigor of the settlers is evinced in the " Kentucky Law Reports " 
of an early period, which show legal ability and acumen rare in any 



6 FAMILY AND BOYHOOD. 

country. Nowhere were the characteristic traits of Kentucky people 
more fully displayed than in Mason County, from whose pioneer fami- 
lies proceeded many noted men ; but from under no roof-tree went 
forth a hardier brood than from that which sheltered the boyhood of 
Albert Sidney Johnston, First among his brothers in age and emi- 
nence was Josiah Stoddard Johnston. The following facts, obtained 
from a sketch of him by Hon. Henry D. Gilpin, of Philadelphia, and 
from other sources, will give some idea of his career. 

Born in Salisbury, Connecticut, November 24, 1784, he was taken 
to Kentucky by his father at an early age. When twelve years old his 
father carried him to New Haven, Connecticut, to school, where he 
remained some years ; but he completed his academic education at 
Transylvania University, Lexington, Kentucky, and then studied law 
with the famous George Nicholas. His acquirements were solid, and 
his reading choice and various. In 1805 he emigrated to the Territory 
of Louisiana, lately acquired from the French, and then sparsely set- 
tled by a rude population. Settling at Alexandria, at that time a 
frontier village, he devoted himself to the practice of law, and rapidly 
gained wealth and distinction. His firm yet gentle temper and strong 
sense of justice kept him free from the personal collisions that marked 
the period and region, and, indeed, enabled him to maintain the hon- 
orable character of an umpire in an unorganized society, so that he 
was called "the Peacemaker," while his education and talents placed 
him in the front rank of the leaders of public opinion. He was elected 
to the first Territorial Legislature, and continued a member of that 
body until Louisiana became a State in 1812. He held the position of 
district judge from 1812 to 1821. Toward the close of the war, when 
Louisiana was invaded by the British, he was elected to the command 
of a regiment of volunteers, which he had aided in raising, and to 
equip which he had from his own means bought a large quantity of 
arms and ammunition ; but, though they joined General Jackson, it 
was too late to share in the decisive victory of January 8, 1815. In 
1814 he married Miss Eliza Sibley, the daughter of Dr. John Sibley, 
of Natchitoches, a lady of rare personal and intellectual attractions. 
In 1821 he was elected to the Seventeenth Congress, and in 1823 to 
the Senate of the United States ; in 1825 he was reelected ; and in 
1831 he was chosen again by a Legislature opposed to him in political 
opinion. These successive trusts were justified by the fidelity and suc- 
cess with which they were discharged ; and his last election was due to 
the conviction that his continuance in the Senate was necessary to the 
welfare of the State. As a member of that body, though he did not 
decline to take part in the exciting political contests then waged, his 
chief attention was directed to the advancement of the material inter- 
ests of the country. Although not a brilliant orator, he was a clear 



JOSIAH STODDARD JOUNSTON. 7 

and forcible speaker, and always commanded the ear of the Senate. 
As chairman of the Committee on Commerce, and as a member of 
the Committee on Finance, he brought to bear an untiring industry 
that mastered the details, while it grasped the principles of whatever 
subjects came before him ; and this not only by the study of books, 
but by conference with practical men and by severe, independent 
thought. Hence his reports and speeches, which were marked by the 
directness of his mind and the unselfishness of his political character, 
were listened to with respect even by his opponents, while his amiabil- 
ity and forbearance secured him a large personal influence. He enjoyed 
a very close friendship with Mr. Clay, with whom he was in political 
affiliation. He opposed the doctrine of Nullification, and was a leading 
advocate for a carefully-guarded protective tariff which, by a judicious 
adjustment of duties, should advance American industry. But, while 
he was a close student of the history and Constitution of the United 
States, and a representative diligent in the protection of his constitu- 
ents, his position in reference to the commerce of the country called 
his attention to questions of even wider range. It is to his credit that, 
with an enlightened benevolence and enlarged view of international 
law, he strenuously pressed upon the Government the duty of seeking 
a mitigation of the laws of maritime war. To this end he urged espe- 
cially that neutral vessels should protect the goods on board to whom- 
soever they might belong ; and that articles contraband of war should 
be limited to the smallest possible number of such as are of direct use 
and essential in their operations. 

Mr. Johnston was somewhat below middle size, of graceful person, 
handsome countenance, and most winning manners. The testimony of 
his contemporaries represents him as a firm yet moderate partisan ; a 
statesman of singularly disinterested views ; a most steadfast and loyal 
friend ; and a man of warm, pure afi'ections, cheerful, generous, and 
honorable. The happy influence of such a character and career upon a 
band of younger brothers cannot be over-estimated, especially when they 
saw virtue crowned with a success which met neither check nor reverse 
from its beginning in 1805 to the close of an honored life in 1833. He 
was a man well beloved, and well deserving the love of his fellow-men. 
His conduct toward his brothers not only illustrates the warmth of his 
affections, but exerted a powerful influence over the destinies of his 
family. As they approached man's estate he directed and aided in 
their education, invited them to his home, and advanced them in their 
professions. 

' Darius was graduated at Transylvania, and studied law with Hon. 
William T. Barry, afterward Postmaster-General. Orramel and Harris 
were thoroughly trained, under the eye of their eldest brother, by pri- 
vate tutors ; the former completing the study of medicine in New Or- 



8 FAMILY AND BOYHOOD. 

leans, and the latter studying law with Judge Alexander Porter, an 
eminent jurist. Darius and Orramel, however, took part in the Mexi- 
can War of Independence ; and, although they survived to return it 
was with constitutions ruined by hardship, fever, and imprisonment 
so that the former soon died, and the latter survived only a few years. 
Lucius, who was said to possess fine oratorical powers went to Louisi- 
ana with the view of becoming a planter ; but in the second year of his 
residence succumbed to a prevalent malignant fever, when only twenty- 
four years old. These were all remembered as young men of much 
promise. John Harris Johnston, with better fortune, at once made his 
way at the bar, and was also several times elected to the State Legisla- 
ture. He was then chosen district judge ; which position, after some 
years, he resigned, to take the place of parish judge, which he held un- 
til his death in 1838. He was a remarkably handsome man, with fine 
legal abilities and great industrj'^, and with the same amiability that 
characterized his brothers. As Josiah S. Johnston showed to his 
brothers of the half-blood the same affection and kindness as to his own 
brothers, so to him and his memory were returned a gratitude and 
devotion that lost none of their warmth by lapse of years. Not many 
years before his own death. General Johnston said to the writer, with 
great feeling, " I am more indebted to my brother Stoddard for what- 
ever I am, than to any other man." He taught his children to love and 
revere the memory of this generous brother and his good wife. 

In the course of a winter passed most pleasantly in Louisiana, Albert 
Sidney Jolmston yielded his purpose to enter the navy, in deference to 
his brother's advice, and consented to return to Transylvania Universi- 
ty. Once resolved, he reentered with ardor and steady industry on his 
collegiate course at Lexington, where he remained two years. Tran- 
sylvania University, though planted almost in the wilderness, had the 
good fortune to be under able direction, and had thus acquired great 
reputation as a seat of learning. It was the Alma Mater of many 
illustrious men, among whom is Jefferson Davis. In his own reminis- 
cences of his college-life, General Johnston spoke with great respect 
of the eminent talents and distinguished urbanity of Dr. Holley, the 
president ; and with affectionate remembrance of Mr. and Mrs. De- 
weese, the amiable friends with whom he boarded, and by whom he 
was treated like a kinsman. He not only advanced himself in his 
mathematics during his stay at Transylvania, but obtained a very 
thorough training in the Latin classics, and an acquaintance with other 
branches of learning that were useful to him later in life. Twenty-five 
3'ears afterward he read and construed Sallust with considerable facility. 
But his preference was for mathematics and the natural sciences. Mr. 
John P. Morton, of Louisville, who sat next him in class, says, " He 
was conspicuous for always knowing his lessons." 



ANECDOTES. 9 

He was undoubtedly a hard student, and he met his reward in the 
form he most desired. After the check given to his wish to enter the 
navy, the desire to become a soldier had entirely supplanted it ; and in 
this hope his eldest brother had indulged him. In 1822 Josiah S. 
Johnston, being then a member of Congress from Louisiana, procured 
for him an appointment to the Mihtary Academy at West Point ; and 
he entered on his preparation for the military career with an enthusiasm 
that had in it almost the spirit of consecration. His sister, Mrs. Byers, 
supplies a little anecdote that may be related here. He had a beautiful 
riding-horse, which he thought of selling ; but, as the time approached 
for his departure, he would turn his favorite out of the stable, and 
watch his graceful movements as he enjoyed the freedom of the pasture. 
When about to go, he gave him to his sister, saying : " I cannot sell 
that horse ; he might fall into hands where he would be badly treated ; 
but you will use him well." Mrs. Byers says : " His dog and his horse 
he always treated with the kindest consideration. I have often known 
him to walk, and lead his horse, when it had become fatigued." This 
trait grew upon him with years, and his comrades and followers can 
attest the benevolence that noted and regarded every sign of fatigue 
or suffering in animals under his control. 

The writer recalls many lessons from his father to impress upon him 
that a man has no right to inflict upon any creature of God unnecessary 
pain. He would habitually turn aside from treading upon a worm in 
his path ; but there was no morbid sentimentality in this, as he enjoyed 
field-sports moderately. He preferred, however, not to injure the most 
insignificant beings. It may not be amiss to give here another little 
anecdote, that shows in part bow his habits of self-control were formed. 
The same sister tells how, when he was a lad fourteen years old, on 
one occasion, " though not in the habit of giving way to anger," he 
entirely lost patience, after having repeatedly tried in vain to pull on a 
tight boot, and at last threw it violently out of the window. She gave 
him a gentle and rather playful rebuke, at which he left the room with 
a look of quiet defiance, but soon returned with the boot, and silently 
set it against the wall. No further allusion was made to it. When ten 
years later he visited his family, Mr. Byers presented him with a fine 
rifle. He loaded the rifle to try it ; but, on attempting to shoot, it 
snapped. He examined it, and tried again ; again it snapped ; and so 
on for several times. At last, he quietly put it down, saying, " This is 
a very fine rifle, but it needs oiling." His sister, who had been admir- 
ing his patience and calmness, said, " I wonder you did not strike it 
across the railing." He laughed, and replied: " You remember the hoot, 
I have not forgotten it ; but I have learned that a soldier should have 
perfect control of himself, to be able to control others." That this was 
not a young man's idle boast, subsequent events will show. 



10 FAMILY AND BOYHOOD. 

Poets, wits, and men of letters, often exhibit precocious signs of 
coming greatness ; " Pope lisped in numbers," and " Poor Goldsmith " 
jested as a boy ; but the youth of men of action is usually spent in 
uneventful preparation for the work before them, and their early record 
is generally unmarked by interesting incidents, or wise and witty say- 
ings. The chief value of what little can be gathered of the youth of 
Albert Sidney Johnston lies in its entire consistency with his after-life. 
It is in this view that such glimpses of his boyhood, and life at West 
Point, as can be collected, are here given. On his way to West Point 
he first met Nathaniel J. Eaton, with whom he formed a friendship 
that subsisted for nearly forty years. The steadiness and loyalty of 
this attachment will receive ample illustration in these pages ; but 
Captain Eaton's own account manifests both his enthusiasm and the 
deep and earnest nature of his friend. In a letter of January 1, 1873, 
he says ; 

I first met Albert Sidney Johnston in June, 1822, on board the little steamer 
Fire-Fly, on the North River, as we were going to West Point to be examined 
for admission as cadets in the Military Academy. He was a full-grown man, of 
commanding figure and imposing presence. He was then a little over nineteen 
years old ; and I was a stripling of a boy, not quite fifteen years old, and as 
green as I was young. The notice your father took of me, and bis kindness of 
manner toward me, made a deep impression on my heart ; and now, after the 
lapse of more than half a century, I often think of it very pleasantly. We 
arrived at West Point on Saturday evening ; and the next morning, which was 
bright and beautiful, as your father and I stood on the veranda on the north side 
of the old " South Barracks," looking at the parade and inspection of the corps 
of cadets, and listening to the music of the band, he laid his hand on my head 
and said kindly, " Well, my young friend, what do you think of that ? " His 
manner was most kind, and filled the measure of youthful love, respect, and, I 
may say, reverence, that I had for him ; and to this day it remains as fresh, as 
bright, and as pleasant to me as it was then. But it was many years after that 
before I dared to hope that the warm regard I had for him was reciprocated. 
He was a reticent man, as you know, and was undemonstrative. Besides, he 
was five years my senior, and was even then a man of a good deal of culture. 
Hence there was but little social intercourse between us while we were together 
at the Academy. But on joining my regiment in 1827, at Jefferson Barracks, 
the gallant old Sixth Infantry of glorious memory, I was cordially greeted by 
your father, who had been assigned to that regiment. We were on very pleas- 
ant terms, but his reticence and dignity of manners prevented me from knowing 
exactly how I stood with him ; and it was not until I took leave of him, when 
about to start on furlough in the fall of 1828, that I was able to penetrate be- 
neath his reserve of manner. But his cordial grasp, as I shook hands with him 
and bade him good-by, and his hearty " God bless you, Eaton ! " revealed what 
I had for years yearned to know, that my warm feelings for him were recipro- 
cated ; and I think those feelings were never for a moment alienated ; so that, 
when he fell at Shiloh, I felt as if I had lost a brother. 

That the friend so cherished had desired and valued this boyish 



WEST POINT LIFE. n 

devotion is proved by a letter of General Johnston's from Utah, in 1858. 
He writes to Captain Eaton : 

I have known you long ; more than the lifetime of a generation. I remem- 
ber when I first saw you on North Eiver. The son of a noble patriot could 
not fail to attract my attention ; and, although you were much my junior, I felt 
a desire for your friendship, which in the course of time I acquired. I need 
not say that it was reciprocal, and in all that time not one incident has oc- 
curred to mar a friendship purely disinterested. 

To many a veteran soldier, this little episode will serve to recall like 
friendships, prompted by the same scenes and similar emotions, and 
cemented by sincere esteem ; and to none, indeed, can the spectacle 
be altogether indifferent of the honorable sympathy of young and 
ardent souls ripening into enduring regard. 

Colonel N. C. Macrae, who was his classmate, says : 

His whole career at "West Point was marked by a staid firmness, not always 
found among young gentlemen. He commanded the respect of all who knew 
him. 

Colonel William H. C. Bartlett says : 

No one of his large class at the Academy enjoyed more than he the respect 
of all who knew him, and none had a larger share of the affectionate regards of 
his classmates. His nature was truly noble, and untainted by anything small or 
contracted. 

Colonel Edward B, White saj-s : 

During our few years at West Point, he was esteemed by us all as a hio-b- 
minded, honorable gentleman and soldier, for whom we entertained much aflfec- 
tion, and whose death was unaffectedly mourned by the few of us who survive. 
He was, as a mark of his good conduct and soldierly bearing, a non-commis- 
sioned and commissioned officer of the corps of cadets, I think, during his 
whole term ; a distinction much valued and desired by all of us; and, during the 
last or graduating year, was adjutant of the corps, which he preferred to a cap- 
taincy, which my contemporary Bartlett says was at his option. 

Hon. Jefferson Davis says : 

He was sergeant-major, and afterward was selected by the commandant for 
the adjutancy, then the most esteemed office in the corps. 

And adds : 

He was not a hard student, though a fair one. His quickness supplied this 
defect. He did not have an enemy in the corps, or an unkind feeling to any 
one, though he was select in his associates. 

The testimony of others might be adduced to the same purport ; 
suffice it to say, however, that he pursued the prescribed course at the 
Military Academy with diligence and success. 



12 FAMILY AND BOYHOOD. 

The struggles of the South American republics for independence, and 
the revolt of Greece against Turkey, had excited the warmest interest 
in the United States ; and the poetry of Byron and the eloquence of 
Clay found an echo in the feelings and opinions of the young men at the 
Military Academy. Johnston and some others were approached by the 
agents of the revolutionary governments. The era of profound peace 
that was evidently opening before the United States was contrasted with 
other arenas which seemed to offer the most splendid prizes to military 
talent and ambition ; and it was seriously discussed among the more 
adventurous cadets whether aid to the nationalities striving for liberty 
against oppression was not a more pressing call than the routine service 
of the United States Army. Fortunately, prudent counsels prevailed ; 
but General Johnston, many years after, spoke of it to the writer as a 
strong temptation wisely resisted. He stated that this incident had 
directed his attention to the careers of men who had enlisted in a for- 
eign army, and that his observation was that the greater the services 
rendered by them the more jealously were they regarded by the native 
rulers, and that this prejudice against the foreigner was sure to thwart 
their ablest efforts, I think he cited, as one instance, General Woll, 
of the Mexican Army, a Belgian, whom he esteemed as its best soldier. 

The circumstances attending the graduation of Albert Sidney John- 
ston were somewhat unusual. He had won his way by hard labor to a 
grade in mathematical attainment only excelled by W. H. C, Bartlett, 
afterward distinguished as a professor of the institution, to whom he 
accorded an easy eminence ; and by Mr, Twiss, who was inferior to 
Bartlett only. Mr, Davis says : 

Johnston did not highly value class-standing, but was anxious for a thorough 
knowledge of the course. 

He devoted himself earnestly to the preparation for the examina- 
tion, and was satisfied with his mastery of the whole course except two 
problems ; but, when he was called upon to come forward, the subject 
presented to him for discussion was one of these very problems. He 
was compelled to decline, hoping for better fortune next time ; but, 
to his dismay, by a coincidence not included in his doctrine of chances, 
the professor gave him the other neglected problem. He was again 
obliged to say that he was unprepared. He was ordered to take his 
seat; but, feeling that his reputation and future standing were at 
stake, he briefly yet forcibly stated the fact that these were the only 
two exceptions to his knowledge of the course. The superintendent 
sternly ordered him to take his seat, which he did. If the matter had 
ended here, he would probably have lost his commission as well as his 
grade ; but, as soon as the class was dismissed, he sent a written com- 
munication to the examiners, stating the facts, and challenging the 



GRADUATION AND FRIENDS. 13 

most rigorous examination. There was some indisposition to grant 
the reexamination ; but it was finally accorded to him, through the 
friendly intervention of General Worth, then commandant of the Corps 
of Cadets, who had been greatly pleased with his bearing under such' 
difficult circumstances, as well as with his previous conduct as a cadet. 
It was a most trying ordeal. The board took him at his word, and 
gave him a long and most searching examination ; after which, how- 
ever, in spite of a reduction on account of his misadventure, and of a 
want of skill in drawing, he was graded eighth in his class. He was 
not only grateful to Worth for this good turn, but always retained an 
admiration for him as a dashing soldier. Worth had a large measure 
of knowledge and experience, and was full of martial spirit and gener- 
osity, which, with his handsome person and gallant bearing, made him 
a model for these young soldiers. He always treated Johnston with 
marked consideration ; and, after the Mexican War, recommended him 
as leader for a difficult enterprise. 

When Albert Sidney Johnston was graduated, in June, 182G, he was 
entitled, by virtue of his rank in his class, to select which arm of the 
service he preferred. Had a cavalry corps then existed, his tastes 
would have led him to enter it ; but as between the artillery, then 
generally stationed in the seaboard fortresses, usually considered 
preferable, and the infantry, which was employed in more active service 
on the frontier, he chose the latter. He was accordingly assigned to 
the Second Infantry, with the rank of brevet second-lieutenant, to take 
date from July 1, 1836, with a furlough until the 1st of November. He 
left the Military Academy with very kind feelings to his classmates, 
and with a high regard for the institution, which he retained through 
life. His recollections of Prof. Mcllvaine, then chaplain at West Point, 
and afterward Bishop of Ohio, were especially kindly. Hon. Jefferson 
Davis says : 

Johnston valued one feature of cadet-life very much, the opportunity to 
select one's own acquaintance from congeniality of tastes, which was denied to 
the officer in barracks. 

The subsequent careers of his friends is the best justification of his 
discrimination. Leonidas Polk, of Tennessee, subsequently Bishop of 
Louisiana, and a lieutenant-general in the Confederate service, was his 
room-mate and intimate friend ; and General Johnston never slackened 
in his affection for him, which was based upon a perfect confidence in 
his nobility of soul. He confirmed the reasonable opinion that Polk's 
religious development was the natural outgrowth of habits and beliefs 
cherished as a cadet. A single letter, written him in 1827, by Polk, 
who was still a cadet, remains. It is that of one intimate friend to 
another, on topics personal or pertaining to the Academy. Robert 



14 EARLY ARMY-LIFE. 

Anderson, afterward famous for his defense of Fort Sumter, was 
another close friend at West Point. Some of their correspondence yet 
remains. 

Among his friends at the Military Academy were William Bickley, 
his townsman, Daniel S. Donelson, of Tennessee, afterward a gallant 
general in the Confederate service ; Berrien, of Georgia ; the veteran 
Maynadier ; Bradford, a grandson of the first printer in Kentucky ; W. 
H. C. Bartlett, already mentioned ; and Lucien Bibb, the son of Hon. 
George M. Bibb, and a noble, graceful man of genius. 

His most intimate friend was Bennett H. Henderson, some time 
assistant professor at West Point, a man of brilliant talents, who 
resigned and began the practice of the law in St. Louis, but met an 
early and accidental death. Jeiferson Davis, who was two classes 
below Johnston in the Academy, formed with him a fast friendship, 
that grew and strengthened, and knew neither decay nor end. There 
were others for whom Albert Sidney Johnston entertained a warm and 
lasting regard, and to whom, it is hoped, these pages may recall pleas- 
ant passages of youthful fellowship and happiness ; but we refrain 
from further detail. It was a society of young, ardent, and generous 
spirits, in which prevailed general good feeling and little bitterness — a 
generation of brave spirits, steadfast and reflective, but beyond com- 
parison ardent and generous. 



CHAPTER II. 

EAELT AEMT-LIFE. 



Little of general interest remains, either in documentary form or 
in the memories of men, respecting the early years of Albert Sidney 
Johnston's army-life. He passed the furlough granted after graduation 
in Kentucky with his father. The following incident of this visit is 
related in a letter from a friend, some five years General Johnston's 
junior, and still living in Kentucky, highly respected : 

Our intercourse was always pleasant, and to me instructive and highly- 
valued and sought after. At that time the social life of young men in Ken- 
tucky, more I think than at present, was stained with the vice of gaming, which 
threw them into associations at other times unwillingly acknowledged. I did 
not escape. Your father on one occasion, as I was quitting one of the dens, at 
that day open at all hours, joined me, and, proposing a walk, introduced the 
subject of games and gaming, not as a mentor or moral lecturer — for against 
such a one I might have rebelled — but with many anecdotes of his early friends, 



WASHINGTON SOCIETY. 15 

whose lives had been marred, and in some instances disgraced, by the habit. 
He turned to me : " Come, my friend, I wish to teach you a game more intel- 
lectual than whist or any game of cards. It needs no betting to make it inter- 
esting; and, indeed, the interest would bo spoiled by a bet." "With that, we 
went to his room at your grandfather's, and, for the first time, he introduced 
me to the chess-board, and taught me the game. I shall never forget the 
patience with which he, an accomplished player, instructed me in tlie moves 
and principles of the game ; and frequently in after-life I have felt that nothing 
but a desire to save and reform me, which to a great extent was effectual, could 
have prompted his action. 

This kind of personal effort for the good of others is commonly 
given more grudgingly than advice, or even than money ; but it does 
more good than either, because it evinces sympathy, and not merely 
benevolence. 

In explaining to the writer that he had divested himself of all claim 
to some land in which he was supposed to be interested, General John- 
ston wrote, December 20, 1858 : 

My grandfather, Edward Harris, gave to my brother, J. II. Johnston, my 
sisters, and myself, 640 acres of land in Ohio. "When I came of age I gave to 
Mr. Byers my interest in this land, and whatever else I inherited from my 
father, being a share in a small farm, a few negroes, and a homestead of small 
value. It was not much, but, whatever it was, I gave it all for the benefit of 
my sisters. 

My recollection is, that my father told me that his brothers united 
in this action. 

During the fall of 1826 Lieutenant Johnston accepted an invitation 
from his brother, then in the United States Senate, to visit him at 
Washington City. Senator Johnston at that time occupied an enviable 
position, socially and politicall}', at the seat of government. As the 
trusted friend of Mr. Clay, then Secretary of State, he gave an inde- 
pendent support to President Adams's Administration; while he en- 
joyed, nevertheless, very cordial relations with the best people of all 
parties. Mrs. Johnston was a person of great vivacity and amiability, 
and her grace of manner and social tact made their house one of the 
most attractive at the capital. In a letter written to Lieutenant John- 
ston that winter she says : 

Our street is filled with members and their families, and we are all gay. 
Our house has already the name of " The Neutral Ground," where all parties 
meet, and must, of course, be polite to each other. Parties innumerable, wed- 
dings, and grand dinners, fill up all the evening; visits and visitors, all the 
morning. 

In this brilliant and polished society, in which moved Clay and 
Calhoun, Webster, Benton, Everett, and Scott, Lieutenant Johnston 
had his first experience of the great world ; but it made slight impres- 
sion on a soul bent upon martial enterprise, and impatient for strenu- 



16 EARLY ARMY-LIFE. 

ous action. Mrs. Johnston exerted herself to make his stay agreeable, 
and he shared in all the pleasures of the cultivated society in which 
she was an acknowledged leader. 

The following popular piece of verse, written in her honor by the 
Hon. Warren R. Davis, of South Carolina, a wit and a poet, as well as 
a politician, is here correctly reproduced, because it has been the sub- 
ject of considerable literary controversy : 

A FAMOUS OLD SONG. 
Air—'' Koy'8 Wife of Aldivalloch." 

Johnston's wife of Louisiana ! 

Johnston's wife of Louisiana ! 
The fairest flower that ever bloomed 

In Southern sun or gay savanna ; 
The Inca's blood flows in her veins, 

The Inca's soul her bright eyes Hgliten ; 
Child of the Sun, like him she reigns 

To cheer our hopes, and sorrows brighten. 

Johnston's wife of Louisiana ! 

Johnston's wife of Louisiana ! 
The fairest flower that ever bloomed 

In Southern sun or gay savanna. 

Johnston's Avife of Louisiana ! 

Johnston's wife of Louisiana ! 
She hath a way to win all hearts. 

And bow them to the shrine of Anna ; 
Her mind is radiant with the lore 

Of ancient and of modern story ; 
And native wit in richer store 

Bedecks her with its rainbow glory. 

Johnston's wife of Louisiana ! 

Johnston's wife of Louisiana ! 
She bath a way to charm all hearts, 

And bow them to the shrine of Anna. 

Johnston's wife of Louisiana ! 
Johnston's wife of Louisiana ! 
The hapless bard who sings her praise 
Now worbips at the shrine of Anna ! 
'Twas such a vision, bright but brief, 

In early youth his true heart rended ; 
Then left it, like a fallen leaf. 

On life's most rugged thorn suspended. 
Johnston's wife of Louisiana ! 
•lohnston's wife of Louisiana ! 
The hapless bard who sings her praise 
Wept tears of blood for such as Anna I 



DECLINES STAFF APPOINTMENT. 17 

Lieutenant Johnston was a guest at the White House and at Mr. 
Clay's, and a favorite in the gayer circle of fashionable life, where his 
handsome person and winning address made him always. acceptable. 
Mr. and Mrs. Johnston's indulgent partiality sought to make their 
house his permanent home, confident that, at the centre of political 
favor, their influence and his own merits would rapidly advance his 
fortunes. A way was unexpectedly opened by an offer from General 
Scott to make him his aide-de-camp, a proposal very flattering in itself, 
and opening as brilliant a career as could be desired had he possessed 
the temper of the courtier. The temptation of rapid promotion and 
graceful pleasures would have proved irresistible to many minds, and 
perhaps most men would have acted judiciously in accepting the 
friendly ofier. Senator Johnston and his wife anxiously wished him to 
accept ; the latter wrote in 1870 as follows : 

I well remember my disappointment when, as a very young and handsome 
man, he was offered the position of aide to General Scott, and, from his own 
judgment, refused it, saying that, " although much gratified to have been men- 
tioned by General Scott, he felt that the life of inactivity in a large city did not 
accord with his views, and that he preferred to go off to the far West, and enter 
at once upon the duties of his profession." His brother did not think it right to 
oppose his inclination, although General Scott was our particular friend. As for 
myself, I fairly scolded and wept at this determination. 

But nothing could deter him from his resolution to enter at once on 
the rugged duties of his chosen career, and to owe his advancement to 
meritorious service, not patronage. General Johnston always believed 
and regretted that his seeming indifference to an overture that was 
intended as a kindness, and certainly was a compliment, had prejudiced 
him in the good opinion of General Scott. That eminent soldier re- 
garded him for more than a generation with a certain coolness, and 
opposed to his advancement the most fatal check to rising merit — 
official reluctance and the discountenance of the great. There was no 
intentional injustice, however, onl}' this distrust and neglect ; and it is 
creditable to General Johnston's soundness of judgment and sobriety 
of mind that he felt no resentment at conduct so natural, and was 
always able to do full justice to the military abilities of General Scott. 
When, in his later years, he had, through other agencies, attained 
an exalted position, and had, by his services, compelled the entire 
respect of the commander-in-chief, that respect was exhibited in a cor- 
dial and unreserved manner, and with the largest measure of official 
approbation, evinci«g that it was want of confidence, not of magna- 
nimity, that moved General Scott. The question of Lieutenant John- 
ston's wisdom in declining General Scott's tender may be left to the 
verdict of others ; but the incident illustrates both his theory of life 
at that time and a certain independence of spirit and unwillingness to 



18 EARLY ARMY-LIFE. 

owe aught to favor, which characterized him throughout life. He cer- 
tainly chose the more rugged path, in which, however, he was sustained 
by his self-reliance and by a contempt for mere rank and place, except 
as the evidences of achievement. 

Lieutenant Johnston did not leave without regret the hospitable 
house where he had been treated with such fraternal affection. His 
sister-in-law kept up a correspondence with him for several years ; 
and, although they did not meet often in after-life, he always grate- 
fully remembered the sisterly interest she had shown toward him as a 
youth. He left the capital, not to visit it again for thirty years, except 
in passing through it rapidly on two or three journeys. In an era when 
office-seeking Avas a national vice, extending even to the army, he felt a 
pardonable pride in holding aloof from the source of preferment. 

His formal orders to proceed to Sackett's Harbor, on Lake Ontario, 
are dated December 32d ; but he had probably preceded them a month 
or more, as Mrs. Johnston, writing to him at that point on the 26th, 
says : 

" "We are pleased to hear that you like your situation, and are determined to 
spend your time usefully and agreeably." And adds : " I heard General Brown 
speak of you in high terms to a young military gentleman last night." 

From a letter of his friend Polk's it appears that his chief employ- 
ment at the little frontier post was " in books ; " but what he read and 
what he did there are things forgotten. 

But a single incident is preserved of General Johnston's winter at 
Sackett's Harbor. This he sometimes cited as an illustration of the 
recklessness of youth. He was engaged with some fellow-officers in 
artillery-practice on the ice of Lake Ontario, when a wild party of 
sleighers kept dashing across the line of fire, near the target. Mean- 
ing to rebuke this bravado with a good scare, he waited for the rush 
of their Canadian ponies near his target, and then fired. He succeeded 
so well that, for an instant, the whole party was enveloped in snow 
and splintered ice, and seemed to be blotted out. A moment after 
they emerged from the frosty spray with wild yells and affrighted gest- 
ures, and returned no more. He felt during the instant of suspense 
that murder had been done, and the relief of the revelers at their 
escape was not greater than his own. He accepted the adventure, 
however, as a lesson in something more than artillery-practice. 

The President, John Quincy Adams, signed his commission April 4, 
1827, as second-lieutenant of the Sixth Regiment of Infantry, to take 
date from July 1, 1826. " The Sixth," commanded by brevet Briga- 
dier-General Henry Atkinson, was then esteemed the " crack " regi- 
ment ; so that at once he proceeded rejoicing to its headquarters at 
Jefferson Barracks, where he arrived on the 1st of June. 



JEFFERSON BARRACKS. 19 

This post, famous in the traditions and cherished in the affections 
of the old Army, was his home for the next six or seven years. It 
was situated on the bank of the Mississippi, nine miles from St. Louis, 
then an inconsiderable but promising town of 5,000 inhabitants. 
Lieutenant Johnston says, in a letter to his friend Bickley : 

The position is a good one, and particularly excellent in a military point of 
view, because of the facility of transporting troops to any other position in tlie 
West. The celerity of the recent movement of the First and Sixth Regiments 
up the Mississippi and Wisconsin sufficiently attests that. . . . The site of the 
barracks rises gradually from the river and swells to a beautiful bluff, covered 
with oak and hickory trees, almost far enough apart to permit military manoeu- 
vres, and with no undergrowth to interrupt a ride on horseback in any direction. 

The most notable event with which Lieutenant Johnston was con- 
nected in the year 1827 was the expedition to compel the Winnebago 
Indians to atone for outrages upon the white settlers. This tribe 
occupied the country about Lake Winnebago and along the banks of 
the Wisconsin River, with the Menomonees for their neighbors on the 
north ; the Pottawattamies dwelt about the head-waters of Lake Michi- 
gan, and the Sacs and Foxes on both banks of the Mississippi in 
Northern Illinois, Southern Wisconsin, and Iowa. On the 24th of 
June the Winnebagoes had suddenly put to death some white people ; 
and seemed disposed to break out into open war, in which also they 
endeavored to enlist the Pottawattamies. As the Winnebasroes num- 
bered some 600 or 700 warriors, were physically large, well formed, 
and strong, and were the most indomitable and irreclaimable savages 
on that frontier, great apprehensions were felt of a cruel warfare. 
They refused to negotiate with General Cass, who thereupon turned 
the matter over to General Atkinson. The expedition left Prairie du 
Chien on the 29th of August, and returned to Jefferson Barracks Sep- 
tember 27th. The letter to Bickley, already quoted, describing the 
movement of troops to preserve peace on the Northwestern frontier, 
continues as follows ; 

The detachment of the Sixth Regiment which left this place was accom- 
panied by two companies of the Fifth Regiment from St. Peter's, up the 
Wisconsin River as far as the portage, where it was met by a detachment of the 
Second Regiment from Green Bay, under the command of Major Whistler. The 
Winnebagoes, in council, agreed to deliver up the leading men in the several 
outrages committed against the whites. Accordingly, Red Bird, Le Soleil, and 
two others, the son and brother-in-law of Red Bird, were given up, there ; and 
two more, afterward, at Prairie du Chien, belonging to the Prairie La Crosse 
band. They bound themselves to hold a council in the spring for the determi- 
nation of the boundary -line ; and to permit the miners of Fever River to pro- 
ceed peaceably in their "diggings," till the true boundary was determined. 

Although, after seeing the Sacs and Foxes, Menomonees, Sioux, etc., my 
romantic ideas of the Indian character had vanished, I must confess that I con- 



20 EARLY ARMY-LIFE. 

sider Eed Bird one of the noblest and most dignified men I ever saw. "VThen he 
gave himself up, he was dressed, after the manner of the Sioux of the Missouri, 
in a perfectly white hunting-shirt of deer-skin, and leggins and moccasins of the 
same, with an elegant head-dress of birds' feathers; he held a white flag in his 
right hand, and a beautifully-ornamented pipe in the other. He said : " I have 
otfended. I sacrifice myself to save my country," etc. He displayed that stoic 
indifference which is wrongfully attributed to the Indian character alone. I'll 
stop. I am not going to write a whole letter about a rascally Indian. 

We have been encamped here since June, but expect to get into quarters be- 
fore winter sets in. I could say a great deal more, but I am almost converted 
into bacon, already, by the smoke from a big log-fire before my tent. I am on 
guard. Yours truly, JoiiNSTOif. 

Six companies of the First, six of the Third, and the Sixth Regiment, to whicb 
I belong, are stationed here. Plenty of sport. I am in excellent health and fine 
spirits. Present my respects to Marshall, Taliaferro, R. and J. Taylor, Hanne- 
gan, Green, and Beattie. Yours truly, J. 

Brown, in his " Historj^ of Illinois" (New York, 1844), says : 

Red Bird died in prison. A part of those arrested were convicted, and a 
part acquitted. Those convicted were executed on the 26th of December, in 
the following year (1828). Black Hawk and Kanonekan, or the Youngest of the 
Thunders, and a son of Red Bird, all of whom had been charged with attacking 
the boats, were acquitted. Black Hawk was confined for more than a year be- 
fore he could be brought to trial ; and imprisonment to him was more intoler- 
erable than any punishment which could have been inflicted. . . . Black Hawk 
was discharged merely for want of proof, not for want of guilt. Although 
doubts on the subject were once entertained, there was none afterward. His 
confessions, which he had sense enough to withhold till after his acquittal, were 
conclusive. 

From this time, probably, dated Black Hawk's eflPort to organize a 
league that should unite all the Western tribes from the lakes to Mex- 
ico in war against the encroaching whites. 

The remains of Lieutenant Johnston's correspondence, belonging to 
this period, are meagre. This is due, in part, to his destruction of his 
papers after the death of his wife in 1835, and in part to his repug- 
nance to mere friendly letter-writing. His relations and friends re- 
proached him with a neglect which he deprecated, but did not amend. 
He shrank from the platitudes of ordinary correspondence, and profes- 
sions and protestations of every kind were distasteful to him. He was 
a man of powerful affections ; yet he believed in, and exercised, self- 
restraint in their expression. He had a very exalted ideal of friendship, 
and a great contempt for mere lip-service ; and, although he was aware 
that there was another side to the question, yet he could never fully 
overcome his aversion to Avriting, without a special object, and unless 
he had something important to say. But this aversion did not extend 
to official or business correspondence, in which he was prompt, exact, 



THE ANGRY MUSICIAN. 21 

and full ; and, indeed, it is doubtful whether an instance can be pointed 
out where he was in default in a duty of this sort. 

To those who knew the grand composure, resulting from long years 
of self-control, which characterized the latter years of General Johnston, 
a little anecdote, that he used humorously to relate of the impetuosity 
of his hot youth, may serve to illustrate the power of will that wrought 
the change. During his sojourn as a bachelor at Jefferson Barracks, 
being fond of music, he tried to learn to play the flute. A wide differ- 
ence of opinion existed between himself and his friends as to his musi- 
cal aptitudes. He persevered in spite of their jests ; until these, and 
the resulting doubts in his own mind, rendered him somewliat irritable 
on the score of his skill. One day, as he was practising in his room, 
he heard a tapping on the floor above, occupied by a fellow-officer. 
Instantly referring this to his music, and regarding it as an indecorum, 
he nevertheless continued the air ; but, when it occurred again, he 
stopped — and the tapping stopped. Waiting a moment to restrain his 
rising anger, he resumed the tune, and the tapping began again. This 
was too much for the outraged patience of the angry musician, who, 
dashing down his flute, sprang up the stairs, determined to exact satis- 
faction. To a thundering knock at the door, a friendly voice replied, 
inviting him to come in ; and, when he strode in, he found his neigh- 
bor, with a look of mild inquiry at his evident excitement, unsuspi- 
ciously cracking walnuts on the hearth. With a brief apology for his 
intrusion, he rushed down-stairs again, mortified at his own hastiness 
and loss of temper. He at once gave up the flute ; for, said he, " I did 
not think that a man so sensitive about his skill was fit for a flute- 
player." 

In 1828 Lieutenant Johnston was selected as adjutant of the regi- 
ment by Brevet-General Henry Atkinson, the colonel commanding. 
Atkinson was an officer of fair military capacity and experience, of a 
bright and social temper, and of popular manners. General Scott, in 
his autobiography, calls him " an excellent man and fine soldier ; " and 
this opinion expresses fairly the army estimate of him. His wife was a 
daughter of Alexander Bullitt, one of the original settlers of Louisville, 
Kentucky, and the eldest of a family celebrated for beauty, wit, and 
charm of manner. Mrs. Atkinson, aided, after the lapse of some years, 
by her brilliant and beautiful sisters, made Jefferson Barracks some- 
thing more than a mere military post ; it was a delightful and elegant 
home for the gay and gallant young soldiers serving here their appren- 
ticeship in arms. There was at this period of his life no officer more 
highly regarded in the regiment than the adjutant. Captain Eaton 
says of him that, " while no man was more approachable, no one 
could remain unimpressed by his dignity ; " and Colonel Thomas L. 
Alexander, who joined the regiment in 1830, says that, " possessing in 



22 EARLY AEIIY-LITE. 

an extraordinary degree the confidence, esteem, and admiration of the 
whole regiment, he was the very beau-ideal of a soldier and an officer," 
How early he began to exercise that forbearance in judging his fellow- 
men "w^ich afterward became so characteristic, may be seen in a letter 
to Eaton, written in this period : 

Our friend and fellow-soldier has destroyed himself. Being entirely unpre- 
pared for such an event, you may well judge that we were greatly shocked and 
grieved on hearing it. Notwithstanding the manner of his death, let us mourn 
the loss of a chivalric companion. Let us not„in the vigor of health and intel- 
lect, reproach his memory for committing an act which the paramount control 
of reason alone can prevent. 

Every humane and fearless nature which clearl}' perceives the ills of 
others — the afflictions of feebleness, sin, and pain — n)ust feel tenderly 
toward the frailty which gives way before the temptation of a great 
agony. General Johnston, for himself, however, seems early to have 
adopted the theory that, while we are irresistibly swayed by an over- 
ruling destiny, yet it is the duty of a man manfully to oppose to ad- 
verse circumstances or fate all the resources he can command — a some- 
what Promethean philosophy, but not unfruitful of mental steadfastness 
and, sometimes, of large results. He quoted, with approbation, the 
argument against suicide, attributed to Napoleon, that " suicide is 
never justifiable while hope remains ; but that, while there is life, there 
is always hope." His beliefs ripened in after-years into a profound 
faith in the Supreme God, his providence and his mercy. 

Jefferson Barracks was near enough to St. Louis to allow the 3'oung 
officers to mingle freely in its gay and hospitable society, in which the 
influence of the old French element was still predominant. The de- 
scendants of the first settlers had preserved in their colonial isolation 
some of the best features of the old regime, lost even in France itself 
through the Revolution. To innocent sprightliness was joined decorum, 
and the inherent grace and polish of the French race were united to the 
cordiality and generous freedom of intercourse which mark a young and 
prosperous community. The benefits and enjoyment of such a society 
were very great to the young officers, whose commissions, in that happy 
day of the republic, accredited them to the best society everywhere. 
Lieutenant Johnston, without allowing himself to fall into fashionable 
dissipation for which he had no taste, did not withdraw himself from 
the pleasures and amusements of the city, and found in St. Louis 
attachments which lasted all his life. The Gratiots, the Chouteaus, the 
Mullanphys, the O'Fallons, the Clarks, the Bentons, and other noted 
and estimable families, were among his chosen and remembered friends. 

At a ball at Mr. Chouteau's, Lieutenant Johnston met for the first 
time Miss Henrietta Preston. She was the eldest child of Major Wil- 



HENRIETTA PRESTON.— MARRIAGE. 23 

liain Preston, a member of the Virginia family of that name, and an 
officer of Wayne's army, who had resigned, and settled at Louisville, 
Kentucky. He was remarkable for his extraordinary size and strength, 
and likewise for his wit. He is yet remembered by old people for 
these traits. He died, leaving a large family and an embarrassed estate 
to the care of his widow. Mrs. Caroline Hancock Preston was the 
daughter of Colonel George Hancock, of Fiilcastle, Virginia (an aide to 
Pulaski, a colonel in the Elevolutionary War, and a member of the 
Fourth Congress), and belonged to a family distinguished for beauty 
and talents. By her ability in business and indomitable courage, she re- 
lieved the estate from its incumbrances, and successfully defended it 
from all the legal assaults so common in the early history of Kentucky. 
At the same time she gave her children the best education then to be 
had. Her best monument is the grateful remembrance of the poor of 
Louisville. 

Mrs. Preston's youngest sister had married Governor William Clark, 
of Missouri, and her husband's niece was the wife of Thomas H. Ben- 
ton. Governor William Clark was one of the foremost men of the 
West; a younger brother of the great George Rogers Clark, he shared 
his boldness and sagacity without his infirmities, and reaped the legiti- 
mate rewards of energy and intellect from which unthrift debarred the 
hero. He had early in life obtained great celebrity by his explorations, 
in conjunction with Lewis, of the sources of the Columbia River and 
in the Far West. He was Governor of Missouri for many years, and, 
as Indian agent, enjoyed justly the confidence of his Government and 
of the Indian tribes. With wealth, intelligence, virtue, and popular 
manners, he was well fitted for his place as a leader in a young repub- 
lic. His first wife. Miss Julia Hancock, was a woman of eminent 
graces and singular beauty: after her death he married her cousin, 
Mrs. Radford. His descendants and collaterals are prominent citizens 
of St. Louis and Louisville. Thomas H, Benton belongs to history. 
Counted among the first, when Jackson, Webster, Calhoun, and Clay 
were his competitors, his name reopens a page illustrious in American 
annals. His wife was a daughter of Colonel James McDowell, of Rock- 
bridge County, Virginia, and sister of the eloquent Governor of Vir- 
ginia, of the same name. She was the niece and favorite kinswoman 
of Major Preston and spent four or five years in his house, devoting 
herself for the most part, as a matter of choice, to the education of his 
daughter Henrietta, then a little girl. As she was a woman of fine 
accomplishments and uncommon literary culture, as well as of a 
sprightly temper and vigorous intellect, she not only taught her pupil 
the rudiments, but advanced her well in French and other studies, and 
imbued her especially with a love of the best literature. Henrietta, 
and her sisters also, received instruction from a private tutor, Mr. 



24 EARLY ARMY-LIFE. 

Quinan, a scholar versed in the classics and devoted to his occu- 
pation. After this, in the hospitable house of her aunt's husband, 
Colonel Nathaniel Hart, at Spring Hill, in Woodford County, Kentuckj^, 
she was well taught by Mr. Ruggles, afterward a United States Senator. 
As years passed, the kinswomen exchanged the relation of preceptor 
and pupil for that of dear friends, which was severed only by death. 

In the customary interchange of hospitalities, Miss Preston was on 
a visit to these relations when she met Lieutenant Johnston, and the 
interest that she at once inspired was reciprocated. This mutual at- 
tachment was thorough and unbroken; and Lieutenant Johnston, being 
sent for a great part of the year 1828 on recruiting service to Louisville, 
Kentucky, Miss Preston's home, became engaged to her. They were 
married January 20, 1829. There were many points of resemblance be- 
tween Albert Sidney Johnston and his wife ; and a friend, who knew 
them both well, has told me that he never knew two people more alike 
in character. Another, a relation, says they were often mistaken for 
brother and sister. But this was true rather as to the outcome of char- 
acter in similar sentiments, and the same philosophy of life, than in 
their original traits or acquired habits of mind. The affinity was one 
of sympathy in feelings and aspiration ; and the usual law of attrac- 
tion, based upon contrast of character and community of tastes, was 
reversed. As they were both persons of most loyal natures, these coin- 
cidences increased. Mrs. Johnston was above middle size — five feet six 
inches in height — and of agreeable person, with a full form, a brilliant 
color, hazel eyes, dark hair, and somewhat irregular but pleasing feat- 
ures. Her voice had wonderful harmony in its modulations. Her 
manner was full of dignity and ease, but vivacious and engaging, and 
her conversation has been variously characterized as piquant, graceful, 
and eloquent. Mrs. Johnston was a woman of firm yet gentle tem- 
per, and, as the eldest daughter of a struggling family, the confidante 
and counselor of her mother, had been trained to a severe self-dis- 
cipline. She was eminently benevolent and forbearing. Gifted with 
a poetic temperament, and very fond of verse, she wrote it with facility 
and feeling ; while her husband, rigorously schooled in a training 
almost exclusively mathematical, and loving unrefracted truth, jocu- 
larly called it good prose spoiled. With these traits, with high literary 
culture, and with strong religious impulses, she had formed a lofty 
ideal of the aims and duties of life ; and this ideal, she thoroughly 
believed, was realized by her husband. She was much beloved by her 
family and friends, and the feeling she awoke in her husband was one 
of chivalric devotion. He told me that "it was impossible to have 
felt her influence, and afterward to cherish low views ; that to her he 
owed the wish to be truly great." This portraiture will show that 
she was a worthy helpmate for the man of whom I write. 



HALCYON DAYS. 25 

The married life of this happy couple was the simple and uneventful 
one of an officer's family. Their home was at JefiPerson Barracks, where 
their plain quarters, furniture, and mode of life, are evidenced by their 
household accounts as well as by tradition. Some cut glass seems to 
have represented the splendor of their little establishment. They made 
occasional visits to Mrs. Johnston's mother, at Louisville, and Lieuten- 
ant Johnston, writing from that city, October 3, 1830, says, " The last 
two months I have spent pleasantly and quietly in the country, read- 
ing, shooting the rifle," etc. 

On January 5, 1831, his eldest son was born at Louisville, and, im- 
mediately afterward, Lieutenant Johnston was obliged to return to 
Jefferson Barracks. His family rejoined him in May, and remained 
there until the fall of 1832. In the tranquil flow of these years, he 
enjoyed the easy routine of a peace establishment, agreeable social 
intercourse, and the happiness of perfect domestic concord, unbroken 
except by the two dire episodes of the Black-Hawk War and the cholera 
plague. Suffice it to say, that these were halcyon days, when youth 
and hope, as well as peace, abode with them. But they were soon to 
be disturbed by the rude note of war, whose expectation keeps the 
professional soldier ever on the alert even in the profoundest calm. 



CHAPTER IIL 

BLACK- HAWK WAR. 



The Black-Hawk "War, which occurred in 1832, following a pro- 
found peace of many years, agitated not only the Northwestern fron- 
tier but the whole country. The causes and conduct of the war were, 
in its day, severely criticised both by partisan politicians and philan- 
thropists. The motives of the latter entitle them to a respectful hear- 
ing; but the common-sense of the people has always sustained the 
practical view that the first duty of the Government in its relations 
with the Indians is to protect its citizens from the horrors of savage war- 
fare, after which it should accord the most generous and considerate 
treatment to the aborigines. 

Unfortunately, the Government has sometimes, from mistaken views 
of economy, chosen to forget the half-paternal position it had assumed 
toward the Indians, and has, for trifling sums, obtained title to vast 
tracts of country. Unfortunately, too, among the brave and good men 
who go to the frontier as pioneers there are never wanting so many 
unprincipled persons and outlaws, who, from selfish greed of gain, are 



26 BLACK-HAWK WAR. 

willing to brutalize with whiskey, or to cheat, oppress, and kill the 
Indian, that the latter has always suffered demoralization from contact 
with the vanguard of civilization, and has had only too just grounds 
of complaint against both individuals and the Government. A further 
source of discord has arisen from the inability of the Indians to distin- 
guish between the loose verbal promises of commissioners, anxious to 
secure a treaty, and the provisions of the treaty itself. The Indians 
remember and claim the benefit of all that is said or done by the agents 
that can be construed to their advantage ; while the Government, not 
knowing or recognizing these things, merely executes the treaty on its 
face. Hence mutual distrust and collision have been almost inevitable. 

The higher tribes of Indians Avere formerly full of the martial vir- 
tues — courage, enterprise, fortitude, sagacity, scorn of servitude, with 
an occasional though unfrequent loftiness of soul and heroic generos- 
ity ; but they were restless, prone to war, cruel, and perfidious. In the 
contact of a civilized race with these sons of the forest, a wiser and 
more liberal treatment by the Government might have averted many 
evils and much mutual wrong ; but with these wild and intractable 
savages no kindness or forbearance could have prevented quarrels and 
violence ending in war. 

Yet, wheresoever the responsibility may originally have rested, no 
blame can properly be laid on such military officers as, being charged 
with the peace of the frontier, have been faithful in carrying out the 
orders and instructions of the Government, and have restrained pre- 
datory bands of Indians from inflicting injury on the whites and on 
each other. This duty was always, with very rare exceptions, honestly 
discharged ; and force was only used in the last resort, after every 
measure of conciliation had failed. The best proof that peace, on the 
basis of justice, was earnestly sought by the officers of Government is 
that it lasted so long, although the Indians had serious causes of dis- 
satisfaction, which were said to have been fomented by British agents 
on the frontier. That the Indians had confidence in the equity and 
friendship of the military is evinced by the respect they paid to 
soldiers, even at a time ' when they were engaged in actual though 
secret warfare against the white settlers. They had some notion 
that the soldiers and citizens were different though allied tribes ; and 
a blue uniform was a safe-conduct, even when a white settler's life was 
not worth a pin's fee with them. The Hon. Jefferson Davis related 
to the writer how, at such a time, with only three men, he passed from 
Rock Island to Chicago without molestation, and with only a single 
threatening demonstration from the Indians he met. It was properly 
the first care of the commanding general to see to the safety of the 
white settlers ; and he was compelled to act upon each case, as it arose, 
from a practical standpoint. Hence, whether the Black-Hawk War 



JOHNSTON'S MILITARY JOURNAL. 



'^i 



was a necessary consequence of the policy of the Government, or of 
Indian fickleness, it is believed that the events herein narrated will 
show that the military commander pursued the only course open to him. 
A brief sketch of the Black-Hawk War is here needful, as it was 
directly connected with Lieutenant Johnston's apprenticeship in the 
field. But a more extended narrative of this military episode seems 
fully warranted, since not only are all the official documents in regard 
to the campaign based upon Lieutenant Johnston's report, as assistant 
adjutant-general of General Atkinson, but his private journal fur- 
nished the most exact and authentic account of the transactions against 
Black Hawk. Moreover, although his military rank did not give him 
a conspicuous place, yet his office and his personal position, as the 
confidential friend of the commanding general, gave him a certain 
influence over affairs. Mr. Chambers, in a letter heretofore quoted, 
says : " I remember hearing an officer of the army tell my father that 
Johnston had more influence "with the general in command than any- 
body else in the army, and that he really directed the movements of 
the army in that war." Although this was the opinion of a highly- 
zealous friend, yet it is evidence that his part was one that called for 
an unusual amount of energy and discretion. Without indulging the 
popular delusion that the chief of staff is necessarily keeper of his com- 
mander's conscience, it is plain that where he enjoys his confidence, 
and has fidelity and justness of perception, he is eminently fitted to be 
the historian of a campaign. General Atkinson's own opinion of the 
value of the journal ma}'- be inferred from the following extracts from 
a letter of his to Lieutenant Johnston, written in December, 1833, after 
the close of the war, in reference to the proposition of a gentleman 
named Russell to write a history of the war : 

As this history is to be -written, I could but feel, as you may readily imagine, 
a deep interest in its faithfulness. ... To enable me to give him the best 
information as to dates and facts, I have to request that you -will send me the 
journal you kept of the campaign. 

It is this journal which forms the groundwork of the present sum- 
mary, and as copious extracts are given from it as space permits. 

Before proceeding to narrate the transactions of the Black-Hawk 
campaign, which, however small in perspective, shook the United 
States with excitement at the time, it will be necessary to make a 
rapid survey of the relations of the United States Government to the 
Sac and Fox nation, and of the condition of the frontier at the begin- 
ning of the outbreak. In the eighteenth century, a number of tribes, of 
common origin, occupied the present limits of Illinois, and were united 
in a league, known as the Minneway, Linneway, or Illinois, This 
confederacy is said to have numbered, in ITiS, four thousand warriors, 



28 BLACK-HAWK WAR. 

noted for martial prowess and inhuman cruelty. In a great war, said 
to have originated in the murder of the Sac chieftain, Pontiac, the 
Illinois tribes were overthrown and nearly exterminated by a rival 
confederacy, composed of Sacs and Foxes, Sioux, Kickapoos, Chippe- 
was, Ottawas, and Pottawattamies, from the North, and Cherokees 
and Choctaws from the South. This overthrow occurred between 1767 
and 1780 ; and in 1826 a miserable remnant of less than five hundred 
souls was all that was left of the great Illinois nation. 

In the victorious league, the Sacs or Osaukies, and the Foxes or 
Outagamies, appear to have been the leaders and principal gainers. 
These kindred branches of the great Algonquin nation are said to have 
been driven from their homes on the St. Lawrence by the Iroquois 
before the year 1680, and to have settled at Green Bay, where their 
weakness compelled them to unite, so as to form one people with only 
a nominal distinction between its two members. After the destruction 
of the Illinois, the Sacs and Foxes took possession of their most desir- 
able hunting-grounds, and occupied the country on both sides of the 
Mississippi, from the present southern boundary of Iowa to the pres- 
ent northern boundary of Illinois, with their most populous village at 
Rock Island. 

Other tribes of Algonquin or Dakota descent — Chippewas, Ot- 
tawas, Pottawattamies, Kickapoos, Menomonees, and Winnebagoes,* 
pressed upon the eastern and northern limits of the hunting-grounds 
of the Sacs and Foxes ; while the Sioux, a powerful nation of fierce 
and skillful horsemen, flanked them on the west and northwest. In 
1779 the Sacs and Foxes, with their allies, attacked St. Louis, then a 
village of less than five hundred people ; and, encouraged by the treach- 
ery of the commandant of the Spanish garrison, would have destroyed 
it, but for the gallant defense of the French inhabitants and its timely 
relief by George Rogers Clark with an American force. 

After this, the Sacs and Foxes were engaged in wars with the 
Osages and other tribes, but especially with the Sioux, against whom 
they waged a deadly feud. Nevertheless they were prosperous, and a 
leading tribe in numbers ; while in warlike spirit, sagacity, polity, and 
general intelligence, they were excelled by none of the tribes of the 
Northwest. In 1805 Lieutenant Pike represented their numbers at 
4,600, of whom 1,100 were warriors ; but Levds and Clark compute 
that they were 3,200 strong, of whom 800 were warriors, which was 
probably nearer the truth. In 1825, the Secretary of War, adopting 
the estimate of Governor William Clark, reckoned their entire strength 
at 6,600, with a force of 1,200 or 1,400 warriors ; thus showing a rapid 
gain in strength in twenty years. 

' Winnebago is a term of reproach, signifying " Dirty-Water-People ; " they call 
themselves " Hochongalas, or Trout Tribe." 



BLACK HAWK AND KEOKUK. 29 

General St. Clair, Governor of the Northwest Territory, made the 
first treaty with the Sacs and Foxes in 1789. General William Henry 
Harrison concluded another treaty with them, November 3, 1804, by 
which, for an immediate payment of $2,23-4.50, and an annuity of 
81,000, they relinquished all their lands outside certain prescribed 
limits. 

In 1810, when war was impending between the United States and 
Great Britain, the emissaries of the latter power induced a hundred or 
a hundred and fifty Sacs to visit the British agent on the island of 
St. Joseph, in Lake Huron, where they received arms, ammunition, and 
other presents, and most probably made engagements to adhere to the 
British cause in the event of war. In 1811, however, another deputa- 
tion from the tribe visited Washington City, and offered their services 
in the impending vrar, but were requested by the President to remain 
neutral. 

In 1812 they again offered to assist the Americans, but were told 
to stay peaceably at home, to which command the greater part of the 
tribe reluctantly submitted. About two hundred of the more restless 
braves, eager for blood and plunder, joined the British, and shared in the 
military operations on the northwestern frontier. In this contingent, 
known as " the British band," was Black Hawk. In September, 1815, 
the United States commissioners made a treaty with the friendly 
bands of Sacs and Foxes, confirming the treaty of 1804, and granting 
amnesty for all offenses committed during the war ; and, on May 13, 
1816, they made a like treaty with the British band. On the 24th of 
August, 1824, General William Clark, Indian Agent, purchased for 
the United States all the lands claimed by this tribe in Missouri. In 
July, 1829, in furtherance of a provisional agreement made the year 
before, the United States commissioners bought from the deputies of 
the Winnebagoes, Chippewas, Ottawas, Pottawattamies, Sioux, Me- 
nomonees, and Sacs and Foxes, about 8,000,000 acres, extending from 
Lake Michigan to the Mississippi River. At this treatj', Keokuk and 
Morgan, with about two hundred Sac warriors, were present and for- 
warded the negotiation. 

While such had been the treaty relations with the Sacs and Foxes, 
two rival war-chiefs divided the double tribe by their counsels, and 
contended for the first place in authority and influence. These were 
Keokuk, who was said to be of Fox descent, though chief of the Sac 
village on the Des Moines River ; and Black Hawk, chief of the Sac 
village near Rock Island. Each had risen to his position by courage 
and talents. Keokuk, born about 1780, acquired very young a skill in 
horsemanship which enabled him, at fifteen years of age, to slay a Sioux 
warrior, and thereafter to be accounted a brave. In the wars with the 
Sioux he was distinguished for audacious courage and military strata- 



30 BLACK-HAWK WAE. 

gem. He was called to the leadership of his village, when about thirty- 
three years of age, in a public emergency ; and gradually won the con- 
fidence of the tribe by his prudent administration and persuasive elo- 
quence. His conduct was firm yet conciliatory, both in the internal 
management of the tribe and in his relations to other tribes and to the 
white people. By fidelity to his engagements and steadfastness of pur- 
pose, he was able to preserve a peaceful policy, so difficult with such a 
restless people, and to save his followers from much of the suffering which 
fell upon others. He was an accomplished warrior, and an orator of 
rare tact, grace, and vigor. Keokuk's temper was naturally amiable 
and kind, as well as politic. He was somewhat luxurious for an Indian, 
fond of pomp, and given to the use of ardent spirits, which finally 
destroyed him. 

Black Hawk was thirteen years his senior, and belonged to a darker 
and more savage type of the Indian character. He, too, at the early 
age of fifteen, won the rank of brave by killing an Osage warrior, and 
was soon noted for his boldness and success in war. In 1786, at the 
head of two hundred braves, he defeated the Osages with equal num- 
bers, killing one hundred of the enemy, and only losing nineteen of his 
own men. He was a leader in the wars against the Cherokees, Chip- 
pewas, Kaskaskias, and Osages, in many battles, and truthfully claimed 
that he had killed many foes with his own hand. He seems from the 
first to have had an aversion to the Americans, and to have cherished 
an hereditary friendship for the British. In the War of 1812 he had 
led to their aid about two hundred of his own tribe, and commanded a 
band numbering in all about five hundred warriors. He shared in the 
hostilities against the Americans in that war, though without special 
distinction ; but, at its close, was again received under the protection 
of the United States, according to the provisions of the Treaty of 
Ghent, and of the treaty of 1816 with the British band. 

From 1816 to 1833 Black Hawk was not engaged in open war 
against the United States, but was almost certainly an accomplice in 
the Red Bird outrage, and in other secret forays on the white people. 
He frequently visited the British commander at Maiden to renew the 
allegiance of the past, and to receive presents for himself and band. 
His early prejudices against the Americans gradually settled into an 
inveterate rancor ; the continually-increasing contention between his 
own people and the whites aroused his fierce passions ; and enforced 
peace galled his unquiet soul like a fetter. In the gloom of his seclu- 
sion, superstition stirred his wrath to frenzy ; and, as he saw the shad- 
ows of the dead summoning him to vengeance upon the race that had 
dispossessed them of the land, he brooded over vast schemes that 
should rival the conspiracies of Pontiac and Tecumseh. In these pro- 
ject she was encouraged by the counsels of the Prophet Wabokieshiek, 



BLACK HAWK'S CONSPIRACY. 31 

or White Cloud, a chief of mixed Sac and Winnebago blood, Avho had 
a village on Rock River, and possessed a wide influence among the 
Indian tribes. This savage charlatan, who combined great cunning 
with a love of intrigue, was the evil genius of Black Hawk, and lent 
the sanction of his omens and auguries to attempts which had no other 
assurance of success. 

Black Hawk advocated a hostile policy, in opposition to the pacific 
course of Keokuk, because he was thus enabled to divide the suffrages 
of the tribe, and to allure from his peaceable rival to himself a follow- 
ing of the more feverish spirits. He is said, too, to have suffered per- 
sonal insults and wrongs in the feuds and quarrels that arose between 
his village and its white neighbors, and to have once been beaten with 
sticks by white men, which indignity ever after rankled in his breast. 
Most of the anecdotes told of him, however, have all the indication of 
mythical origin ; and his own stories were always exaggerated, and 
often evidently false. He was undoubtedly a man of lofty and un- 
quenchable spirit. In his old age, after his defeat, he was in the house 
of a man with whom he frequently dined ; a captain in the army came 
to dinner, and the host intimated to Black Hawk that he should come to 
the second table. Black Hawk's eye glistened with anger as he an- 
swered him, raising the forefinger of one hand to his breast to repre- 
sent the officer : *' I know the white man is a chief ; but T," elevat- 
ing the finger of the other hand far above his head, " was a chief, 
and led my warriors to the fight, long before his mother knew him ! 
Your meat — my dogs shoidd not eat it ! " * He was the husband of one 
wife for forty years, and was affectionate to her and his children. In 
this haughty warrior we see some of the best and worst traits of the 
savage character — intense devotion to friends, and pitiless cruelty to 
foes. 

As the tide of emigration poured westward, the rich lands ceded 
by the Sacs and Foxes in the treaty of 1829 were a principal point of 
attraction to the pioneers. Keokuk and all the tribe, except the band 
under Black Hawk at the Rock Island village, removed to the west 
bank of the Mississippi River ; but these Indians remained deaf to the 
advice of the agents and the solicitations of Keokuk. The Govern- 
ment, assuming that it had acquired a valid title to the land east of 
the Mississippi, threw it open to entry and purchase by the settlers, 
who, naturally looking no further for a foundation for their own rights, 
selected the most fertile spots for their locations. Among these was 
the land on which stood Black Hawk's village. The angry chief 
viewed their intrusion as alike an injury and an insult. Of all those 
broad acres, why select the site of his wigwam ? A contest began for 
the actual occupation of the soil, with the usual consequences of 
' Drake's " Life of Black Hawk." 



32 BLACK-EAWK WAR. 

mutual depredation, violence, and strife. To put an end to this state 
of affairs, the United States Government ordered the Indians of the 
Rock Island village to comply with the treaty of 1829, surrender the 
disputed lands, and cross the Mississippi River. 

Black Hawk and his party denied the binding force of the treaties 
to which he himself had assented, and also the construction placed 
upon them by the United States Government, and induced the Sacs 
on Rock River not to remove from their village. The quarrel between 
the white people and the Indians reached such a point that in May, 
1831, Governor Reynolds, on an appeal from the settlers, called out 
700 Illinois militia " to repel the invasion of the State," as he styled 
the refusal to move. General Gaines, likewise, at his request, 
assembled ten companies of United States troops at Fort Armstrong, 
where, on the 7th of June, he held a council with the chiefs of 
the Sacs and Foxes. At this council Black Hawk denied that they 
had sold their lands, and refused to move. General Gaines, to avoid 
bloodshed, and hoping to effect his object by mere show of force, 
assembled 1,600 mounted militiamen to cooperate with his troops ; 
and, on the 25th of June, took possession of the Sac village without re- 
sistance. During the previous night the Indians, perceiving the hope- 
lessness of resistance, had left their village, and encamped near by 
under the protection of a white flag. Black Hawk and the other chiefs 
then came into a council with General Gaines, in which, after claiming 
that the land could not have been ceded in 1829, because it belonged 
to an old squaw, whom he called his " mother," * he declared that he 
yielded to force. Nevertheless, on the 30th of June they signed a 
treaty, agreeing to submit to the authority of the United States, and 
to remain on the west side of the MississijDpi. 

It is almost certain that Black Hawk had been trying for some 
years to unite the Northwestern Indians in a league against the whites, 
and that he believed that he had secured the adhesion of nine bands 
of different tribes ; while the Prophet also promised him the aid of 
the British. When he found himself compelled to submit, through 
the failure of his allies, he readily attributed the miscarriage to their 
fickleness, their unreadiness, and their want of organization, and post- 
poned his plan until the difficulties could be removed. Black Hawk 
probably made the treaty of 1831 as a mere blind, with no intention of 
remaining on the west side of the Mississippi. The treaty Avas scarcely 
concluded before his people were crossing the river to take corn from 
their former fields, while his emissaries were busy stirring up discon- 
tent in his own and other tribes. But for the quiet yet resolute 
resistance of Keokuk, and the resulting apathy of the majority of the 
Sacs and Foxes, he would have succeeded in organizing a wide-spread 
' This title was tribal, not domestic. 



\ 



BEGIXNIXG OF THE ^YAR. 33 

and formidable insurrection ; as it was, it is almost certain that he had 
many allies, who only waited for success to crown his earlier efforts 
before joining him. That he was not altogether unsuccessful in his 
diplomacy is best evinced by General Scott's statement that at least 
eio'ht lodges of Winnebagoes, and many Kickapoos, Pottawattamies, 
and other Indians, were present with the British band in the campaign 
of 1832. The contest with Black Hawk, however, was finally precipi- 
tated before the maturity of his conspiracy — not by direct collision 
between the white men and Indians, but by one of tliose bloody out- 
rages of one tribe upon another, so frequent in savage annals, which 
the United States Government, as supreme conservator of the peace, 
and by virtue of its treaty obligations, was compelled to punish. 

The following is Lieutenant Johnston's account of the occurrences 
of the war : 

On the 1st of April, 1832, Brigadier-General Atkinson, then commanding 
the right wing, "Western Department, received an order, dated 17th of March, 
from the headquarters of the army, announcing that the Sacs and Foxes, in 
violation of the Treaty of Prairie du Chien of 1830, had attacked the Menomo- 
nees near Fort Crawford, and killed twenty-five of that tribe, and that the 
Menomonees meditated a retaliation. To preserve the pledged faith of the 
Government unbroken, and keep peace and amity among those tribes, he was 
instructed to prevent any movement, on the part of the Menomonees, against the 
Sacs and Foxes, and to demand of the Sac and Fox nation eight or ten of the 
party engaged in the murder of the Menomonees, including some of the principal 
men. For these purposes ho was empowered to employ the regular force on 
the Mississippi, or so much as could be dispensed with after providing for the 
security of the several posts. The remote position of Fort Snelling, at the Falls 
of St. Anthony, surrounded as it was by powerful bands of Indians, precluded 
the possibility of drawing any portion of the force from that point. The force 
then to be relied on, to carry into etfect the views of the Government, was 
such of the troops as could be spared from the slender force at Prairie du Chien, 
the troops at Fort "Winnebago at the portage of the Fox and "Wisconsin Rivers 
and Fort Armstrong at Rock Island, and the companies of the Sixth Regiment 
at Jeflferson Barracks, amounting in all to about 420 men. 

Ajiril 8th. — In obedience to the above-mentioned order, General Atkinson 
set off for the Upper Mississippi, with six companies of the Sixth Infantry (220 
men), which were embarked at Jefferson Barracks, Missouri, in the steamboats 
Enterprise and Chieftain. 

April 10th. — Arrived at the rapids of the Des Moines about 2 p. m. Here 
the commanding oflScer was informed that the British band of Indians, r.nder 
Mucatah-mich-i-ca-Kaiki(Black Hawk), had crossed the Mississippi to the east 
bank, near the mouth of the Lower Iowa River. This band consisted of four 
or five hundred well-appointed horsemen, besides men and boys, employed in 
transporting the canoes, capable of bearing arms, making an active and eflS- 
cient force of between five and six hundred: the whole — men, women, and 
children — amounting to above two thousand souls. The ultimate intentions of 
Black Hawk were unknown; this movement, however, was in direct contraven- 

' Spelled, by McKenny and Hall, Ma-k;i-tai-=he-kia-kiak. ("Indian Tribes," vol. ii.) 



34 BLACK-HAWK WAR. 

tion of a compact made and entered into, the year previous, by the Sacs and 
Foxes and the United States. 

The troops had to be disembarked and n)arched to the head of the 
rapids, on account of shallow water, and, going on board again next 
day, arrived at Rock Island on the 12th. 

April 15th. — Black Hawk's band was reported this morning to be passing 
up on the east side of Rock Eiver ; some canoes were also seen passing up Eock 
Eiver. Several white men were sent among these Indians to obtain informa- 
tion of their designs. They learned nothing of their destination ; their course 
indicates that their movement is upon the Prophet's village. At 10 a. m. Gen- 
eral Atkinson met the Sacs and some of the Fox chiefs in council. 

The minutes of the council, in Lieutenant Johnston's handwriting, 
give the speech of General Atkinson, stating the treaty obligations of 
the parties and their violation, and demanding eight or ten of the mur- 
derers of the Menomonees. He also warned them to stay away from 
Black Hawk, whom he intended to compel to recross the river. The 
chiefs, after withdrawing to the plain to deliberate, returned, prepared 
to reply. Keokuk admitted all that General Atkinson said to be 
true, but declared his inability to control or surrender the murderers, 
who were with Black Hawk. He concluded : 

You wish us to keep at peace, and have nothing to do with the Eock Eiver 
Indians. We will do so. In token of our intentions, you see we have laid our 
spears there together. While you are gone to Prairie du Chien, we will en- 
deavor to speak to Black Hawk's band, and try to persuade them to go back. 
If we do not succeed, I can do no more ; then we will go home and try to keep 
our village at peace. The one who has raised all this trouble is a Winnebago, 
called the Prophet. 

Prince (Wapello), the chief of the Foxes, spoke to the same effect. 
General Atkinson then told them that, in justice to the Menomonees, 
he must require hostages of them, Keokuk declared that he and his 
friends would be the first to be killed by Black Hawk if he had the 
power. The speakers also informed General Atkinson that Black 
Hawk was eight or nine miles up Rock River, with 500 warriors. The 
council was then adjourned to the 19th of April. 

General Atkinson then proceeded up the river, and made arrange- 
ments with the commander at Prairie du Chien, and wnth General 
Dodge at Galena, relative to the protection of their districts, and the 
prevention of hostilities by the Menomonees and Sioux against the 
friendly Sacs and Foxes. 

On his return to Fort Armstrong, General Atkinson again met the 
friendly Sacs and Foxes on the 19th. They brought in three young 
men who had been engaged in the murder of the Menomonees. In 
delivering them up, Wapello said : " There are the young men, who 



STILLMAN'S DEFEAT. , 35 

have taken pity on the women and children. There are three of them. 
These are my chiefs. These are the men who went into the braves' 
lodge to give themselves up. Father, I have received these young 
men ; I now deliver them to you." Keokuk spoke to the same effect. 
General Atkinson expressed himself satisfied, and promised generous 
treatment to the young men who had given themselves up. He also 
promised protection to the friendly Sacs and Foxes, and threatened 
punishment to Black Hawk's band. The journal continues : 

Ajiril 24f A.— General Atkinson, having sent several persons to the British 
band of Indians, and hearing nothing of them, resolved to dispatch two young 
Sacs with a jnild talk. 

April 2Qth.—The two young Sacs returned to day from the British band, 
bringing Black Hawk's answer, which was, that " his heart was bad, and that 
he was determined not to turn back." 

On April 27th Mr. Gratiot brought word from the Prophet's village 
that Black Hawk's band had run up the British flag, and was decidedly 
hostile. General Atkinson now made arrangements to secure the co- 
operation of the Illinois volunteers with the regular troops, but they 
were not concentrated at Rock River Rapids before the 9th of May. 
In the mean time emissaries had been sent to the Winnebagoes, and 
other measures taken to secure the peace of the frontier. On May 
10th the movement up Rock River was begun. 

The mounted volunteers, under General Whitesides, marched for Dixon's 
Ferry. The United States and Illinois infantry moved by water to the same 
point, under the command of Colonel Taylor, First Infantry. The provisions, 
etc., for the troops were transported in keels by the infantry. 

On the 14th the troops arrived at and burned the Prophet's and 
Witticoe's villages, and on the next day received the news of Stillman's 
defeat at Kishwarkee (or Sycamore) Creek. It appears that Major Still- 
man, with his battalion of mounted volunteers from the command of 
General Whitesides, who was in advance, had volunteered for a scout- 
ing expedition. This battalion presented the unfortunate combination 
of an incompetent leader and an armed, disorderly mob. Proceeding 
without due caution about thirty miles in advance, they fell in with 
some Indian scouts, who, according to Black Hawk, carried a white 
flag, but whom the whites represent as defying them with a red flag. 
The militia killed two, and pursued another party incautiously. Before 
they were aware they found themselves in the presence of the enemy, 
when the commander ordered an immediate retreat. A disgraceful 
flight ensued, which lasted for thirty miles, and only terminated at 
Dixon's Ferry. The next morning fifty-two men were reported miss- 
ing ; and the fugitives represented that they had been overpowered by 
1,500 or 2,000 Indian warriors, after a desperate conflict. 



36 BLACK-HAWK WAR. 

Lieutenant Johnston remarks in his journal : 

The truth is, there was no action, or engagement, between the troops of 
General Stillman and the Indians. From the incapacity of their leader, the 
total absence of discipline in his battalion, and consequently a want of confidence 
in each other, these troops, that might under different circumstances have con- 
tended successfully against any enemy, had not the courage to face the Indians 
at Kishwarkee. Facts speak for themselves: only one man was killed near the 
ground where they met the Indians, the remainder were killed in flight six 
miles below, at or below a small, deep creek, now called Stillman's Eun. The 
whole number killed was eleven. The Indians lost three or four, who were 
probably killed before the main body was discovered. 

The Hon. Jefferson Davis told the writer that the Indians now 
became very insolent. They said contemptuously " they wanted more 
saddle-bags," Stillman's men having thrown away a good many. 

The Indians then spread their scouts over the country, who killed and 
plundered the settlers, while the main body retired up Rock River to 
the Four Lakes. In the mean time, Governor Reynolds was obliged to 
yield to the clamors of Whitesides's militia, and disbanded them on the 
26th of May, which put a stop for a time to the campaign. Abraham 
Lincoln was a captain in Whitesides's command, and is said, by his 
biographer, Lamon, in his queer narrative, to have reenlisted as a 
private in an independent spy company. Jefferson Davis, who was 
with General Gaines in his operations in 1831, was absent on furlough 
in Mississippi when the Black-Hawk War broke out, but gave up his 
furlough, and, joining his company, served in the campaign. Thus, in 
early life and with small rank, met as co-workers in this remote field, 
three men, who, forty years later, measured arms on an arena whose 
contest shook the world. Lieutenants Johnston, Eaton, and Robert 
Anderson, received commissions as colonels on the staff of the Governor 
of Illinois, dated May 9th. This militia rank was given, in order to 
secure the ready obedience of the Illinois officers, who refused to obey 
orders received through staff-officers of less rank than their own, and 
it proved a successful device. 

On May 29th, Governor Reynolds, upon the requisition of General 
Atkinson, ordered 3,000 militia to assemble June 10th. To provide for 
and expedite their arming, equipment, and subsistence. General Atkin- 
son dispatched his staff-officers to points where they were required. 
Lieutenant Johnston was sent to Jefferson Barracks, where, during 
his absence, his eldest daughter, Henrietta Preston, had been born. 
After passing a few days at home, between the 1st and 10th of 
June, he was at his post in time to assist in the organization of the 
militia, for whom General Atkinson, by extraordinary diligence, had 
prepared whatever was necessary to begin the campaign. Three bri- 
gades were organized at the Rapids of the Illinois, under the command 



MOYEMEXTS OF TROOPS. 37 

of Generals Posey, Alexander, and Henry ; but it was not until the 
2oth of June that they were able to move from Dixon's Ferry, Gen- 
eral Posey marched toward Galena, to cooperate with General Dodge. 
General Alexander was detached in the direction of the Plum River, 
to cut off the retreat of the enemy, who were reported to be march- 
ing toward the Mississippi. The rest of the command, under Gen- 
eral Brady, United States Army, moved up Rock River, with seven- 
ty-five Pottawattamies, under their chief Chaboni, as guides. The 
time will not appear long in which these levies were assembled, or- 
ganized, equipped, and moved to the scene of action, if we consider 
the condition of the country at that day, the want of facilities for 
transportation, and the distance from which supplies were drawn. In 
the mean time, however, every express brought intelligence of new 
outrages and disaster, the slaughter and scalping of citizens, and the 
defeat of small bodies of soldiers. 

Lieutenant Johnston, in his private journal, after complimenting the 
zeal and energy of the quartermaster's and commissary departments, 
says : 

No time was to be lost. An active and cruel enemy was now busy in the 
work of death and devastation, since the last levy was disbanded. Their mode 
of warfiire is such that, while you keep a sufficient force in motion against 
them to contend with their main body, you must necessarily keep troops at 
every assailablQ point on the frontier to hold in check small pailies, which it is 
their custom to detach to a great distance. Thus military men, acquainted only 
with the warfare of civilized nations, are surprised that so many troops are 
called into the field to subdue a comparatively small body of savages. Great 
allowance, in estimating for a militia force, must be made for the probable 
daily diminution, or actual loss of strength, from a variety of causes, which do 
not affect a regular force in the least; this, in addition to what is said of the 
enemy, will explain the reason why so large a militia force is usually called out. 

The journal relates a number of instances in which marauding bands 
of Indians surprised and butchered solitary families and small parties. 
It also gives a detailed account of " General Dodge's affair with the 
Sacs on the Peketolica ; in which, with the loss of one killed and two 
dangerously wounded, he succeeded in destroying the whole party, 
thirteen in number." This vras a very gallant skirmish with a ravaging 
band. Dodge, with eighteen men, attacked the Indians in a swamp. 
Under cover of the high bank of a small lake they wounded two of his 
men ; but the rest charged them, and, in a hand-to-hand encounter, in 
a space scarcely forty feet square, killed all the Indians except two, who 
were shot trying to swim the lake. 

On the ,2d and 3d of July the main body encamped one and a half 
mile from Lake Cosconong, where the Indians had evidently remained 
some time. Fresh signs were discovered of small parties ; but the 



38 ELACK-HAWK "WAR. 

main trail was toward the head of Rock Rivei\ General Brady was 
here obliged, by sickness, to turn over the command to General Atkin- 
son. By the 6 til of July, Generals Dodge, Alexander, Posey, and Hen- 
ry, were brought into concert on both banks of Rock River, near the 
mouth of White Water Creek, with an almost impassable country be- 
fore them. Reconnoitring parties of soldiers and friendly Indians ad- 
vanced many miles, and reported access as very diflScult, by reason of 
undergrowth and swamps. 

Lieutenant Johnston says in his journal : 

The volunteers having been for several days in great need of provisions, and 
not knowing when supplies would arrive, the commanding general ordered 
Alexander's and Henry's brigades and Dodge's battalion, to march to Fort 
Winnebago (a distance of thirty-six miles), and Posey to Fort Hamilton (a dis- 
tance of forty-five miles). He directed General Posey to remain with his 
brigade at Fort Hamilton. Alexander, Henry, and Dodge, were to return to 
Fort Cosconong, as soon as provisions were procured. He gave verbal instruc- 
tions to pursue the trail of the enemy, if it was met with in going or returning. 

The troops were now in a country almost totally unknown, and in 
great want of provisions. Hence the necessity of sending this heavy 
detachment to procure them. The Indians were supposed to be at " the 
Four Lakes," now the site of the flourishing town of Madison, Wiscon- 
sin, and to be about to move westward for the Mississippi River. The 
line of march of the volunteers to Fort Winnebago left the Four Lakes 
to the right ; and, therefore, in going or returning, would necessarily 
cross the trail of the Indians, if they had moved as was expected. In 
returning from Fort Winnebago the detachment fell in with the trail 
of the Indians ; and General Henry, in obedience to his verbal instruc- 
tions, sent forward his provisions with a small guard, and pursued the 
Indians with his main body. He overtook them on July 21, 1832, and 
successfully engaged them at what was known as Wisconsin Heights, a 
crossing of the Wisconsin River, twenty miles below Fort Winnebago. 

A letter from Mrs. Johnston to her mother gives the following 
account of the fight, as received from her husband : 

Generals Dodge and Henry, with their mounted men, overtook the retreat- 
ing Indians at a point on the Wisconsin Pdver fifteen miles above Blue Mounds. 
The Indians rose the crest of a hill on horseback, set up a yell, and fired, when 
they discovered the whites. The mounted men formed, yelled as dreadfully as 
the enemy, dismounted, and charged on them. There was one man killed, and 
eight wounded, but none badly. Between thirty-five and forty Indians were 
killed, and it was supposed that numbers were wounded. They were pursued 
till night, when they escaped, much shattered, to an island in the Wisconsin ; 
leaving (as Captain Smith writes) many old men, and sick and dead children, 
on their march. They also abandoned all their heavy baggage. The whites 
had but one day's provisions, and were, consequently, compelled to return for 
more. 



WAE, PESTILENCE, AND FAMINE. 39 

Though the volunteers had marched that day forty miles, and -were 
drenched with a six hours' rain, they attacked the Indians with great 
spirit. Black Hawk, however, made a gallant stand, to enable his 
women and children to get across the river, which they succeeded in 
doing ; and his band made their escape during the night in bark 
canoes. He was said to have lost sixty-eight men, but this number 
probably included those fugitives killed and captured by Lieutenant 
Ritner. The volunteers fell back to Blue Mounds, where they arrived 
on the evening of the 23d, and were joined next day by the main 
body. 

During the campaign, Black Hawk's people had suffered mucli from 
want of provisions ; many subsisted on the roots and bark of trees, 
and some starved to death. On the litli of July several families of 
Winnebagoes came into camp, much in need of provisions. July 16th, 
General Atkinson received dispatches from General Scott. He speaks 
of "the deplorable condition of his command of regular troops at 
Chicago and elsewhere on the lakes, as far as Detroit, produced by 
Asiatic cholera." So formidable was the outbreak of the British band 
considered by the Government, and so imminent seemed an insur- 
rection of the Northwestern tribes, that all the available forces on the 
seaboard were hurried toward the scene of action, under the command 
of General Scott. But, in their progress across the lakes, the cholera 
broke out ; and, of the 1,500 regular soldiers in his command, over 200 
died, many were prostrated by disease, a large number deserted, and 
nearly all were demoralized. Under these circumstances, and for fear 
of spreading the infection, General Scott prudently and properly held 
aloof from the campaign. As it turned out, his contingent was not 
needed to finish the pursuit of the starving Indians, who were now, in 
reality, fugitives. 

The troops having received provisions, and many of the volunteers 
being dismounted and broken down, the main body was moved back 
to Lake Cosconong on July 20th ; but, in consequence of information 
received from Generals Henry and Dodge, the command was marched, 
on July 21st, toward Blue Mounds, one hundred miles distant, where 
a junction was effected on the 24th with General Henry, who had fallen 
back there for provisions. In their forced march along a ridge, 
through a swampy and flooded country, the troops suffered from 
storms, want of drinking-water, and dysentery, caused by the raw pork 
and dough, which was their only food. On the 25th, the regulars, 
with Alexander's and Henry's brigades, moved to within three miles 
of the Wisconsin River. 

In Mrs. Johnston's letter, already quoted, occurs the following : 

"We frot letters again last night, dated the 27th. Our men had hurried on to 
the scene of action, as soon as the express arrived, leaving their sick and bag- 



40 BLACK-HAWK WAK. 

gage at Blue Mounds. They were constructing rafts, to cross the Wisconsin at 
that point, for it was much swollen with late rains. They expected to get over 
that day. Captain Rogers [Sixth Infantry] thought it impossible for foot- 
soldiers to overtake the mounted Indians ; but Mr. Johnston was more sanguine. 
His letter is not here. I was requested to send it to town, or I could be even 
more particular, certainly much more graphical than I am. He hoped for a 
speedy termination of these affairs, as the enemy are now making for the Chip- 
pewa country, or will try to cross the Mississippi at Prairie du Chien. Mr. 
Johnston thinks they will be overtaken before they reach either place. They 
are nearly starved, subsisting on the bark of trees, dogs, and their horses. 

Lieutenant Johnston's journal contains the following record : 

July "il^th. — Many of the horses having failed through fatigue and insuffi- 
ciency of proper food, General Atkinson selected aboxit 900 of the best mounted 
volunteers to cross the Wisconsin and pursue the enemy, in conjunction with 
the regular troops. The remainder of the several volunteer corps was ordered 
to Fort Hamilton. Generals Henry, Posey, Alexander, and Dodge, commanded 
the volunteers, whom they had selected from their several commands for this 
duty. Colonel Zachary Taylor, First Infantry, commanded the regular troops, 
about 400 infantry. 

July 28th. — The troops, having all passed the river, moved up the Wisconsin ; 
and, having advanced three or four miles, the trail of the enemy was discovered, 
bearing in the direction of the Ocooch Mountains. The columns were turned 
to the left, and pursued, on the trail, ten or twelve miles, and encamped. At 
this point the trail turned up a deep creek. The same kind of ancient fortifica- 
tions were observed at this gap of the hills as we had noticed on Rock River. 

July 2dth. — The trails of the enemy were pursued with activity to-day. We 
passed several of the Sac encampments ; they are hard pressed for provisions, 
and forced to kill their horses for subsistence. The country is rough and 
mountainous, with a rich soil; dense forests, with thick underwood, cover the 
whole country, which affords no grass. The troops encamped on a high hill ; 
the horses were tied up without food. 

July SOf/t. — The march was continued to-day. The face of the country 
bears the same cljaracter as that passed yesterday. The general course of the 
trail is northwest. Encamped this evening in a deep, narrow valley, near a 
small stream running westward ; the water was remarkably cold. Small sap- 
lings of maple and elm were cut down for the horses to feed on ; they had suf- 
fered much for want of grass. 

July Slst. — After a hard day's march, the troops encamped near the Kickapoo 
River — a small stream flowing into the Wisconsin. 

August 1st. — Passed the Kickapoo to-day at a shallow ford. Here com- 
mences a prairie country, with scattering groves of oak, quite as rough as that 
we had passed over. This was a long day's march for the infantry, who found 
no difficulty, however, in keeping pace with the mounted men, whose horses 
were exhausted for want of food. The troops encamped after dark. The ap- 
pearance of the trail indicated the proximity of the enemy, who were supposed 
to be at the Mississippi, which was conjectured to be within a short march. 
The commanders of the several corps were directed to hold them in readiness to 
march at two o'clock the following morning. This order was not communicated 



BATTLE OF THE BAD AXE. 41 

to the brigades of Generals Alexander and llenry before their horses wore 
turned out to graze. 

Aiigxist "Id. — xVt two o'clock this morning the troops turned out ; and, having 
made hasty preparation, were on tlie route of the enemy before sunrise, except 
Henry's and Alexander's brigades, for reasons before mentioned. About one 
hour after sunrise, a small body of spies, under the command of Captain Dixon, 
thrown in advance from Dodge's battalion, brought information that the enemy 
were drawn up in position on the route, and near at hand. "We had previous 
notice of our proximity to the Mississippi, from having seen the fog over it, 
distant probably five or six miles. 

General Dodge instructed his spies to reconnoitre the enemy, and occupy his 
attention ; the spies advanced as ordered, and succeeded in killing eight Indians, 
while they retired through the woods. In the mean time, General Dodge's bat- 
talion was drawn up in line, and a report was made to the commanding general. 
The regulars and mounted volunteers were ordered forward. The regulars, 
being immediately in rear of Dodge's battalion, moved forward and formed in 
extended order on his right ; Dodge's battalion, having dismounted, was also 
formed in extended order; the whole advanced in this order for some minutes 
before General Posey's command came up. Generals Henry and Alexander 
promptly obeyeu the order to advance, and came up in good time to take the 
position assigned to them by the commanding general. 

General Posey was posted on the right of the regulars, and General Alexan- 
der on the right of General Posey. The troops by this time, in following the 
movements of the retiring enemy, had been drawn considerably to the right of 
the trail. The commanding general, apprehending this to be a feint intended to 
divert him from his purpose and to gain time, ordered General Henry to pursue 
the trail quite to the river. At the same time. General Alexander was ordered 
to move down a deep ravine to the river. 

The centre passed down a steep declivity and ravine. In taking possession 
of these only accessible approaches to the plain, or rather swamp lying below, 
the right and left were necessarily two miles or more apart. General Henry in 
pursuing the trail, which followed the easiest descent, was brought in contact 
with the position of the enemy sooner than either of the other corps. He 
reached the plain in advance of the centre, and attacked the enemy. 

The regulars and Dodge's and part of Posey's command promptly moved to 
the support of the left. The enemy then retired, disputing the ground step by 
step, which they had done from the beginning. Many of them, men, women, 
and children, fled to the river, and endeavored to escape by swimming. In this 
situation our troops arrived on the bank, and threw in a heavy fire, which killed 
great numbers, unfortunately some women and children among the warriors, an 
event deeply deplored by the soldiers. The enemy, in retiring, had taken some 
strong positions at the foot of an island, from which they were driven by the 
repeated charges of the regulars, and the volunteers under Dodge. 

They were now completely overthrown and beaten, with the loss of one hun- 
dred and fifty killed, forty women and children taken prisoners, their baggage 
captured, and about one hundred horses killed or captured. The loss on our 
part was five regulars killed and four wounded ; six of Henry's wounded, one 
mortally ; and one of Posey's brigade. This action was decisive ; tlie remnant 
of the baud fled to the west of the Mississippi, and, after having suffered almost 



42 BLACK-HAWK WAR. 

beyond endurance, reached their own country, and were given up by Keokuk 
and other influential friendly Sacs to the whites. 

The losses of the campaign in encounters and skirmishes, and in the 
heavy fight at Wisconsin Heights, had greatly weakened Black Hawk's 
force, which had been further diminished by the desertion of his Indian 
allies, as the tide of war turned against him. Moreover, after the aifair 
at Wisconsin Heights too, a detachment, under Lieutenant Ritner, sent 
from Prairie du Chien, intercepted a party of the Sacs attempting to 
descend tlie Wisconsin, and killed fifteen men and captured four men 
and thirty-two women and children. 

When Black Hawk reached the Mississippi, and was preparing to 
effect its passage on the 1st of August, he found the steamboat War- 
rior ready to dispute the crossing. This boat, with a detachment of 
troops and a cannon, had been interposed, under orders from General 
Atkinson, to cut off his retreat ; and a sharp skirmish ensued, with the 
effect, at least, of retarding his flight until the assault of the main 
body on August 2d. 

The fight on that day, known as the battle of the Bad Axe, from a 
stream near by, effectually crushed the power of the British band. The 
exhausted condition of the victors, but still more the desire to stop the 
effusion of blood, induced General Atkinson to desist from the pursuit 
of the miserable remnant who fled across the Mississippi. But the pur- 
suit, which was thus abandoned by the whites, was taken up by the 
Indians in alliance with the United States so eagerly that it is believed 
that not one of the fugitives escaped death or capture. Those who 
reached the west bank of the river were attacked by their foes, the 
Sioux, and were either killed, or taken prisoners and surrendered to the 
United States authorities. Among those thus given up was Naopope, 
Black Hawk's second in command. 

Black Hawk, with the Prophet and other chiefs, escaped from the 
combat, and took refuge on some islands above Prairie du Chien, whence 
they were routed by a detachment of regulars under Lieutenant Jeffer- 
son Davis. In despair they gave themselves up to two Winnebago 
Indians, Decorie the one-eyed and Chaetar, who claimed to have cap- 
tured them, and delivered them to Colonel Taylor and the Indian agent, 
General Street, at Prairie du Chien, with a false and fulsome speech. 
The other captives were released ; but Black Hawk and his two sons, 
the Prophet, Naopope, and nine other chiefs of the hostile band, were 
retained as hostages. 

Four or five hundred Indians and about two hundred white people had 
lost their lives in the Black-Hawk War, and an expenditure of $2,000,000 
had been incurred. Whether the war might not have been averted by 
foresight and timely generosity on the part of the Government is a ques- 



PUBLIC GRATIFICATIOX AT RESULT. 43 

tion ; but, when the savage chief and his band were once upon the war- 
path, any other than the promptest and severest measures of repression 
would have been construed by these rude warriors as an evidence of 
timidity, and any partial display of military strength as a confession of 
weakness. The Winnebagoes, Pottawattamies, and other disaffected 
tribes, would probably have seized the opportunity and bathed the fron- 
tier in blood. Hence the necessity for a large force and for decisive action. 
Indeed, but for the unfortunate defeat of Stillman, which was precipi- 
tated by the rashness and disorganization of his command, it is quite 
possible that Black Hawk might have submitted, in the presence of an 
overpowering force, to General Atkinson, as he had yielded to General 
Gaines the year previous. But, after this first act of overt war, the 
cruel atrocities of the Indians upon the white settlers made impossible 
any other solution than such swift and heavy retribution as would pun- 
ish the guilty, warn the wavering, and thenceforth deter the discon- 
tented from similar attempts. 

The whole country felt great relief at the termination of a war 
which threatened to assume such proportions ; but in the border settle- 
ments, where^the lives of the women and children were at stake, there 
was heart-felt rejoicing. 

The Secretary of War addressed the following letter to General 
Atkinson : 

Department of War, October 2-t, 1S32. 

Sir : The return of the President to the seat of government enables me to 
communicate to you his sentiments in relation to the operations and results of 
the campaign, recently conducted under your orders, against the hostile Indians ; 
and it is with great pleasure I have received his instructions to inform you that 
he appreciates the difficulties you had to encounter, and that he has been highly 
gratified at the termination of your arduous and responsible duties. Great pri- 
vations and embarrassments necessarily attend such a warfare, and particularly 
in the difficult country occupied by the enemy. The arrangements which led 
to the defeat of the Indians were adopted with judgment and pursued with 
decision, and the result was honorable to yourself, and to the officers and men 
acting under orders. I will thank you to communicate to the forces that served 
with you, both regulars and militia, the feelings of the President upon this occa- 
sion. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

Lewis Cass. 

To General H. Atkinson, Jefiferson Barracks, Mo. 

The favorable opinions of the President, General Jackson, and of 
General Cass, on the conduct of the war, carry more weight than the 
ordinary bestowal of official compliments, as they were both well ac- 
quainted with the nature of the service from actual experience. 

The Secretary of "War, in his report for 1832, says : 

The arrangements of the commanding general, as well in the pursuit as in 



44 BLACK-HAWK WAR. 

the action, were prompt and judicious, and the conduct of the officers and men 
was exemplary. 

President Jackson, in his annual message, approves of the action of 
the military authorities, thus : 

The hostile incursions of the Sac and Fox Indians necessarily led to the inter- 
position of the Government. A portion of the troops under Generals Scott and 
Atkinson, and of the militia of the State of Illinois, were called into the field. 
After a harassing warfare, prolonged by the nature of the country and by the 
difficulty of procuring subsistence, the Indians were entirely defeated, and the 
disaftected band dispersed or destroyed. The result has been creditable to the 
troops engaged in the service. Severe as is the lesson to the Indians, it was ren- 
dered necessary by their unprovoked aggressions; and it is to be hoped that its 
impression will be permanent and salutary. This campaign has evinced the effi- 
cient organization of the army, and its capacity for prompt and active service. 
Its several departments have performed their functions with energy and dis- 
patch, and the general movement was satisfactory. 

The best proof of the influence of the Black-Hawk campaign is to 
be found in the quiet acquiescence of the Indian tribes in the measures 
taken immediately thereafter by the Government for their removal 
■westward, and in the permanent peace established on that frontier. 

Black Hawk and his associates were treated with generosity by 
the Government. They were retained in mild captivity at Jefferson 
Barracks long enough to break their power and destroy their prestige 
with their tribe, and to allow their own heated passions to cool under 
the genial influence of kindly intercourse with their captors. They 
were then carried through the principal cities of the East, that they 
might view the numbers, wealth, and resources, of their recent antag- 
onist, and realize the folly of such an unequal struggle ; after which 
they were released and dismissed to their homes. In the tour among 
the Atlantic cities Black Hawk was treated more like a popular favorite 
than a merciless foe ; and a respect was paid him that was measured 
rather by the trouble he had given than by the greatness of his talents. 
The Indians who had followed him in his last campaign represented the 
Prophet as the mover of the strife and the most cunning in counsel; to 
Naopope was given the credit of the highest military skill ; while the 
preeminence of Black Hawk was ascribed not so much to sagacity or 
warlike genius as to the force of his relentless will, the intensity of his 
passions, and the singleness of his purpose. 

Hon. Jefferson Davis informed the writer that Black Hawk told him, 
while he was in his custody at Jefferson Barracks, that he crossed the 
Mississippi to join the Prophet ; that his engagement was to give up 
Rock Island village ; and that tliere was no engagement not to join 
the Prophet. Mr. Davis said Keokuk was a politic man ; but that 



TRIUMPHS OF CIVILIZATION. 45 

Black Hawk was a proud, silent savage. He bore himself with dignity 
in his confinement, and thanked Mr. Davis for his kindness to him. 

Black Hawk saw his power pass to his rival ; but he could scarcely 
envy the self-indulgence enjoyed by Keokuk as the pensioner and place- 
man of a people whom he had himself defied in arms. The short 
remnant of his old age was worn out in sullen submission to the con- 
queror ; his enemy, Keokuk, became the slave of drink, died, and is 
almost forgotten ; and now no trace of the stern warrior, of his more 
politic opponent, or of the red clansmen who followed them in war or 
in the chase, is found in all their broad domain, except in a few isolated 
geographical names. Perhaps the most striking commentary on the 
events which supplanted roaming savages with a civilized people is 
seen in the change that less than half a century has wrought in the 
theatre of war. The very region where a moving column of less than 
3,000 soldiers was compelled to carry its provisions, and 1,000 Indians 
endured the pangs of famine, is now one of the greatest grain-produc- 
ing centres in the world ; while the territory east of the Mississippi, 
within a hundred and fifty miles of Rock Island, for which the British 
band contended, now supports an intelligent and prosperous popula- 
tion, numbering more than 1,250,000 souls. 



CHAPTER IV. 

JEFFEESON BARRACKS. 



As soon as it was manifest that Black Hawk and the British band 
were utterly crushed. General Atkinson disbanded the volunteers, and 
distributed the regulars according to the exigencies of the service. 
That officer had concluded the campaign, which was really creditable 
to him, with an enhanced military reputation. Colonel Zachary Taylor, 
who, after the departure of General Brady, was the second in command, 
now belongs to history as a victorious general in the Mexican War, and 
as the twelfth President of the United States. His character and deeds 
have been weighed and recorded ; and, in this connection, therefore, it 
is only necessary to state the impression he made upon the subject of 
this memoir. It is true that circumstances contributed to a very favor- 
able estimate of Colonel Taylor by Lieutenant Johnston ; but, as a life- 
long acquaintance and his matured judgment confirmed this, it may 
not be without interest as one soldier's opinion of another. Lieutenant 
Johnston was probably, from the first, kindly disposed to Colonel 
Taylor, because he was a kinsman of Mrs. Johnston's mother ; which 



46 JEFFERSON BARRACKS. 

tie had been strengthened by long acquaintance, good neighborhood, 
and mutual kind offices. Colonel Taylor had shown an earnest and 
active friendship for Mrs. Preston and her family, when circumstances 
rendered it peculiarly acceptable, especially as surety in settling Major 
Preston's estate. Moreover, he was always cordial and appreciative to 
Lieutenant Johnston, both in social and military intercourse ; and this 
conduct had the more weight as he was a bold, open man, whose 
offices outran his professions. His popular title of " Rough and 
Ready " only did him half justice ; for his ruggedness was tliat of the 
oak, and he was as ready to help a friend as to strike a foe. Under 
blunt manners he concealed a warm heart. He was an expert in the 
practical routine of his profession, and handled his army like a machine 
with which he was perfectly familiar. He was well acquainted with 
English history ; Hume was his favorite author. General Johnston's 
sincere and lasting attachment for General Taylor was based upon 
genuine esteem. He had a high opinion of General Taylor's military 
ability 5 and told the writer, when the battle of Buena Vista was im- 
pending, that no man had better military instincts, or a more stubborn 
resolution under adverse circumstances. He saw in him a strong, 
single-minded, faithful, upright man. General Taylor lacked power of 
verbal expression, and was impatient of homage and conventionalities. 
He was tenacious of opinions, purposes, and affections ; clear in his 
perceptions of familiar subjects ; and prompt, decided, and thorough, 
in his actions. Lieutenant Johnston was greatly drawn toward a 
character so perfect in its massiveness, integrity, and simplicity. 

In the Black-Hawk War Lieutenant Johnston was thrown into the 
intimate relations of camp-life with his brother officers ; and the favor 
in which he was before held by them was increased by his share in the 
campaign. In a letter to the writer, from Major-General George H. Cros- 
man, United States Army (retired), written in 1873, occurs the following, 
giving voice to this opinion : " Your father acquired a very high repu- 
tation for his wise and successful conduct during the Black-Hawk War." 

Captain Eaton relates a little anecdote of the Black-Hawk War, 
which it may not be amiss to give in his own language: 

On the same campaign an incident happened, illustrating Lieutenant John- 
ston's keen sense of propriety, his respect for female virtue, and his power of 
rebuke. One evening, as a group of oflScers were talking in the tent of one of 

them, a Lieutenant , who was of a coarse and vulgar nature, and who was 

eventually dismissed from the service, said he did not believe in female virtue. 

Lieutenant Johnston at once arose and said: "Mr. , you have a mother ; 

and, I believe, you have a sister." He made no other remark ; but the rebuke 

silenced Lieutenant , and, vulgar as he was, he hung his head in shame 

and confusion. I never knew a man who could give a rebuke with more 
crushing effect than Albert Sidney Johnston. 



SICKNESS. 4,7 

His power of rebuke lay in his serenity and benignity. It was 
clearly seen that it was the sentiment, not the person, that was con- 
demned. 

General Atkinson dropped down the river to Prairie du Chien, on 
A-uo-ust 3d ; and, having delayed there until the 25th, proceeded to 
Rock Island. In consequence of the movement of cholera-infected 
troops from Chicago to that point the pestilence broke out there, and 
carried off a number of victimsv Lieutenant Johnston was attacked, 
but recovered after severe suflFering. Lying upon the floor, he was 
wrapped in heavy blankets, drenched with vinegar and salt, and then 
dosed with brandy and Cayenne pepper ; the Faculty must decide 
whether he recovered in consequence or in spite of the treatment. The 
doctors yet disagree as to the mode of cholera propagation. Lieutenant 
Johnston, from his own observation, inclined to the belief that cholera 
might be averted, from isolated places at least, by strict quarantine. 

Lieutenant Johnston, on his return to Jefferson Barracks, found 
that the absence which had proved so fruitful to him in professional 
experience had been a season of sore trial to his wife, whose delicate 
nervous organization had been too severely taxed for her strength. An 
infant daughter, born in April, was, as the mother's record has it, 
" on June 38th, supposed to be dead, but was, by God's mercy, restored 
to us." The child was in her coffin ; but Mrs. Benton, thinking she 
detected signs of life, by a hot bath and other remedies brought her 
to life, and she still lives. The following extract, from a letter to her 
mother, explains how the seeds of the malady that cost Mrs. Johnston's 
life were sown : 

I am still afflicted with the sickness of both my children. Between physi- 
cal fatigue and mental anxiety for my children, for you, and for my good lius- 
band, I am scarcely myself. I try to be clieerful. God alone knows how it 
will all terminate! I have been busy to-day, making up flannel for my hus- 
band, and writing to him. I have so bad a cold that I can't be heard when I 
speak, and I am often fatigued and sick. 

Her husband's return, safe from the war and the epidemic, the re- 
covery of her children, and the soothing hope of a less exciting life, 
relaxed this grievous mental strain. Mrs. Johnston's constitution Avas 
naturally good ; but, in the change from the mountains of Virginia, 
where she was born and passed a good deal of her girlhood, to the 
neighborhood of Louisville, then in bad repute for malarial fevers, 
her health had been injured, and again still more by a three years' 
residence on the banks of the Mississippi. But, although her enfee- 
bled system was thus laid open to the inroads of disease, its approaches 
were so insidious that the apprehensions which had been aroused were 
lulled into a fatal security. In the happy illusions of the moment her 



4S JEFFERSON BARRACKS. 

imagination pictured a long and tranquil existence, in which the alarms 
of war should be exchanged for the peaceful delights of a country- 
home. She urged her husband to resign from the army ; and her 
lively and affectionate representations would easily have efiected their 
purpose but for a conflict of duties and sentiments that alternateiv 
swayed him. No traits were more strongly marked in the character of 
Albert Sidney Johnston than his powerful domestic affections and his 
love for Nature in all her aspects, but especially as seen through the 
coloring of a rural life. On the other hand — so strangely are our quali- 
ties mingled — he felt the desire, the power, and the call, to achieve 
something great, useful, and memorable. Never was a man more 
deeply conscious that he was born into the world not for himself, but 
for others ; and that, whosoever else might fail, on him^ at least, lay an 
obligation of public duty, to which self must be sacrificed. He recog- 
nized the duty to return in service the gift of an education received at 
West Point. He saw, too, that the habits of life and thought, the 
associations, studies, and aspirations of ten years, would be difficult to 
lay aside. As no public emergency required his services, and as the 
call of domestic duties seemed, therefore, the more urgent, his conclu- 
sion was to yield to the wishes of his wife, and choose some other 
occupation, in which he would not be separated from her. Yet, con- 
senting, he delayed, for it was hard to abandon his chosen career. In 
this state of mind he took counsel with his eldest brother, on whose 
prudence and good feeling he knew that he could rely. 

The reply of Senator Johnston is written in the most affectionate 
strain, and discusses the subject in all its bearings, but space permits 
only a few extracts, which, as indications of the writer's character, as 
well as for their general value, may prove interesting : 

Washington, January 12, 1833. 

My deak Eeothee : I received your letter with great pleasure, since it re- 
news a correspondence that had been, on your part, for a considerable time neg- 
lected. 

I am very happy to hear of your wife, and the interesting family growing 
up around you, and of the fortunate circumstances of your life. You have no 
reason to regret your profession, or the military career you have run, since you 
have been entirely successful, and as useful and distinguished as the nature of 
the service permits. It has, besides, led you to a happy union, and has given a 
fortunate direction to your pursuits. 

If you should retire now, as you may do under the most favorable and flat- 
tering circumstances, you will carry with you your military character and ser- 
vices, which will always be a source of pride and pleasure, as well as of proper 
consideration, among your friends and countrymen. In the event of war, which 
is not, however, probable at present, you will be called into service with much 
higher rank. If you should aspire to political life, your past career will be the 
highest claim to public confidence and favor, "Wherever you go and whatever 



J. S. JOHNSTON'S LETTERS AND DEATH. 

you do, you will find that it will exert a favorable influence in your intercc 
with society. 

In all these respects you have gained more than you would in any other pro- 
fession in the same time ; and, taking all the chances of life, you are eminently 
successful in all that constitutes our happiness here. 

After suggesting the various inducements to different occupations, 
Mr. Johnston advises farming, and adds : 

You might connect this with some other pursuits, such as those of a literary 
or political kind. The former is full of interest and pleasure, but the country- 
life lacks excitement to keep it up ; as to the latter, it is replete with disgust 
and disappointment. 

This last sentence is remarkable, as the utterance of a man of cheer- 
ful temper, who, from early manhood to the day of his death, continu- 
ally advanced in popular favor without a single reverse. 

After discussing the advantages and disadvantages of planting in 
Louisiana, the strong fraternal feeling and confident spirit of the man 
break out thus : 

I can only say I shall be most happy to render you any assistance ; and that, 
with the support of Harris and myself, you could not fail in any enterprise. 

He continues : 

You think you are too old to study a profession. That is a mistake ; you 
could never read with greater advantage. If you could devote all your leisure 
to law, history, and literature, it would not only give you excellent habits, good 
taste, and much valuable information, but would qualify you for any duty to 
which you may be called. I can, from my own experience, say that books are 
the source of the purest and most rational pleasures. They are the most dur- 
able, and, unlike almost all others, increase with age, as the taste for others 
diminishes. To a gentleman this taste is essential ; in the country it is neces- 
sary, to avoid en7iui and tedium of life; and this is equally true of both sexes. 
. . . Military talents are held in high estimation all over the world, less perhaps 
than they deserve in this country ; but no one knows how long we shall be 
peaceful neighbors. You may live to see not only tear among the States, lut 
civil and perhaps servile war, in which all your military skill and experience 
may be put in requisition. 

This seems written in the spirit of prophecy, but it was only the 
calm reading of the signs of the times by the experienced eye of a vet- 
eran statesman. 

There are several other letters indicating Mr. Johnston's natural 
desire that his brother should cast his lot in the community where he 
himself had been so fortunate and so much honored ; still this is not 
urged upon him unduly. The following extracts are from his last letter 
to Lieutenant Johnston : 




65 JEFFERSON BARRACKS. 

April 25, 1S83. 

Mt dear Brother: I am now on board the Homer on my way to Louisiana, 
with my son William. The indisposition of my wife detained me until the 13th, 
when she was so far recovered as to permit me to leave her. 

Since the pacification, all parties seem reconciled to the terms of the com- 
promise, Ihe South is content, and the manufacturers are perfectly satisfied. 
The country enjoys at this moment an unexampled degree of prosperity, and we 
can foresee nothing likely to interrupt it for many years. Everything is appre- 
ciating in value — stocks of all kinds, lands, lots, houses, manufactures, rents, 
etc. Property in cities and towns is rising in value. I was glad to see Louis- 
ville partaking of the general prosperity ; it gives indications of considerable 
improvement, and will doubtless become a flourishing place. ... It is impos- 
sible for one person to advise another wisely with regard to his vocation and 
pursuits in life. We cannot enter fully into each other's ^iews and feelings. If 
money was your chief object, you would accomplish your purpose most rapidly 
in Louisiana ; but the climate and slave-property are objections. , . . 

I duly received the account of General Atkinson's expedition. He pursued 
a wise and prudent policy. If he had hurried on and been defeated, the whole 
frontier would have been exposed, while the timid and wavering Indians would 
have joined Black Hawk, and gained possession of the country. It would then 
have required another year, a more formidable force, and a greater expenditure 
of money, to conquer them. 

I had a conversation with the President, at the meeting of Congress, He 
was, I believe, satisfied with the final results. He thought the general might, 
in the first instance, have felt the force of the Indians, and, having done so, he 
would have found himself able to defeat them. Caution is no part of his policy. 
The general was placed in a position either to sufi"er defeat by a prompt move- 
ment, or censure by a prudent one. The country is entirely satisfied. It must 
have been a very arduous service, in which you had your share of labor and 
responsibility. 

You will please make ray affectionate regards to your wife. Affectionately, 

J. S. Johnston, 

The next tidings brought the distressing intelligence of this broth- 
er's sudden death, by the explosion of the steamboat Lioness. The 
following extracts from a letter of Judge John Harris Johnston to 
Albert Sidney Johnston sufficiently narrate the sad event : 

My dear Brother: Detailed accounts of the dreadful disaster on board the 
Lioness, in Red Pviver, will have reached you before this time, confirming the 
melancholy loss of life. The explosion occurred on May 19th, at 5 a. m., at the 
Eecollet Bon Dieu, on Red River. Among others who perished was our much- 
beloved brother, who, with William,* had taken passage the evening before for 
Natchitoches. In one instant, when all on board were unsuspecting, the boat 
was, by some unaccountable accident, blown to atoms by gunpowder, and be- 
tween fifteen and twenty-five persons were destroyed. Our brother was in- 
stantly killed, and his body was not found for several days. William, who 
occupied the upper berth in the same state-room, was thrown to the middle of 

' Senator Johnston's only son. 



FAMILY MISFORTUNES. 51 

the river, and saved himself on a plank or door. He was severely injured, and 
confined to his bed for twelve or tifteen days. He is now restored, and able to 
walk out. 

Thus perished, in the fullness of his honors and usefulness, a man 
who was, in his generation, a diligent and unselfish public servant, and 
who left a name without reproach. From a notice of his death in the 
New Orleans Argus, the following is a brief extract : 

Those who only knew him as a public man will regret his loss ; those who 
knew him intimately will mourn it. It will be long again before they can 
meet with the same warm heart and cool head ; the same absence of and con- 
tempt for profession and pretense ; and the same ready performance of all the 
duties which friendship imposes. 

Niles^s Megister says that he was — 

An able statesman and one of the most useful members of the Senate. lie 
was a gentleman of rare accomplishments — generous, faithful, and kind, of 
very courteous manners, and possessed of the most liberal feelings ; a fast 
friend, and an honorable opponent. 

His son William, mentioned in the foregoing, was graduated at 
Yale College ; and, having begun to practise law at Alexandria, was, 
at the age of twenty-two, selected for the lucrative office of parish 
judge, vacated bj the death of his uncle, John Harris Johnston. A 
year later he fell a victim to the climate, leaving a widow and one son. 
In talents, character, and industry, his promise was worthy of his 
father. Seven years after Josiah Stoddard Johnston's death, and thirty- 
five years after his first settlement in Louisiana, not a single scion of 
all his hardy race remained upon the soil of that State. Death and 
emigration had done the work. 

If Albert Sidney Johnston entertained any serious purpose of mak- 
ing a home in Louisiana, the shock of his brother's untimely end 
turned him from it. In the winter of 1832-'33 great commercial distress 
in Louisville would have prevented the sale of real estate for such in- 
vestment. Mrs. Johnston seemed to be recovering her wonted health, 
and the spring and summer of 1833 were passed happily at Jefferson 
Barracks, with no greater anxiety than " a little cholera in St. Louis," 
of which Lieutenant Johnston writes to his friend, E. D. Hobbs, of 
Louisville, " As we have seen it before in its worst form, we will 
meet it now with a steady front." This brief and touching minute, in 
Mrs. Johnston's handwriting, records the beginning of her final malady : 

I was taken ill on September 19, 1833, at Jefferson Barracks, Missouri. 
Came to Louisville October 4th. Maria Preston Johnston was born October 28, 
1833, and returned to her Maker the 10th of the following August. " The Lord 
gave and the Lord hath taken awav. Blessed be the name of the Lord." 



52 JEFFERSON BARRACKS. 

In Louisville the physicians pronounced Mrs. Johnston's lungs af- 
fected, and, according to the prevailing practice, bled her freely and 
often, and confined her diet to such insufficient nourishment as goat's- 
milk and Iceland moss. Of course, no more effectual way could have 
been adojoted to produce pulmonary consumption in an enfeebled con- 
stitution. She was carefully and tenderly nursed by her mother and 
friends in Louisville, and her husband deceived himself with the hope 
that travel and a change of climate, and his own imtiring care, might 
restore her. Accordingly, on March 4, 1834, they made a journey to 
New Orleans, from which they returned the 8th of May. During their 
stay in New Orleans they were the guests of Dr. Davidson, an eminent 
physician. While in New Orleans, Lieutenant Johnston took the step 
at which he had hesitated for eighteen months, and on April 24, 1834, 
forwarded his resignation of his commission as second-lieutenant in 
the United States Army. Mrs. Johnston's failing health made her long 
for the secure quiet of a permanent home ; and her husband, anxious to 
soothe and encourage her, in order to gratify the cherished wish of her 
heart, bought a farm near St. Louis, with the purpose of engaging in 
its cultivation. That he did not quit the army without a severe strug- 
gle is evident from his letters and actions. He writes to Eaton : 

I have this day mailed my resignation, the acceptance of which will be noti- 
fied to you almost as soon as this will reach you. That I felt some little pain 
at seeing my letter glide into the letter-box you may judge. I hope, although 
we shall be separated, we shall not be estranged. I quit my profession and my 
regiment with lively interest for the welfare of all, and the recollection of 
strong friendship for very many of the officers of the regiment. 

Dr. John Pintard Davidson, who was then living with his father, 
says the letter of resignation was reluctantly written and placed in his 
hands "to mail at noon, if not recalled before that hour," and that 
Lieutenant Johnston showed all the signs of great regret in performing 
this act. 

On their return to Louisville, in obedience to medical advice they 
undertook a journey to the Virginia Springs and the seaboard. On 
July 15th they embarked on the steamboat Hunter for Guyandotte, 
with their son, a nurse, a driver, and a carriage and pair of stout 
horses. From Guyandotte the journey was pursued in the carriage. 
After visiting the Red Sulphur Springs, esteemed salutary in lung- 
diseases, they made the round of the watering-places in the mountains, 
relying more upon exercise in the open air than upon the mineral wa- 
ters. They also visited some of Mrs. Johnston's relations in that re- 
gion, especially Colonel James McDowell, in Rockbridge County. 
During this distant tour he paid a visit to Mrs. Edmonia Preston, at 
Lexington. The writer then visited a house which forty years later he 



MRS. JOHNSTOX'S DEATH. 53 

occupied as a residence for a time. Lieutenant Johnston visited the 
Peaks of Otter with John T. L. Preston, who later in life was of Stone- 
wall Jackson's staff. 

Leaving- Cherry Grove, the residence of Colonel McDowell, on the 
8th of September, they traveled by carriage, passing through Freder- 
icksburg on the 11th, and reaching Baltimore on the 14tli. They spent 
several days in Philadelphia, in order to consult the eminent Dr. Phys- 
ick ; and, after visiting New York, returned to Louisville, where they 
arrived on the 21st of October. During their absence their youngest 
child had died. Mrs. Johnston says : " After much traveling and fa- 
tigue I am here again. My babe is in her place of rest, and my dear 
grandmother ' living long enough to bless us once more — and die." 

Mr. Johnston devoted the autumn and Avinter to the care of his 
invalid wife, whom he tenderly nursed through an almost painless 
decline. In the spring they removed to Hayfield, about five miles from 
Louisville, the country-home of Mr. George Hancock, Mrs. Johnston's 
uncle. Mr. Hancock and his newly-wedded wife did all in their power 
to cheer these last sad hours. In this kind home, soothed by the un- 
wearying affection of her husband, by her confident religious hopes, 
and by the ministrations of the Episcopal Church, and invoking bless- 
ings on all her loved ones, Henrietta Preston Johnston gradually passed 
away. She died on the 12th of August, 1835. 

The introduction of the following letter from Mrs. Hancock, who 
was a daughter of Dr. Davidson, and a very constant and cherished 
friend of General Johnston, needs no apology. As a skillful chess- 
player and an enthusiastic florist, she naturally touches upon those 
points of sympathy : 

The long and intimate acquaintance with your father, dating back to my girl- 
hood, and the double tie of kinship (his brother, Judge Johnston, having mar- 
ried my sister), gave me an opportunity to know him well, and to study the 
many noble qualities of his nature. I am glad the history of one so noble will 
be given to the world ; and I wish I could do justice to the many beauties of his 
character, that you might place my impression of them on record. 

I saw him for the first time in the spring of 1834, when he came to ISTew 
Orleans with your mother for the benefit of the climate to her feeble health. 
While the guest of my father, I was struck with his tender devotion to his wife, 
which caused him soon to resign his position in the army, that he might the bet- 
ter add to her comfort for the few remaining months allotted her on earth ; the 
fulfillment of which I saw most devotedly carried out, for she died at my house 
in the August of the following year. 

He impressed me at first as an austere man, but I found him the kindest and 
gentlest of friends ; a stoic, yet he had the tenderest nature, so mindful of others' 
feelings, so fearful of saying aught that might oftend. In bringing one's duties 

' Mrs. Margaret Strother Hancock, who died about this time, at a very advanced age. 



54 JEFFERSON BARRACKS. 

before a person, it was done in such a way as to make him feel that it was sug- 
gested by his own sense of right. He was a close observer of Nature — no one 
loved its beauties more than he did. His love for flowers was remarkable — the 
tiniest one did not escape his observation and admiration. I owe much of my 
knowledge of tliem to him, and it is now a pleasant thought with me to have 
him connected in my memory with what I so admire and enjoy. We often 
played chess together — his knowledge of the game was very thorough. When- 
ever I was so fortunate as to be the winner, he would tight on to the last, though 
perhaps the fate of the game might have been long decided, saying, " While 1 
have a man left I will not despair." Doubtless so he felt in the sacrifice of his 
life for his country. I feel assured it was not given without due reflection and 
knowledge of right; for, in all his actions, right prompted him, and they were 
the result of deep reflection. In the smallest as in the greates^t afiairs of his 
life, he took time to deliberate before acting. I was struck with an observation 
of his (which goes to prove this), when I remarked that he took a good while 
to write a letter. " Yes," said he, "I do, for I never put on paper what I am not 
willing to answer for with my life." So also, in conversation, he considered 
well before he spoke. 

After the death of his wife, Mr. Johnston first went to his farm near 
St. Louis, making the home he had prepared in anticipation of happi- 
ness his refuge in affliction. He was a man wlio, alike from tempera- 
ment and philosophy, shrank from the exhibition or indulgence of great 
emotion ; and to such, in the season of grief, solitude is the most ac- 
ceptable friend. General Crosman, who was as much in his confidence 
as any man, says that he was in great distress of mind. He had left 
his children, who were so young as to require female care, in charge of 
their grandmother, Mrs. Preston, at Louisville, with a vague intention 
of carrying out, at whatever cost of feeling, designs formed under such 
different auspices. But though his habits of self-restraint enabled him 
to enter mechanically upon tliis career, they could not counteract the 
restlessness that urged him toward a life in which activity would pro- 
duce oblivion. In October, he wrote that he was tliiuking of building, 
but that he believed that it would suit him better to go farther West ; 
indeed, he seems to have contemplated establishing, with the consent 
of the Government, a colony in the country of the Sioux. The next 
spring this consent was refused, and the project finally abandoned. His 
wife's family, with kindly solicitude, tried to induce him to return to 
Louisville and engage in business, and friends proposed various occupa- 
tions there. He yielded at last to their representations, and went to 
Louisville in the early part of 1836. His farm, which had served as a 
retreat, had become distasteful to him as a home and painful as a resi- 
dence. His plan of life was shattered, and he cast about him for some 
new avenue for energies that Avould not be repressed. Had reentrance 
into the United States Army be^n possible, his way was plain ; but the 
only method of reinstatement open to him was by the use of political 



A NEW CAREER. 55 

influence, of which he would not avail himself. His friends urged upon 
him various commercial or manufacturing employments, and his desire 
to be with his children induced him to weigh well tlieir arguments and 
schemes, but he concluded that he was unsuited to such a life; He 
felt that his education, habits, and native qualities, fitted him for a sol- 
dier ; and, in default of that career, he was inclined to pursue whatever 
most nearly resembled it. In April he made a journey to Washington 
City to obtain the consejit of the Government to his enterprise in the 
Sioux country. He spent two or three days in Washington ; but, as 
has been stated, his request was refused. In a letter to his brother-in- 
law, William Preston, he says : 

I had the good fortune on Monday to hear many of our most distinguished 
Senators address the Senate on the expediency of employing railroads for the 
transportation of the mail, etc., under the provisions of the bill reported by Mr. 
Grundy, who supported it in a speech of some length. The remarks of Messrs. 
Webster, Clay, Calhoun, and Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, were brief, but long 
enough for a stranger, who only wished to gratify a curiosity with regard to their 
different styles. . . . The more I see of great men, the more I am convinced 
that they owe their eminence to a fortunate combination of circumstances, rather 
than to any peculiar adaptation or fitness for their stations. There is not that 
wide difference in mental endowment that most persons are apt to conceive; 
and hence every young man of moderate ability may hope for the same distinc- 
tion, and should struggle to attain it. 

Mr. Johnston returned to Louisville still doubtful as to his future, 
when an opportunity offered that seemed to open to him such a career 
as he desired. In March, Stephen F. Austin, commissioner from Texas 
to the United States, had arrived in Louisville, and made there his 
great speech, which served as the key-note for the appeals in behalf of 
Texas. Through him General Johnston's interest was first fully awak- 
ened. Subsequently Mr. Dangerfield, the agent of the young republic 
of Texas, and an enthusiast in that cause, approached him with rep- 
resentations of the heroism and sufferings of the emigrants from the 
United States to that country, and speedily enlisted his sympathies. 
He gave freely from his means to assist the revolutionary party in that 
republic, and, after debating with himself the whole matter, resolved to 
throw his sword into the cause of Texan independence, in which the 
stake was the destiny of a people struggling for their birthright of 
freedom. 



56 THE TEXAN DEVOLUTION. 

CHAPTER V. 

THE TEXAN REVOLUTION. 

On" February 18, 1685, the adventurous La Salle, looking for a mouth 
of the Mississippi, which he had discovered in 1682, landed in Mata- 
gorda Bay. Six miles up the Lavaca River he built Fort St. Louis. 
This was the first settlement in Texas. Two years afterward, in at- 
tempting to pass by land from Lavaca to the French colony in Illinois, 
he was murdered near the river Neches by his own men ; and in a few 
years the little post on the Lavaca was destroyed by disease, Indian as- 
saults, and Spanish hostility. The claim to this territory was disputed 
between France and Spain, but the latter power practically settled the 
question in 1715 by founding the missions, which were the first perma- 
nent colonies in the country. Called at first the New Philippines, it 
took its name, Texas, from Tcjas, a word raeajniig frie7ids. In 1744, 
and again in 17G5, the Spanish population was estimated at 750, and 
the domiciliated Indians at the same nvimber. On September 3, 17G2, 
France ceded Louisiana to Spain. After this, though the seaports of 
Texas were closed by Spanish jealousy, the trade across the country 
between Mexico and Louisiana, possessions of the same power, gave 
some impulse to the settlement and growth of the country, though 
these again were retarded by the increased hostility of the Indians. 

In 1800 Philip Nolan, with twenty men, made an expedition into 
Texas, as is said, in the interests of Burr and Wilkinson. He claimed 
to be in search of horses. He was attacked by 150 Spaniards, who 
killed him and some of his men, and made prisoners of the others. 
Ellis Bean, the second in command, Avas held a prisoner eleven years. 

In 1800 Louisiana was restored by Spain to France, and in 1803 
ceded by France to the United States. Under this cession the United 
States set up some claim to Texas, and the boundary-line itself between 
Texas and Louisiana was left undetermined. Hostilities seemed im- 
pending in 1806, but were averted by compromise. In the same year 
Lieutenant Pike explored Red River and the Arkansas, evading the 
Spaniards sent to capture him, until he was arrested on the Rio Grande 
and sent prisoner to Chihuahua. The population of Texas was at that 
time estimated at 7,000, of whom 2,000 were at San Antonio and 500 
at Nacogdoches, including a good many Americans. 

The first revolutionary movements in Mexico were in 1808. When 
Joseph Bonaparte took the throne of Spain in that year, the Spaniards 
in Mexico, adhering to their hereditary sovereign, established a regency. 



REVOLUTIONARY EXPEDITIONS. 57 

Availing themselves of the confusion arising from these events, the 
natives, who had long groaned under the despotism of the Spaniards, 
tried to throw off the yoke. The patriot cause, led by Miguel Hidalgo, 
■was at first eminently successful ; but, having suffered some defeats, 
Hidalgo was betrayed to the enemy in March, and executed on July 
27, 1811. 

In 1812 Don Bernardo Gutierrez organized an attempt to revolu- 
tionize Texas and establish an independent government, in conjunction 
■with Lieutenant Augustus W. Magee, a native of Massachusetts and 
graduate of West Point, who resigned from the United States Army to 
take military command of the expedition. The forces were mainly 
composed of restless young men of good families in Kentucky and 
Louisiana, but a body of outlaws, w^ho infested the neutral ground, were 
accepted as auxiliaries. The movement was made in sympathy-, though 
not in concert, with Morales, the patriot chief west of the Bio Grande. 
Magee invaded Texas with 365 men, and defeated very superior forces 
of the Spaniards ■wherever he met them. He was a man of military 
capacity and daring. He died of consumption during the expedition ; 
but his successor, Colonel Samuel Kemper, completed the conquest of 
the country, taking prisoner, at San Antonio, General Salcedo and 
many others of note. Gutierrez, under some plea of retaliation, had 
General Salcedo and thirteen other prisoners put to death in cold 
blood, which caused part of the Americans to ■withdraw, and the re- 
mainder to depose Gutierrez and select as his successor General Toledo, 
a Spanish republican exile. 

After victory had been secured, the inherent difficulties of all such 
enterprises came in to disconcert the plans of the adventurers and pre- 
vent a successful issue. Mexican jealousy of their Spanish leader and 
Anglo-American allies, American distrust of Mexican valor and fidelity, 
insubordination, discord, collision of authority, and other causes, led to 
the defeat, on the banks of the Medina, of 400 Americans and 700 
Mexicans, by General Arredondo with 10,000 royalists. The revolu- 
tion was disastrously crushed, and the unfortunate adventurers who 
survived expiated their temerity by all the sufferings that Spanish ar- 
rogance and vindictiveness could inflict. Albert Sidney Johnston's 
brothers, Darius and Orramel, shared in the hazards, the hardships, the 
victories, and the calamitous consequences of this expedition. Fever, 
privation, and Spanish prisons, brought them to early graves. 

In 1817 General Mina, a Spanish republican, made another gallant 
but unsuccsesful attempt to revolutionize Texas, but was finally capt- 
ured and shot. Again, in 1819, Colonel Long with 200 or 300 Ameri- 
cans made two attempts, which ended in their own destruction. After 
the separation of Mexico from Spain, in 1821, the changes in the Cen- 
tral Government merely changed the masters who oppressed this distant 



58 THE TEXAN EE VOLUTION. 

and suspected province, until 1823-24, when the constituent Cortes 
created the Federal Union of the Mexican Republic, and constitutional 
liberty seemed about to dawn on that unhappy land. 

In the mean time, however, Texas had taken a step forward that 
rapidly led to unforeseen results. The establishment of the boundary 
of the Sabine had removed a constant source of suspicion against the 
United States, and the increasing hostility of the Comanches and other 
Indians required the interposed barrier of a hardy people, who would 
withstand and chastise their incursions. Hence ensued a change in the 
policy of the Government, which had hitherto sought to keep Texas a 
desert. 

In 1821 Moses Austin, a native of Connecticut and resident of Mis- 
souri, obtained from the Mexican Government a contract for the intro- 
duction of a colony of 300 families into Texas. Each family was to 
receive an allotment of land, and the empresario, or contractor, was to 
receive a large premium, also in land. He died, however, before com- 
pleting his arrangements, leaving the execution of his scheme to his 
son, Stephen F. Austin, 

Stephen Austin, like his father, was a man of large designs and ex- 
cellent administrative ability. Though an enthusiast, he was prudent, 
moderate, benevolent, and unselfish, and devoted himself to his work 
with an eye single to its success. It was only after all the delays inci- 
dent to Mexican law and legislation, and a year's residence at Mexico, 
that he obtained a confirmation of his contract. The large civil powers 
granted to e.jvjjresarios were exercised by Austin in the interests of the 
colonists, and his high qualities as a man gave to his enterprise a suc- 
cess not achieved by others. Nevertheless, others, following his ex- 
ample, introduced a large number of excellent people into Texas. 
Though most of the colonists were poor, some were persons of substance, 
and very many were of high character and superior talents. This is 
evidenced by the stability with which many of the original families have 
maintained their respectability and influence through the vicissitudes 
of more than half a century. Of course, many men of stained repu- 
tation found refuge in that vast and sparsely-settled territory ; but 
malefactors, when known, were expelled by the colonists, and the foun- 
dations of the future republic were solidly laid. In June, 1825, Mr. 
Austin contracted for the introduction of 500 families; and Texas 
seemed destined to advance rapidly in her career of progress. 

In 1826 an abortive insurrection, known as the Fredonian War, 
occurred at Nacogdoches, in which Austin and his colony did not sym- 
pathize. It had, however, the effect of arousing the suspicions of the 
Mexican Government, which gradually set on foot a more rigorous 
course of policy. Indeed, the growing wealth and numbers of an 
Anglo-American State on her borders were enough to excite the narrow 



MEXICAN DESPOTISM. 59 

jealousy of that republic. The eagerness of the United States Gov- 
ernment to purchase the Territory still further stimulated this feeling. 
When the Mexican States had, in 1824, adopted a Federal Constitu- 
tion, based on that of the United States, Texas alone, of all the con- 
stituent members, thoroughly understood, heaitily embraced, and really 
meant to fulfill the solemn pledge engrafted in the Constitution, " to 
obey and sustain, at all hazards, the Supreme Federal powers, and its 
own union with the rest of the States, and the constitutional indepen- 
dence of all and each of them.'''' Whatever was meant by others, the 
American settlers were in dead earnest, and intended to adhere to a 
Constitution that guaranteed self-government. Coahuila and Texas 
were temporarily united under the terms of this compact. In the vicis- 
situdes of Mexican politics, which usually, however, did not affect 
greatly " the men between the plough-handles " who were settling 
Texas, General Bustamante, a vainglorious despot, attained the Ex- 
ecutive power of Mexico by force, and tried to establish a centralized 
government by proscription and terror. Texas naturally fell under his 
displeasure ; and, by a decree of April 6, 1830, he initiated measures 
for the complete subjection of that State. He suspended the coloni- 
zation contracts, prohibited immigration from the United States, and 
prepared to make a penal colony of Texas by the transportation thith- 
er of convicts. The custom-house regulations were also made more 
stringent and onerous, and in the administration of the laws the Mexi- 
can officials practised the most invidious discrimination between citi- 
zens of Mexican and of American birth. To enforce these ricrorous 
measures, the garrisons were reenforced with the lowest and most de- 
bauched of the mercenaries who propped the despotism on their bayo- 
nets. Immigration from the United States had raised the number of 
the colonists to 20,000 ; and it is not to be supposed that men born free, 
of the high-spirited Anglo-Saxon race, and not the most tractable of 
that race, who had faced the perils of an Indian frontier and an un- 
tried wilderness, would patiently submit to spoliation and oppression. 

The first collision between the military forces and the colonists was 
brought about by the arbitrary acts of Colonel Bradburn, commandant 
at Anahuac, an American in the service of the Central Government. 
In 1830 Bradburn undertook to govern the country by military law, 
arresting citizens, abolishing the municipalities by force, and otherwise 
overriding the law of the land, in a way then deemed intolerable by 
men of Anglo-American descent. Finally, in 1832, a struggle ensued 
which has passed into the annals of the country under the name of the 
Anahuac Campaign. Bradburn arrested William B. Travis, Patrick C. 
Jack, and other leading citizens, under various pretexts, without war- 
rant of law, and refused to release them, or allow them a trial. But 
those were days when life without liberty was disdained by Americans. 



60 THE TEXAN REVOLUTION. 

An armed force of colonists was collected and besieged his fort, ■when 
he agreed, if they would retire, to release the prisoners. Perfidiously 
availing himself of their compliance, he brought in a quantity of mili- 
tary stores, and then retracted his promise. He w^as again besieged; 
and a force was sent, under Captain John Austin, to prevent Colonel 
Ugartechea, commandant at Velasco, from assisting him. The con- 
ference with Ugartechea resulted in an assault on his fort by the 
Texans. After a hot fight of one day, the garrison, 125 strong, 
having lost half their strength, capitulated. The Texan loss was 23 
killed and mortally wounded, and 40 wounded, out of a force of 112 
men. The loss attests the valor of both parties. 

In the mean time, the colonists, 300 strong, intercepted Colonel 
Piedras, advancing from Nacogdoches to aid Anahuac ; and he was 
glad to compromise, by superseding Bradburn and releasing the pris- 
oners. In order to give legal color to proceedings that might appear 
revolutionary to the Mexicans, and to secure the aid of one of the rival 
factions, the colonists declared their adhesion to the Plan of Vera Cruz, 
a movement, projected by General Santa Anna, in favor of the Consti- 
tution of 1824, against the despotic system of Bustamante. General 
Mejia, Santa Anna's lieutenant, was glad to accept the explanation, 
and withdraw such soldiers as would go with him, the colonists expelling 
the remainder. 

In 1832 Texas suffered under the double calamitj^ of Indian aggres- 
sions and cholera. In October, 1832, the people assembled in conven- 
tion at San Felipe, and memorialized the Central Government for the 
separation of Texas from Coahuila, and for the repeal of the invidious 
law of April 6, 1830. The request for a separate government was not 
unreasonable, as the State capital was 500 miles beyond its limits. 
The convention adjourned, to assemble again the 1st of April, 1833, for 
the formation of a constitution, and to pray for the admission of Texas 
into the Mexican Union as a State. This was done in April, 1833; and 
Stephen F. Austin, Erasmo Seguin, and John B. Miller, were delegated 
to represent their grievances and urge their requests. Austin, though 
not strictly in harmony with this movement, recognized its essential 
justice, and faithfully performed the duties of his trust. 

Apparently, no time could have been more propitious for his mis- 
sion, as the inauguration of Santa Anna, as President, on May 15, 1833, 
seemed to be the triumph of the federal system over the centralized des- 
potism of Bustamante. But Austin found that these plans and plat- 
forms had no real meaning in Mexican politics, and were but the war- 
cries of ambitious leadei's. Mexico was in revolutionary turmoil: Santa 
Anna, the legal President, intriguing for a dictatorship; Gomez Farias, 
the acting President, projecting radical reforms; and various military 
chiefs in open revolt; but in all he found a like jealousy, hatred, and 



SANTA ANNA'S SUCCESSES. 61 

ignorant contempt for the frontier, half-Americanized province of 
Texas. After waiting in vain from April till October, he wrote to the 
municipality of Bexar, advising the organization of a local State gov- 
ernment " even should the Supreme Government of Mexico refuse its 
consent." This letter led to his arrest and strict imprisonment for 
many months; and, indeed, his detention did not end until September, 
1835, when he returned to Texas after an absence of two years and a 
half. 

On May 13, 1834, Santa Anna dissolved Congress by force and 
assumed dictatorial powers, and in January, 1835, assembled a Con- 
gress which destroyed the Federal Constitution and erected a central 
government on its ruins. The colonists of Texas, though greatly dis- 
turbed by the refusal of their request, and by the anarchy arising from 
the failure to elect State officers, remained at peace, not wishing to in- 
volve themselves in Mexican politics, unless their own rights were 
trampled upon. 

Colonel Almonte, special commissioner to inspect Texas in 1834, 
estimated its whole population at 21,000 civilized inhabitants and 
15,300 Indians, of whom 10,800 were hostile nomads. Kennedy places 
the civilized population at 30,000 whites and 2,000 negroes. 

The northern States of Mexico were strongly republican; and the 
people of Puebla, Oaxaca, Jalisco, and other States, were also opposed 
to a change of government; but Santa Anna easily put down all oppo- 
sition by force. Garcia, Governor of Zacatecas, tried the issue with 
arms, and was defeated with a loss of 2,700 men. A feeble and irreso- 
lute attempt at resistance was made by the State authorities of 
Coahuila, under their Governor, Viesca; but he was defeated by Santa 
Anna's brother-in-law. General Cos, captured and imprisoned. The 
Legislature was then deposed, and Santa Anna's authority fully estab- 
lished. 

As the State government of Coahuila had corruptly and lavishly 
alienated the public domain of Texas, the people of Texas disregarded 
Viesca's appeals, and refused to make common cause with him. 

Though Santa Anna tried to soothe the Texans with friendly decla- 
rations, they could not be deceived, as his theory of government was 
avowed, and he continued to assemble troops to carry it out. Austin, 
whose familiarity with Mexican affairs enabled him to penetrate the 
designs of its rulers, threw off his habitual caution, and submitted to 
the people the question whether they would, by assenting to the 
change from a federal to a central government, surrender the vested 
rights and State sovereignty secured to them by the Constitution of 
1824; and he recommended a general consultation of the people of 
Texas to decide this question. In this movement he had the advice and 
countenance of Don Lorenzo de Zavala, a sincere republican, who had 



62 THE TEXAN REVOLUTION. 

been Governor of Mexico, Secretary of Finance, and minister to 
France. Santa Anna issued orders for their arrest, and for the disarm- 
ing of the citizens; and General Cos moved toward San Antonio de- 
claring his intention to establish military rule in Texas. 

The issue between military despotism and constitutional govern- 
ment was now squarely made. Committees of safety were organized, 
which determined to repel invasion by force. The first shock of arms 
occurred on the banks of the river Guadalupe on the 20th of Septem- 
ber, 1835. Eighteen Texans of Gonzales, under Captain Martin, re- 
pulsed a body of 200 Mexican cavalry, who attempted a passage of the 
river. On the 1st of October, 1G8 volunteers from the Guadalupe, un- 
der Colonel John H. Moore, without loss, defeated General Castaiieda 
and a large Mexican force. This success inspirited the colonists ; and 
Austin took command in the west, and Sam Houston at Nacogdoches. 

On October 8th Captain Collinsworth captured Goliad with 110,000 
worth of stores, and 300 stand of arms. Benjamin R. Milam, who had 
just escaped from Mexico, shared in this assault as a volunteer. On 
October 28th Colonel James Bowie, with 92 men, having approached 
within a mile and a half of San Antonio, found his little troop sur- 
rounded at the Conception Mission by a large force of Mexicans, which 
had moved out under cover of a dense fog. He engaged the enemy 
briskly, captured a cannon, and killed and wounded 100 Mexicans, with 
the loss of only one man. A number of other engagements resulted 
favorably to the colonists. General Cos had strongly fortified San An- 
tonio, and intrenched himself there with an army of about 2,000 men. 
General Burleson, who then had command in the west, permitted Colo- 
nel Milam to lead 300 volunteers to the assault of this position on 
December 5th. The Texans effected a lodgment, and fought their way 
from house to house until they got possession of the public square. On 
the 9th Cos sent in a flag of truce, and on the 11th capitulated, his 
force being allowed to retire beyond the Rio Grande, on condition that 
they should not again serve against Texas. In the third day's fight, 
Milam fell, with a rifle-ball through his head. His death was a great 
loss, as he was a man of resources, daring, and experience. The first 
campaign thus ended with the complete success of the colonists. 

The General Consultation of Texas met on the 3d of November, 
1835, and chose Branch S. Archer as president. This body put forth a 
declaration stating that the people of Texas had armed in defense of 
their just rights and liberties, and of the republican principles of 1824. 
A provisional government was formed, and Henry Smith was elected 
Governor, with ample executive powers. Sam Houston was chosen 
commander-in-chief ; and Stephen F. Austin, Branch S. Archer, and 
William H. Wharton, were appointed commissioners to the United 
States, with authority to borrow 11,000,000. Arrangements were made 



PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT. 63 

for an army and navy, and for all the functions of civil government, 
and inducements were offered to volunteers to join their standard. In 
January, 1836, Austin wrote, advising a declaration of independence ; 
and, on the 1st of February, delegates in favor of that measure were 
elected to a national convention, which, on the 2d day of March, 
1836, declared Texas a free, sovereign, and independent republic. On 
the 17th of March a constitution was adopted, and an executive gov- 
ernment, ad interim^ appointed — of which David G. Burnet was Presi- 
dent ; Lorenzo de Zavala, Vice-President ; Thomas J. Rusk, Secretary 
of War ; and other distinguished Texans chiefs of the usual bureaux. 
The President was a man of noble character — temperate but firm in 
opinion, tenacious of principles, diligent in business, pure, patriotic, 
and enlightened. He was a native of New Jersey, the son of a Revolu- 
tionary patriot, and had long been a resident of Texas. Yet, such was 
his sensibility that he felt a slight as if it were a stain, and this ren- 
dered him, even when most useful, most unhappy. His colleagues were 
men of like patriotism and fine abilities. 

In the mean time events had moved rapidly. Santa Anna had set 
out on the 1st of February from Saltillo, with his grand army of inva- 
sion, computed at 7,500 men. On the 16th he crossed the Rio Grande, 
and on the 23d appeared before San Antonio. Instead of finding this 
stronghold of the west fortified, garrisoned, and provisioned against 
his advance, it was occupied by a small detachment, which, at his ap- 
proach, retired to the Alamo, a mission which had been turned into a 
barrack. Two months and a half had completely changed the condition 
of affairs in Texas. The colonists, present at the fall of San Antonio, 
had retired to their homes immediately after that event ; and the volun- 
teers, who remained, weary of inaction, eagerly entered upon an expe- 
dition, projected against Matamoras, and said to have been approved 
by the Government and General Houston. Some 400 started, leaving 
only about sixty men as a garrison. 

The civil Government had split into two hostile factions ; the Coun- 
cil on one side, and Governor Smith and General Houston on the other: 
and the defenders of the frontier were perplexed, and eventually sacri- 
ficed, by the contradictory orders and neglect of preparation of these 
opposing heads. Clothing and munitions came in from friends in the 
United States, and a considerable number of volunteers also arrived ; 
but, directed by no competent common authority, the energies of these 
valiant and enthusiastic men were wasted for the purposes of defense, 
and their blood served only to immortalize their ov/n heroism, and to 
consecrate the cause to which it was devoted. 

Thus, while Santa Anna was assembling his army, and making his 
preparations for invasion, the hardy but undisciplined militia remained 
at home. If a man with the true instincts of leadership had been at 
6 



64 THE TEXAN REVOLUTION. 

this juncture at the head of affairs, he could have confronted Santa 
Anna at San Antonio, or on the banks of the Colorado, with 3,000 
or 4,000 men, defeated him, and carried the Texan arms far enough 
into Mexico to have settled the question of independence forever. 
As it was, massacre and wide-spread desolation, from the Rio Grande 
to the Brazos, marked the path of the invader. While the main 
force of Santa Anna marched on San Antonio, a column under General 
Urrea swept up the coast-lands, laying waste the country, and surpris- 
ing and destroying several detachments of volunteers. Urrea slaugh- 
tered his prisoners, and omitted no circumstance of outrage and cru- 
elty. 

Santa Anna entered San Antonio without resistance ; the command- 
ant, Colonel William B. Travis, retiring with a little band to the unten- 
able position of the Alamo. He sent several appeals for relief, and re- 
enforcements. On the 24th of February he sent "an address to the 
people of Texas." He says : " I am besieged by a thousand or more 
Mexicans. ... I shall never surrender, or retreat. . . . Victory or 
death !" He received no aid, except 33 men from Gonzales, who broke 
through the enemy, to die with him. From the 23d of February to 
the 6th of March, 156 resolute men kept at bay 4,000 Mexican troops, 
of whom at least 500 were killed and wounded. When the final 
assault was made, the defenders, worn down in strength, but erect in 
spirit, met it with unshrinking front. They perished with their slain 
around them — Travis, Bowie, Crockett, Bonham, and all that heroic 
band. It is said that one man escaped in the smoke of the fray, bvit 
no other sought to do so ; they were a willing sacrifice. The bodies 
of the dead were savagely mutilated, thrown into a heap, and burned. 
This was the fall of the Alamo. 

Another calamity, more destructive still, soon after befell the unfor- 
tunate volunteers. Fannin had collected at Goliad about 500 men ; 
from whom he detached Lieutenant King, with 14 men, to remove the 
families at Refugio. King sent an express to say that he was sur- 
rounded ; and Fannin dispatched 120 men, under Lieutenant-Colonel 
Ward, to his succor. Both detachments fell into the hands of the 
enemy, and were savagely butchered. Fannin, having received orders 
from General Houston, on March 14th, to retreat, delayed until the 
18th, with the generous hope that he might be able to render aid to 
his detachments. At last, when he left Goliad, it was too late. He 
was overtaken and surrounded on the open prairie by Urrea's army, 1,700 
strong. Three charges of the Mexicans were repulsed, with heavy loss 
to the assailants. After nightfall, the Indian skirmishers of the enemy 
killed and wounded 54 of the Texans. Daylight showed that Urrea 
had been largely reenforced with artillery and infantry. After some 
negotiation, Fannin surrendered his command as prisoners of war. Out 



INVASION OF TEX^VS. 65 

of 3G5 prisoners captured with Fannin, 27 escaped, eiglit surgeons and 
attendants were spared, and 330 were led out and shot, in cold blood, 
on Palm-Sunday, Fannin, wounded as he was, put aside the hand that 
would have blindfolded him, and received, like a soldier, the death-shots 
in his breast, 

Santa Anna now regarded the conquest of Texas as complete, and 
was with difficulty dissuaded from returning to Mexico and leaving 
the occupation of the country to his subordinates. Having finally 
resolved to finish his work, he proceeded to it with that celerity which 
was his sole military virtue. With presumptuous infatuation, he de- 
tached from his army three columns of about 800 men each, directing 
Gaona to move by Bastrop across the country to Nacogdoches, Urrea 
to march by Matagorda along the coast, and Sesma to precede the main 
body in the direction of San Felipe ; thus exposing his force to be de- 
stroyed in detail. General Houston remained from March 18th to March 
27th at Beeson's Ferry on the Colorado, with a force of over 1,500 volun- 
teers, eager for combat ; and it has never been satisfactorily explained 
why he did not attack and crush Sesma's inferior force within easy strik- 
ing distance, and follow up the advantage by giving battle to Santa 
Anna's main body. His army was rapidly augmenting by the arrival 
of considerable bodies of men, anxious to protect their homes, and 
avenge the inhuman butchery of their comrades. Nevertheless, he re- 
treated precipitately, without an avowed policy, leaving the Colorado 
and Brazos countries open to the ravages of the enemy. His army 
melted away ; so that, notwithstanding considerable accessions, it only 
numbered 783 men at the battle of San Jacinto. The colonists could 
not leave their families at the mercy of a ruthless invader, who spared 
neither age nor sex. 

General Houston's conduct and motives have been severely censured 
by eminent and honorable men ; but it is a sufficient explanation to say 
that his talents were essentially popular, not military. His apology 
for his retreat was, that it drew the enemy from his base, and would, if 
continued farther, have enabled reenforcements from the United States 
to- join the Texan army. That this is not a sufficient reply is evident, 
because the Mexican army was living on the country, while the Texans 
grew weaker daily by desertion. One all-sufficient answer, however, 
was held as an ample justification in all his subsequent political con- 
tests and personal controversies — the result of the battle of San Jacinto ; 
the splendid success of the Texan army condoning any previous mis- 
takes or subsequent errors of the commander. Houston, though desti- 
tute of military capacity and the knowledge which sometimes makes par- 
tial amends for it, and, in the opinion of the writer, slenderly endowed 
with administrative talents or political wisdom, had all the qualities 
that go to make a popular leader. He was a man of imposing pres- 



QQ THE TEXAN REVOLUTION. 

ence, an agreeable orator, with an uncommon gift of political tact. His 
manners were free and persuasive, and be possessed that self-assertion 
so impressive to the multitude. He was a friendly man, too, when 
there was no possible chance of a conflict of interests ; but vigilant and 
far-seeing to prevent the rise of any who would not subserve his ends. 
He really believed himself born to command, and was imperious in the 
exercise of power. Altogether, if neither a wise nor a great man, he 
was an able politician. 

On the 28th of March Houston reached San Felipe ; and, on the 
29th, Groce's Ferry on the Brazos. Santa Anna pushed forward Ses- 
ma's column, followed by Filisola with the main body. On the 13 th of 
April he crossed the Brazos with Sesma's division and arrived at Har- 
risburg on the 15tli, and at Lynchburg on the 16th. Filisola was now 
low down the Brazos, the lowlands of which were flooded and nearly 
impassable ; and Santa Anna was within the reach of a force of Texans 
not much inferior to his own. General Houston seemed to entertain a 
design to retreat beyond tbe Trinity, where he expected to receive re- 
enforcements ; but the voice of his army compelled him to confront the 
enemy, which he did on the 19th, on the San Jacinto River. On the 20th 
the cavalry, under Colonel Sherman, engaged the enemy ; but the ardor of 
the Texan army was restrained by their commander until the afternoon 
of the 21st of April. On that morning the enemy were reenforced b}' 
500 men under General Cos. At half-past three, the Texans moved 
forward in line of battle. Colonel Burleson commanded the centre ; 
Colonel Sherman, the left ; Colonel Hockley, the artillery on the right ; 
and, on his flank. Colonel M. B. Lamar, a troop of 61 cavalry. Sherman 
first encountered the enemy ; and then the whole line burst impetu- 
ously ujDon the slight intrenchments thrown up by the Mexicans, with 
the war-cry : " Remember the Alamo ! Goliad and the Alamo ! " 
The combat lasted only eighteen minutes. It was a rout, not a battle. 
The Texans lost two killed and 21 wounded, six of them mortally. 
The Mexican loss was 630 killed, 208 wounded, and 730 prisoners, 
among whom were Santa Anna, Cos, Almonte, and others of note. 
General Houston was wounded in the ankle. 

The opinion of the army favored the execution of the butcher of 
the Alamo and of Fannin's men ; and, surely, he had forfeited his right 
to mercy by these crimes and by the devastation of the land. It was 
thought more politic, as well as more humane, to spare his life; in con- 
sideration of which he agreed to a convention, by which Filisola and 
Gaona were to retire to San Antonio, and Urrea to Victoria. Accord- 
ing to Filisola, such was the condition of his army, from the weather, 
starvation, dysentery, and demoralization, that, but for this convention, 
it would have fallen an easy prey to the victorious Texans. As it was, 
the Mexican army gladly retreated not only to the points stipulated, 



TEX.VN INDEPENDENCE. 67 

but beyond the Rio Grande; not, however, without a violation of the 
articles of the convention, by dismantling the Alamo. On the 14th of 
May the Government, by General Houston's advice, agreed to release 
Santa Anna and the Mexican prisoners, on condition that the Texas 
prisoners should be released and that hostilities should cease, Santa 
Anna also stipulated secretly for the reception of a mission from Texas, 
for a treaty of amity and commerce, and for the Rio Grande as the 
boundary between the two republics. On June 1st Santa Anna was 
embarked, but on the 3d the Government was compelled by the sol- 
diers to bring him ashore again, and his execution was strongly urged. 
The hope was soon dispelled that his release would effect anything 
favorable to Texas. Already, on the 20 th of May, the Mexican Senate 
had annulled his stipulations, and preparations were begun for a more 
formidable invasion of Texas. It was not until December, 1836, that 
Santa Anna was dismissed to the United States, when he illustrated his 
perfidy by solemnly denying and repudiating all the engagements he 
had made while in captivity. 

The massacre of Fannin's men, the fall of the Alamo, and the 
other crimes of the Mexicans against humanity, had aroused the warm- 
est sympathy for Texas in the people of the United States. The 
appeals of the agents of Texas stirred the heart of the South, and 
volunteers poured in, singly and in companies, to aid the cause of in- 
dependence. San Jacinto virtually settled that question; but this was 
not then apparent, in view of the threatening attitude of Mexico with 
its 8,000,000 inhabitants. 

Mr. Clay made a brilliant speech in favor of the independence of 
Texas, and on June 18th made a report in the United States Senate 
in favor of its recognition, to which effect both Houses of Congress 
passed resolutions. On June 2Tth the Senate, on motion of Mr. William 
C. Preston, of South Carolina, adopted a resolution for sending a com- 
missioner to Texas; and the President, General Jackson, was known to 
be favorable to its annexation to the United States. 

In September, General Houston was elected President over Stephen 
F. Austin, the known friendship of General Jackson contributing not 
less powerfully than the eclat of San Jacinto to his success. General 
Mirabeau B, Lamar was elected Vice-President. The constitution was 
ratified, and a declaration given in favor of annexation to the United 
States by a vote of the people. Congress met on October 3d. 

Albert Sidney Johnston shared in the general sympathy with the 
Texan cause, but there were personal reasons which increased the 
intensity of his own feelings. In early youth, as has been mentioned, 
he had spent some time in Alexandria, Louisiana, then a border village, 
and consequently had familiar recollections of many from that region 
who were now earnest actors in the events of the revolution. His 



68 THE TEXAN REVOLUTION. 

brothers, too, had taken part in Magee's expedition in 1812, and the re- 
membrance of their extraordinary sufferings may have fm-ther influenced 
him. It is now difficult to estimate how far mental disquietude and the 
spirit of adventure may have entered into his motives. He was un- 
happy, he was unemployed, and here was a field open alike to his 
energies, his patriotism, and his philanthropy. 

It was the cause of a community struggling for self-government 
against a central despotism, for the maintenance of guaranteed and 
vested rights against a military usurpation, for constitutional freedom 
against chronic anarchy. It was a contest between 20,000 Americans, 
kindred in race and sentiment, who had been invited by Mexico to take 
possession of the soil, and 8,000,000 alien Mexicans, incapable of sta- 
ble government. It was the weak against the strong, order against 
political confusion, Americans against a foreign enemy. The men of 
that day had been bred in republican ideas and nurtured with visions of 
the greatness and the expansive force of our people, and they were 
willing to lay down fortune and life to forward these mighty ends. 

Albert Sidney Johnston was a republican from the bottom of his 
heart, and, though not a propagandist in either temper or sentiment, he 
was a sincere believer in the blessings of regulated liberty and the 
supremacy of law. With these ideas of public right, and with the con- 
viction of his call to render public service, he thought his talents could 
not be put to better use than in aiding to secure their liberties to men 
of his own race, who were ready to sacrifice all else to achieve them. 
Originally, however, the most jootent motive that urged him to enlist in 
this enterprise was the hope that, Texas having been freed, he might 
promote its annexation to the United States; and, since readmission 
into the army was impossible, that he might employ the sword, for 
which his countrj' deemed she had no need, in laying an empire at her 
feet. Of course, after he had devoted himself to the cause of Texas, 
her interests became paramount; but he frequently admitted that, in 
the first instance, he was in large measure animated by the desire of 
assisting to add another star to the American constellation. Indeed, 
strong as were his feelings in behalf of the infant nation, he did not 
consummate his resolution to enter its service until the Government of 
the United States had recognized its independence. With this sanction 
he felt no further hesitation, and threw himself into the cause with all 
the ardor of his nature. 



MR. JOHNSTON KILLS A PUMA. 69 

CHAPTER VI. 

AS TEXAN SOLDIER. 

In spite of the brilliant victory of San Jacinto, it was soon appar- 
ent that Mexico had not abandoned her plans of subjugation, and that 
Texas needed every man she could draw to her standard. Mr. John- 
ston, leaving Louisville, proceeded by way of New Orleans to Alexan- 
dria, Louisiana. After staying a few days with his brother. Judge 
Johnston, he started on horseback for the camp of the defenders. His 
companions were Leonard Groce and brother, and Major Bynum, of 
Rapides. Crossing the Sabine on the 13th of July, he arrived on the 
loth at Nacogdoches, where he met General Sam Houston, the com- 
mander-in-chief, then in the full flush of his popularity. From Nacog- 
doches he went with Leonard Groce to his plantation, on the river 
Brazos, where an adventure befell him that has been told in various 
ways, but of which the following is the true version. Hearing a great 
uproar near the house, Mr. Johnston seized his gun and hurried with 
Mr. Groce to the spot, where they found the dogs fighting a puma or 
American lion. The lion was playing havoc with the dogs, scalping 
one, crippling another, and disemboweling a third. Mr. Johnston 
immediately shot the puma, the ball breaking the jaw, but not disa- 
bling the animal, which continued the slaughter of the pack with the 
tearing woimds of its terrible claws. Mr. Groce, much excited at the 
loss of his favorites, cried out, " Save the dogs ! save the dogs ! " Mr. 
Johnston then clubbed his gun, which was a heavy German Yager rifle, 
and, springing into the melee, dispatched the beast by blows over the 
head. His rifle-stock was splintered, and the barrel much bent. He 
escaped without a scratch, but no one could tell how. The puma was 
one of the largest of its kind, and very fierce. Mr. Groce had the 
skin stuffed, and long kept it as a memento of the event. He was 
ever afterward a warm friend of General Johnston. From Mr. Groce's 
Mr. Johnston proceeded to the headquarters of the army, which were 
then on the river Coleto, about fifteen miles east of Goliad. 

Although Mr. Johnston bore with him the highest testimonials to 
his personal worth and military ability, in the form of letters of intro- 
duction from persons of distinction in the United States to the leading 
men of Texas, he forbore to deliver them. General Atkinson had sent 
him a letter to Stephen F. Austin, couched in language of the highest 
eulogy ; and personal friends of Houston, Rusk, and others, had also 
given him letters that would have secured him a cordial welcome at 



70 AS TEXAN SOLDIER. 

their hands ; but, with that peculiar combination of pride and conscien- 
tiousness which made him unwilling to receive advancement as a favor, 
and, it may be, somewhat in the spirit of knight-errantry, he preferred 
to reach his destination unannounced, and then enlisted as a private in 
the ranks. 

The Texan army was at that time under the command of General 
Thomas J. Rusk, who was distinguished both in council and in the 
field during the republic, and afterward as a United States Senator, 
and whose career belongs to the history of the country. When Mr. 
Johnston reached the Texan camp he found himself in a situation suf- 
ficiently novel to one who had been trained in and accustomed to the 
exact discipline and routine of a regular army. The call of Texan 
independence, the liberal bounty of land to the soldiers, the prospect 
of booty or license, the realization of political theories or philanthropic 
aspirations, all the motives that impel men to desperate enterprises, had 
assembled a mixed multitude of restless spirits under the banner of the 
Lone Star. Here were gathered those indomitable men of battle whom 
Santa Anna pointedly characterized as the tumnltiiario of the Missis- 
sippi Valley ; the ardent youth of the South, burning for glory and 
military enterprise. Here^ enthusiasts of constitutional freedom were 
mingled with adventurous soldiers from Europe ; and souls as knightly, 
generous, and unstained as Bayard's, with outlaw^s and men of broken 
and desperate fortunes.*-" Some of the best and some of the worst peo- 
ple in the world were thrown into contact ; but in one quality all were 
alike, a hardihood that no danger could check. 

Never was an army collected in which the spirit of combat was 
more supreme. Manhood and personal prowess were the standards of 
superiority among these men, and they followed their chosen leaders 
with a fidelity and reckless devotion that had neither stint nor meas- 
ure. They would have marched unmurmuringly into the open jaws of 
death, rather than yield a point of pride, or of their idea of honor. It 
was a handful that a soldier might have rejoiced to lead against a host. 
But they were without discipline, subordination, or effective organiza- 
tion, so that obedience was a mere matter of choice. Released from 
such necessary restraints, these fiery bands were easily stirred to tur- 
bulence and mutiny by the demagogues of the camp. 

Republican habits of self-government and the conservative influ- 
ence of an instinctive tendency toward order have a powerful hold on 
the American intellect ; but this little army, for lack of an organizing 
mind, seemed destitute of all coherence, and threatened to become 
more terrible to the republic than to its enemies. It had wrested 
Santa Anna from the custody of the Executive, and put him in irons, 
thus furnishing him with a pretext for his perfidy ; and it had even 
sent a body of men to seize the person of President Burnet in order to 



APPEARANCE AND CHARACTER. 71 

compel compliance with the army sentiment, thereby indicating a pur- 
pose of military revolution. 

After the battle of San Jacinto General Rusk had assumed com- 
mand of the army in the absence of General Sam Houston, who had 
taken a furlough on account of his wound. About the 1st of July the 
contending factions in the army had reached such a point that the 
Government thought the best way to reconcile them was to appoint as 
major-general the gallant and eloquent Lamar, who had won distinc- 
tion at San Jacinto, and was popular with both soldiers and citizens. 
On his arrival at the army he found it greatly excited and a strong 
opposition organized against him. He made a persuasive speech to the 
soldiers, and then appealed to a vote, which, proving largely against 
his taking the command, he was constrained to retire. General Rusk 
remaining in command. 

Rusk soon found that Felix Huston, who had been chairman of the 
organization that resisted and finally rejected Lamar, had superseded 
him in the suffrages of the army; and, though brave and able, yet 
being an easy-tempered man, he readily yielded the point, and recom- 
mended that Huston should be appointed major-general, and receive 
the chief command. The expectation of an expedition against Mata- 
moras about this time, however, occupied the attention and thus al- 
layed the discontents of the camp ; and, General Huston having been 
temporarily detached with his command to San Patricio on the Nueces, 
Rusk's recommendation was not favorably considered by the Govern- 
ment. In the mean time Rusk was anxious to avail himself of any 
opportunity to bring his mutinous troops into some sort of order and 
discipline. It was at this juncture that Mr. Johnston arrived at the 
camp on the Coleto ; and, being the fortunate possessor of a horse, 
joined as a private trooper the little body of mounted men that rep- 
resented the cavalry of the army. 

Mr. Johnston's appearance at this period of his life is described as 
both commanding and attractive. In some respects the bust of Alex- 
ander Hamilton is the best extant likeness of him, a resemblance very 
frequently remarked. His cheek-bones were rather high, and his nose 
somewhat irregular, which, with his clear, white-and-red complexion, 
gave him a very Scotch look. His chin was delicate and handsome ; his 
teeth white and regular ; and his mouth square and firm. In the por- 
trait by Bush, taken about this time, his lips seem rather full ; but, as 
he is best remembered, they were somewhat thin and very firmly set. 
Brown hair clustered over a noble forehead, and from under heavy 
brows his deep-set but clear, steady eyes looked straight at you with a 
regard kind and sincere, yet penetrating. With those eyes upon him 
any man would have scrupled to tell a lie. In repose his eyes were as 
blue as the sky, but in excitement they flashed to a steel-gray, and 



72 AS TEXAN SOLDIER. 

exerted a wonderful power over men. He was six feet and an inch in 
height, weighing about 180 pounds, straight as an arrow, with broad, 
square shoulders and a massive chest. He was strong and active, but 
his endurance and vital power seemed the result rather of nervous than 
of muscular energy, and drew their exhaustless resources from the 
mind more than the body. His bearing was essentially military, and 
dignified rather than graceful ; and his movements were prompt, but 
easy and firm. He was, indeed, in appearance a model for the soldier. ' 
Sidney Johnston's skill in arms was but moderate, for, though his 
eye was quick and his hand steady, yet he lacked the dexterity that 
comes from predilection and practice. He was not only cautious him- 
self in handling fire-arms, but often recommended the same carefulness 
to others, playfully quoting a saying of John Rowan, the dead-shot of 
Kentucky, " Never point a pistol at a man unless you intend to shoot 
him." He was a graceful and excellent rider, and no man presented a 
grander or more martial appearance on horseback. It was remarked of 
him by Mr. Jefferson Davis, who saw him at the battle of Monterey, 
that " in combat he had the most inspiring presence he ever saw." 

Substantially the same remark was many times made by others. 
There were in his action a certain vigor and decision, in his manner a 
winning frankness and kindness, and in his whole thought and life a sim- 
plicity and directness, that were generally irresistible. His deference 
to and dignified sympathy with women, his tenderness to children, his 
reverence for old age, and his forbearance with every form of weakness, 
were genuine and unvarying — habits as well as principles. A sensitive 
interest and the finest judgment were united in his intercourse with 
children. His indulgence seemed unlimited, and yet they rarely abused 
it. He observed toward them a careful respect ; and many younger 
friends will remember the benign and ennobling influence of Albert 
Sidney Johnston on their lives. 

General Rusk told Mr. Jefferson Davis that he was first attracted 
to Mr. Johnston, a few days after he joined his army, by his bearing as 
a soldier and the way he sat his horse. He made inquiries about him, 
and, learning that he had been an officer of experience and high repu- 
tation, he was glad to seek him out. He called on him, and, after a 
brief interview, offered him the place of adjutant-general of the army. 
He told him, however, that there were several aspirants who thought 
themselves entitled to the office, and who would probably require him 
to fight if he took the position. Mr. Johnston said he felt qualified for 
the office ; and, if General Rusk appointed him, he was not concerned 
as to how these young gentlemen might regard it. General Rusk ap- 
pointed him, and the young gentlemen concluded not to trouble him. 

On the same day, the 5th of August, on which Rusk appointed him 
adjutant-general of the army, with the rank of colonel. President 



PROMOTION AND CAMP-LIFE. 73 

Burnet, who bad learned through other sources of his arrival in the 
country, appointed him a colonel in the regular army, and assigned 
to him the duties of adjutant-general of the republic. General Sam 
Houston, the commander-in-chief, who had seen him as he passed 
throuo-h Nacogdoches, also sent to him from that point, on the 9th of 
August, a commission as aide-de-camp, with the rank of major. These 
repeated marks of confidence show the interest created in all quarters 
by his arrival in the countr3\ Colonel Johnston at once undertook the 
organization and tactical instruction of the army, with an address that 
gained the good-will of the troops, and a success that secured the 
gratitude and friendship of General Rusk, which were afterward evinced 
on all proper occasions. 

The following incidents go to illustrate the life of the camp. The 
first is a reminiscence told by General Johnston ; the names are sup- 
pressed in both, for obvious reasons : He used to relate that, one day 
as he was resting on his blanket, a colonel, a very fine fellow, stepped 
up to him, with a cocked pistol in his hand, and said : " Colonel, my 

friend here. Major , and I, have had a difference. Will you oblige 

us by observing that its settlement is entirely fair ? " Before he could 
rise to expostulate, one of the duelists gave the word, " Are you ready ? " 
the other replied, " Ready ! " Both fired, and one fell severely wounded. 
This was hot blood, indeed. 

The second incident is here given in the words of a letter written 
to General Johnston twenty-five years after the occurrence : 

It has been so many years since I had the pleasure of seeing you that I am 
almost afraid you have forgotten me altogether. Do you remember the judge- 
advocate of the army in Texas, when you were in command as colonel on the 
Lavaca River in 1836? If you do not, I can possibly recall myself to your re- 
membrance by mentioning a circumstance that may not have entirely escaped 

you. One morning, at General Green's tent, Major V and I got into an 

accidental quarrel. He insulted me and I struck him, whereupon he drew out 

a bowie-knife upon me and I a pistol upon him, which Major D , who was 

standing by my side, wrenched suddenly out of my hand. V then drew 

a pistol upon me, and, just as he Avas in the act of shooting me, you came 
thundering by, with your spurs in your horse's sides, and, with a tremendous 
grab, jerked his pistol out of his hand, which was all that saved my life. But 
for you, I should long ago have been eaten up by worms on the banks of the 
Lavaca. Can you wonder, therefore, that I have since retained the most grate- 
ful remembrance of you, and rejoiced at all calculated to promote your happi- 
ness as well as your fame ? 

Colonel Johnston's success in organizing and disciplining the army 
was so great that he received the highest commendations in every 
quarter. But he was not permitted to remain long enough to perfect 
the work he had begun. "What he did accomplish was under the most 



74 AS TEXAN SOLDIER. 

disadvantageous circumstances, as he suffered from the fever of the 
country, and was greatly reduced in strength. The Government felt 
the need of his services at the capital ; and the Hon. John A. Whar- 
ton, Secretary of War, summoned him thither by an order, dated 
September 17, 1836, requiring him to discharge the duties of his 
office at that place. The Secretary's letter represents the greatest con- 
fusion as existing in the bureau, and relies upon Colonel Johnston's 
efforts to introduce better system and method. Proceeding with 
General Rusk, early in October, to Columbia, where the Congress was 
assembling, he entered upon his duties shortly before the inauguration 
of General Sam Houston as President of the Republic. Here he ex- 
ercised the functions of his office satisfactorily until the 16th of Novem- 
ber, when he went to New Orleans, on a nominal furlough of three 
months, but really in the interests of the Texan Government. On 
December 22d President Houston wrote him that he had put him in 
nomination as senior brigadier-general of the army, and his com- 
mission bears that date. He was notified of this, January 11th, but 
was detained in New Orleans by business ; so that it was not until 
January 31st that he was ordered to assume command of the army. 
General James Hamilton, of South Carolina, had, on December 22d, 
been tendered the post of major-general and the command of the army, 
but had declined on account of private business. 

General Johnston's appointment to command led to an affair that 
resulted in great suffering to himself; but, fortunately, in no injurious 
consequences to the republic. About the time Johnston withdrew 
from the army, Rusk, having grown tired of the mingled sedition and 
intrigue that continually annoyed him, had abandoned the command to 
Felix Huston, who has already been mentioned. Huston was a Ken- 
tuckian, who had emigrated to Mississippi, where he had practised law 
and engaged largely in politics. He was a large, fine-looking man, of 
great personal gallantry, a good speaker, and endowed with popular 
qualities. He was extremely ambitious and self-confident, and over- 
bearing and turbulent, though not ungenerous, in temper. Without 
military education or experience, though not without good military in- 
stincts, he had, nevertheless, so often seen civilians employ a brief mili- 
tary career as the stepping-stone to political preferment that he was 
justified in hoping to win this double distinction on so fair a field as 
Texas. He had been disappointed in arriving too late to share in any 
of the combats of the revolution ; but he thought, nevertheless, that 
the contingent recruits that he brought to the defense of the frontier 
entitled him to the command of the army. The force Huston brought 
to the army is usually put at 500 men. Colonel Charles De Morse, 
then the adjutant-general, informs the writer, in a letter of January 
25, 1875, that Huston did not bring more than 100 or 125 men. He 



CHALLENGE FROJI FELIX HUSTON. 75 

says he recollects only three oflBcers, none of them of the rank of cap- 
tain, and that none of the men were specifically organized in companies. 
It was enough, however, to found a claim upon ; and, as he soon won the 
suftVs^es of the soldiers by his audacity and popular manners, it was 
not long before he spoke of the troops as " my army," and really felt 
that such was the case. 

After 1|he rejection of Lamar by the army vote, and the resignation 
of Rusk, 1/ie felt indisposed to allow the command that Fortune had 
placed in his hands to pass to another ; and his public declarations that 
the officer who attempted to supersede him in the command of his army 
would do so at his peril, as well as his notoriety as a skillful duelist, 
were not without effect in checking the pretensions of a certain class of 
aspirants. So restless and uncompromising a politician was little likely 
to be acceptable to the leaders of any party ; and, in view of the for- 
midable invasion then threatened, it was natural enough for the Presi- 
dent to prefer, as commander, a trained soldier, like Johnston, whose 
ambition was solely military, and to whom the army was indebted for 
all the organization and discipline it had. Accordingly, he was ap- 
pointed senior brigadier-general, with command of the army; and 
Felix Huston was appointed junior brigadier-general, and assigned 
the second place. Whatever were the motives that led to his appoint- 
ment. General Johnston, who had held aloof from all political compli- 
cations, regarded it from a purely military point of view ; and, though 
duly informed of General Huston's threats, was, of course, not deterred 
thereby from accepting the command. 

Mr. Norvall, who was then in the Texan army there, gives some en- 
tertaining reminiscences in an article in the New York Sun, March 7, 
1877 ; and, in correspondence with the writer, Norvall says General 
Johnston's appointment was bitterly resented by Huston's adherents, 
who now made a large majority of it. The supersedure of " Old Long- 
shanks," or " Old Leather-Breeches," as Huston was affectionately nick- 
named, roused the anger of his friends, and this feeling was fanned until 
there was a dangerous state of mind in the camp. 

On General Johnston's arrival at camp, February 4th, he was received 
civilly by General Huston, who, however, thought proper on the same 
day to address him the following letter : 

Headquaeters Camp Independence, February 4, 1837. 

Sir : From the acquaintance I have had with you, and your high reputation, 
I wish to tender you my regards as a gentleman and soldier. 

Your assuming the command of the army would have excited in me no 
feelings but those of respect and obedience to you, as ray superior officer, were 
it not for the fact l^hat your appointment was connected with a tissue of treach- 
ery and misrepresentation, which was intended to degi-ade me and blast my 
prospects in the Texian [army]. 



76 AS TEXAN SOLDIER. 

You, in assuming the command under an appointment connected with the 
attempt to ruin my reputation and inflict a stigma on my character, of course 
stand in an attitude of opposition to myself. 

This situation might not, in ordinary cases, lead to serious results. But as I 
have not made up my mind to leave the service, and cannot, consistently with 
honor, submit to be overslaughed under humiliating circumstances, I prefer 
taking a plain and direct course, to one which would lead to a similar result from 
the mere force of circumstances. 

I do this, as I really esteem your character, and know that you must be 
sensible of the delicacy of my situation. 

I therefore propose a meeting between us, in as short a period as you can 
make convenient. My friend Major Eoss has authority to make all necessary 
arrangements. Reiterating my respects and regards, I am 

Your most obedient, humble servant, 

Felix Huston. 

To General A. 8. Johnston. 

General Johnston's reply was as follows : 

Ueadqttaeteks Camp Independence, February ith. 

Sir: I have had the honor of receiving your note of this evening. After 
reciprocating the sentiments of respect and esteem which you have been 
pleased to express toward me, it only remains to accord to you the meeting 
proposed. I have designated 7 o'clock, a. m., to-morrow. My friend Colonel 
Morehouse is authorized to make the necessary arrangements. 

Your most obedient servant, A. Sidney Johnston. 

To Brigadier-General Felix Huston. 

It was found that no dueling-pistols were to be had in camp, and it 
was proposed to use General Huston's liorse-pistols. Hon. Jefferson 
Davis calls them " crook-handled pistols, twelve inches in the barrel." 
Mr. Davis says General Johnston was a very good shot with ordinary 
pistols, and the writer knows that such was the case subsequently ; but 
Captain Eaton says he had been quite disused to them for several 
years, and was a poor shot with them, though a skillful marksman with 
the rifle. 

Mr. Norvall says Huston's unrivaled skill with the pistol was so well 
known that astonishment was expressed that Johnston did not choose 
rapiers, with which he would have had an advantage. This was prob- 
ably the reason he did not choose them. The advantage he was striving 
for was a moral one. Mr. Norvall gives the following version of the 
report set afloat at the time : 

Generar Johnston arrived a few days after his appointment was announced. 
He at once, without communicating with General Huston, directed the adjutant- 
general to have the army paraded and the general order read. This was too 
much for Huston, already boiling over with rage. He sat down, wrote a per- 
emptory challenge to mortal combat, and handed it to his friend Colonel Rogers, 
with instructions to deliver it at once and accept of no delay. 



THE DUEL. 77 

It so happened that this was a matter discussed by both parties 
with the Hon. Jefferson Davis, wlio makes the following statement to 
the writer: He says that Huston told him that "General Johnston 
came on the drill-ground and had the order read superseding him, and 
that that teas pretext enough for him/ that he could not fight the 
President, Sam Houston, and he was glad to have a gentleman to hold 
responsible." 

General Johnston told Mr. Davis that " it was true that the order 
was read by the adjutant-general of the army, but not by his direction 
or intention; that he was present merely to observe the drill." 

My father made the same statement to me. It must be observed 
that Huston does not base his challenge upon this ground, which, even 
if not an after-thought, did not really amount to an offense. 

Mr. Norvall, in a letter to the writer, says: "Everybody understood 
the real cause of the trouble to be the fact that Huston had been 
superseded." Mr. Norvall also says that an arrangement was made be- 
tween the seconds, at the suggestion of General Johnston's friend, to 
fire with the butt of the pistol resting against the hip, in order to 
equalize the skill of the parties ; and that General Johnston responded 
on learning this, " I am not sure I could hit the side of a house in firing 
from the hip ; " and that the duel was thus fought. 

The writer doubts the accuracy of the anecdote ; but, if true, it gave 
the expert an additional advantage over the novice. Norvall says that, 
accompanied by their friends, they forded the Lavaca on horseback, and, 
after passing through the forest, met on an open, grassy spot, on the 
edge of the prairie. 

Colonel Morehouse objected that General Huston was familiar with, 
and expert in the use of, these weapons, and that General Johnston had 
never handled one in his life. But the latter, willing to yield every ad- 
vantage to his adversary, waived the objection. Mr. Norvall thinks 
there were very few witnesses. The writer believes from other infor- 
mation there were a considerable number present, to which, for obvious 
reasons, neither party was averse. The contest, though deadly in inten- 
tion, was chiefly one for the moral control of these very men; and their 
presence was, therefore, equally desired by the antagonists. 

If General Johnston, for the sake of dramatic effect, deviated some- 
what from that perfect simplicity so eminently his characteristic, it is 
believed to be the only juncture of which this can be recorded; and 
allowance must be made for the character of the witnesses, the antag- 
onist, and the occasion that brought him to the field. 

General Huston, according to the custom of practised duelists, who 
wish to present as inconspicuous a mark as possible to the aim of an 
opponent, closely buttoned his coat as he took his position. General 
Johnston, on the contrary, laid aside his coat and vest, and bound his 



Y8 AS TEXAN SOLDIER. 

sash around bis waist, thus offering his body, clad in a white shirt, as 
an almost certain target. When Huston perceived this, not wishing to 
be outdone in audacity, he somewhat angrily followed his example. 
Mr. Norvall says in a letter, with the naivete of an old Texan, " It was 
quite natural that he should do so, as the morning was warm enough 
for such an act." 

General Johnston was perfectly aware of the disadvantage at which 
he stood, and had calmly resolved on a course of action which would 
lessen his disparity with his opponent. He knew he stood no chance 
with the weapons employed if General Huston was ever able to take aim 
at him. It is known, to those familiar with the use of the hair-trigger, 
that, if the finger is allowed to touch it, the report of another pistol will 
almost always produce a sufficient involuntary muscular contraction of 
the finger to cause a premature discharge. Availing himself of this 
fact, General Johnston raised his pistol quickly, and, with his eye on 
his opponent's finger, just anticipated him enough to succeed in " draw- 
ing his fire " before he could cover him with his pistol. He repeated 
this five times with the same result, much to Huston's discomfiture, 
whose reputation as a " dead-shot " was at stake. Huston declared 
years afterward that he did not wish to kill Johnston ; but that a shot, 
through his hair and grazing his ear, admonished him that it was neces- 
sary in order to save himself. This is not probable, as he had the 
privilege at any time to express himself satisfied, and end the contest, 
a right not accorded to the challenged. At the sixth shot Huston's 
superior skill prevailed, and General Johnston fell, with a ball through 
his hip.^ 

Huston at once asked leave to approach him, and expressed his 
regret, and his willingness to serve under him. Mr. Norvall makes the 
following statement, as of his own knowledge : 

The surgeon declared the wound so dangerous as to leave little hope of re- 
covery, and the injured man was removed to the little hamlet of Texana, where 
he lay for weeks at the point of death. Huston mounted his horse and rode 
back to camp with a pale, agitated face. A thousand soldiers rushed forward to 
congratulate him as he crossed the lines, but he waved them off sadly, and rode 
straight to his quarters. That afternoon I saw him pacing up and down in the 
chaparral, and looking so miserable that, even at this distant day, I cannot think 
of him without pity. 

He adds : " One circumstance I remember distinctly, which surprised 
me, a mere boy at the time, and occasioned remark. This was that 

1 There is a question whether there were five or six shots. The writer believes the 
above account to be correct. 



RECONCILIATION. 79 

a ration of whiskey, a most unusual thing, was issued that morning. I 
believe to this day that, if Huston had been killed or seriously wounded, 
there would have been an irrepressible riot in the camp." This act 
meant mischief; but the writer has no idea that General Huston was 
aware of it. 

While he remained with the army, Huston acted in good faith 
as a subordinate officer; but the combined loss of command and in- 
fluence soon rendered his situation distasteful to him. His loss of 
influence was the natural sequence of the events mentioned. General 
Johnston tried to mitigate his discomfort, by detaching him with a 
command toward the Nueces, to observe the enemy ; but, not having 
cavalry to support him, was compelled to reunite his detachment with 
the main army. General Huston, after a time, withdrew from the army, 
and eventually returned to the United States. 

It is characteristic of General Johnston that he never felt any re- 
sentment toward Huston, .as is evident from his correspondence and 
from all subsequent references to him in conversation. Huston, in like 
manner, confiding entirely in General Johnston's magnanimity, was 
writing to him in a most unreserved and confidential strain only a few 
weeks after the duel. 

It is stated, and, I believe, on good authority, that when the 
surgeons announced their fears that General Johnston's wound was 
mortal, " his friend and second, thinking that he was dying, muttered 
that the matter should not rest, for that he would avenge it. Johnston 
turned to him and said, *It is my request, in the event of my death, 
that you shall yield obedience to my second in command, General 
Huston, and I trust you will not by such conduct promote a spirit of 
insubordination.'" I remember, when I was a little boy, asking my 
father " if he did not hate Felix Huston." He replied, " No," and then 
I asked him what he would do if he were to meet him then. He 
laughed, and answered, amusedlj'-, " As he would be a stranger here, I 
would ask him to dinner." I thought a good deal about this before I 
could reconcile it to my sense of right. 

The aim of this memoir is biographical, not apologetic, and a mere 
statement of the facts may probably be deemed sufficient ; yet, since 
General Johnston's motives are entitled to be considered, it may be well 
to state the grounds of his action. In every society there are persons 
who, in their judgment of human conduct, hold the rules of action to be 
so inflexible as to admit of no modification, and who, hence, make no 
allowance for the conditions by which a man is surrounded and the cir- 
cumstances in which he is placed. But people in general recognize their 
constraining influence. Such will appreciate the change of sentiment 
in regard to dueling in the last forty years, and the absence of legal 
restraint and protection, at the time and place mentioned, which com- 



80 AS TEXAN SOLDIER. 

pelled a man to abandon his rights, or to protect them himself by wager 
of battle. 

Captain Eaton says : " The first time I saw General Johnston after 
the duel I asked him how he came to fight Huston ; and he answered 
that he did it as a public duty. . . . He had but little respect for the 
practice of dueling." His view, as detailed to the author, was that 
the safety of the republic depended upon the efiiciency of the army ; 
and that, again, upon the good discipline and subordination of the 
troops, which could only be secured by their obedience to their legal 
commander. General Huston embodied the lawless spirit in the army, 
which had to be met and controlled at whatever personal peril. Inde- 
pendent of personal feeling, the point was a vital one to the country ; 
and, whatever the issue of the duel, General Huston would be rendered 
harmless in consequence of it. Moreover, he could not have held the 
command an hour, if he had shown the least hesitation in meeting 
General Huston's challenge. In view of the character of the army, 
it was necessary to allow neither time, nor obstacle, nor military subor- 
dination, nor any disadvantage, to prevent him from fighting at once. 
While quite willing to admit that, in an organized society, dueling 
was not defensible in ethics, in this case he saw no alternative, ex- 
cept to surrender his military efficiency and career, and the interests of 
the country. 

The eiFect of the duel was a complete revolution in the sentiment of 
the army ; and the excitable feelings of the troops were warmly enlisted 
for his recovery. Huston then, and always afterward, declared that 
" he was the coolest and the bravest man he had ever known." At 
first, his wound was pronounced mortal ; the ball passed through the 
orifices of the pelvis, not breaking the bone, but so as to injure the sci- 
atic nerve severely. His recovery was slow and painful ; and his suf- 
fering was increased by the performance of his duties, which it did not 
suit him to devolve upon another. He bore great torture with the stoi- 
cism that he regarded as essential to the soldierly character, and did 
not permit his pain to interfere with measures of preparation against 
the threatened invasion. Though he could soon walk, he was not able 
to mount his horse for a long time. Yet, meanwhile, he made a marked 
improvement in the condition of the troops ; so that the Secretary of 
War, Colonel William S. Fisher, wrote him March 28th, " The Presi- 
dent is much gratified at the favorable report made, on my return, of 
the state of the army." 

General Johnston received from the President and Secretary of War 
official reprimands of a somewhat perfunctory character for fighting a 
duel, together with assurances of complete confidence and esteem ; and 
the President sent the surgeon-general and Dr. Jones to afford him 
the best medical aid. It was not in the power of the surgeons, however, 



M.\2fAGEMEXT OF THE ARMY. gj 

to give bim relief, which, they informed him, coukl only be obtained by 
rest. 

The situation of Texas at this time was very critical. Confiden- 
tial communications to the President, from Matamoras, through Mr. 
John Ricord, confirmed for the most part by Colonel Seguin at San An- 
tonio, reported with certainty the enemy's force, January 26th; in Mat- 
amoras, 2,855 men ; and with Bravo, at Saltillo, 2,500 men ; amounting, 
including detachments, to 5,500 soldiers, with 28 cannon and two mor- 
tars. This force was augmented, until, in March, it was estimated at 
8,000 Mexicans and a large body of Indian auxiliaries, who occupied 
the country between the Nueces and the Rio Grande. A combined at- 
tack by sea and land was intended ; and a naval blockade was, in fact, 
established, which inflicted several severe blows on the republic by the 
capture of vessels and supplies. But, though an invasion at one time 
seemed imminent, civil commotions at home soon divided the attention 
and dispersed the armies of Mexico. 

How far they were checked in their enterprise by the resolute atti- 
tude of the little army of 1,800 men in their front it is needless now 
to consider ; it is certain, however, that their advance would have been 
welcomed equally by the Texan army, eager for combat, and by its 
wounded leader. Inaction, a source of disorganization in any army, 
was especially injurious to men so adventurous. General Johnston 
believed that safety lay in boldness, and that the true policy to secure 
peace was to inflict rather than to suffer invasion. Felix Huston, who 
agreed with him in this view, wrote to him, March 28th, from the seat 
of Government : 

I hope little from the war policy of the Administration. The facility of 
arriving at the same conclusions from the most opposite states of fact renders 
it entirely useless to argue or reason with the President on this subject. . . . 
As to our waging active war, he will not hear of it. I am in very low spirits as 
to our prospects, and deem Texas in a very critical situation. 

Huston was then on his way to New Orleans to try to raise men 
and supplies. Though the best-informed of his contemporaries denied 
his fitness for command, he had a certain audacity that, under proper 
direction, might have gained him the distinction which he craved al- 
most morbidly. Though somewhat " splenetive and rash," his charac- 
ter was broad and manly. 

From the time he took command. General Johnston tried with 
good results to improve the discipline of the army by drill and occupa- 
tion in other military duties; and the troops were kept as much in 
motion as was safe and practicable. The army was increased from 1,500 
to nearly 2,000 men by the arrival of recruits, for whose enUstment 



82 AS TEXAN SOLDIER. 

General Johnston had provided while in New Orleans. Under the in- 
structions of tlie Government, with insufficient munitions, transporta- 
tion, and supplies, and with scarcely any cavalry, the army was neces- 
sarily merely one of observation. The consequent dissatisfaction was 
increased by want of proper rations. The troops soon consumed the 
scanty supplies of the country, reducing the sparse inhabitants to ab- 
solute want. The army was fed from hand to mouth ; and often only 
two or three days' supplies remained in depot. At times, half-rations 
of beans and flour only were issued on alternate days, and frequently 
the men were without meat. The most rigid economy and system were 
practised, however, so that no actual suffering occurred. 

General Johnston was aware of the difficulties of the Government ; 
but, nevertheless, felt that its energy was not commensurate with the 
importance of the issues at stake. Another serious embarrassment 
arose from want of sufficient cavalry. General Johnston urged" the 
expediency of employing a larger force of mounted men to watch the 
enemy, guard against forays by the Indians, and aid in collecting pro- 
visions. The President frequently promised him this aid ; but, on the 
31st of March, wrote, " All my efforts to get you cavalry appear to be in 
vain." The small force of this arm at General Johnston's disposal was 
kept actively employed watching the roads. Wells, Seguin, Cook, and 
Karnes, with small parties of rangers, reconnoitred the frontiers with 
vigilance and secrecy ; and that daring partisan, Deaf Smith, pene- 
trated to the Rio Grande with twenty men, and defeated a superior 
force of the enemy near Laredo. 

A secret traffic in ardent spirits added greatly to the difficulty of 
enforcing discipline. President Houston was very uneasy on this point, 
and issued stringent orders for the destruction of liquor intended for 
the camps. General Johnston shared in the President's solicitude, and 
wrote that he would enforce his orders to the letter. Having appre- 
hended and confined some men, while they were attempting to intro- 
duce liquor into the camp, a mutiny arose ; and about fifty men rushed 
upon the guard at midnight, and rescued the prisoners, so that the camp 
became the scene of riot and confusion. The next day seven of the 
ringleaders were arrested, and quiet was restored. Not long after. 
Colonel Teal, a gallant and useful officer, was assassinated ; and both 
public opinion and the suspicions of the President pointed to an officer 
of high rank as the instigator of the deed. 

All these circumstances indicate the difficulties of General Johnston's 
position; but, sustained by the hope of meeting the enemy with these 
valiant though unruly warriors, he endured the pain of his wound and 
the vexations of his command, and continued to perform the duties 
devolving on him. As this hope gradually vanished, and the torment 
from the injured nerve became more acute with the increasing heat, he 



RELATIONS WITH PRESIDENT HOUSTON. 83 

was forced to consider the question of his resignation. He wrote from 
Texana, April ^'^d, to the Secretary of War, as follows : 

Dear Siu: The state of my health has heen a source of great embarrassment 
and anxiety to me. During the first period of my confinement I was buoyed 
up with the hope of soon being able to resume the active duties of my station, 
believing that the healing of my wound would be the period of relief from pain 
and of my restoration. But I have been greatly disappointed ; my attempts to 
take exercise on horseback have proved exceedingly injurious, and I am com- 
pelled to refrain; and, of course, am greatly discouraged, as my suffering is 
without intermission. 

My situation requires repose and suspension from fatigue. I do not ask it, 
nor do I wish it, at this time, but the public interest requires that all the duties 
of the commander should be energetically performed by a competent officer ; to 
do which, his presence at every point is necessary. The ofiice of major-general 
is vacant. Let an appointment be made. I should be wanting in honor were 
I to conceal from you that I am unable to discharge all my duties, and have been 
restrained until this time from reporting it by the hope of recovery, which I do 
not now believe will be soon. My physicians commend my case to time. 

I have recommended the appointment of a major-general. Should any other 
arrangement be deemed more conducive to the public interest, let no motive of 
consideration for me interfere. I feel the most ardent desire to serve the coun- 
try, and whatever ability I may have shall be devoted to it. 

The President and Secretary earnestly opposed any change, and 
urged General Johnston to retain command. He did so until May 7th, 
when, worn down by care, fatigue, and physical suffering, he took the 
advice of his physicians, and turned over the command to Colonel Rog- 
ers. On the 18th of the same month, the President furloughed about 
two-thirds of the men, thus virtually disbanding the army; while the 
Mexican navy swept triumphantly along the coast, and the Indians pur- 
sued their cruel warfare upon the border with but faint resistance. 

As President Houston and General Johnston subsequently became 
unfriendly, it is proper to state that there is no evidence of such a feel- 
ing during this period. 

The President's letters on public affairs are full and frank. Occa- 
sionally, his language is imperious ; and he conveys rudimentary in- 
struction in the military art after a fashion that might have wounded 
the self-love of a trained soldier less tolerant of human foibles than Gen- 
eral Johnston ; but he accepted all proper suggestions with cheerful- 
ness, and responded to others with calmness and dignity. In a letter 
of April -Ith General Johnston, in view of the possibility of a forced re- 
treat, says : 

I agree with you that the Colorado is the proper line of defense, having 
more strength than any other, and affording more facility of cooperation with 
the mihtia, and of supply. 



84 AS TEXAN SOLDIER. 

To a rebuke from the President for writing to him in general terms, 
and an order requiring him to conform to the regulations in making re- 
turns, etc., he replies that all that the President conceives to have been 
omitted has been done, and that "the detailed information he desires is 
on the files of the War Department." 

These, however, were minor matters, and led to no personal ill- 
feeling. But the conduct of affairs by the Administration certainly im- 
paired General Johnston's confidence in its wisdom and energy. The 
President, from his antecedents, was naturally inclined to attach undue 
importance to treaties with the Indians, and to depend upon them for 
succor in emergencies. General Johnston, on the other hand, though 
quite ready to treat with or subsidize them, regarded them as utterly 
faithless, and placed no reliance upon their promises. In accordance 
with the tenor of his instructions, he made a treaty with the Comanches 
on the 25th of April. President Houston was satisfied with a do-noth- 
ing policy toward Mexico. He was content to allow an annual invasion 
from that country, if the independence of Texas was not put in too im- 
minent peril thereby. 

The time has passed for party-feeling about these matters; the act- 
ors are in their graves, and new issues have arisen of more vital im- 
portance to this generation ; but, as the subject belongs to histor}-, it 
seems appropriate to state the objections to this policy which for the 
most part controlled Texas, until it drifted into annexation. It was 
not defensive, as claimed; because it took no adequate steps to resist 
or punish aggression by Mexico or her Indian allies, who harassed the 
frontier. But, if it had been able to resist this aggression, still it fell 
short of measures essential to the security of Texas. Annexation to 
the United States was the general wish ; and, if this could not be ob- 
tained, then independence, guaranteed by England or France. In either 
case a large immigration was desired by all Texans. 

Before any of these results could be calculated upon, it was neces- 
sary for Texas to prove herself able to protect her own borders. Gen- 
eral Johnston, with the more energetic spirits, believed that Texas had 
the men for an army of invasion, and could dictate a peace better 
within the boundaries of Mexico than beyond them ; and that these 
men, admirable for offensive warfare, were a burden while idle. Five 
times as many men would have been required to guard the frontier 
securely as to invade. He thought a forward movement would attract 
a large number of adventurers, and that the removal of the pressure 
upon the frontier would invite an immigration of hardy colonists, who, 
in time, would form a sufficient bulwark. With the men of the border, 
he resented the idea that Mexico should be alloAved annually to assert 
her eminent domain by an incursion of rancheros and convicts, while 
the pioneer was to be left unaided to the mere}- of the savage. 



MILITARY rOLICY OF TEXAS. 85. 

That these sentiments were not his alone is manifest from the letter, 
already quoted, of General Felix Huston. Colonel W. S. Fisher, after 
retiring from the AVar Department, writes February 6, 1838: "The 
people have lost faitli in the Administration, They consider that the 
tendency of the whole of its measures is to prolong the war to an in- 
definite period, and they cry aloud for action and decided measures that 
will put an end to tlie harassing state of incertitude in which they now 
stand." Other testimony might be cited. 

General Johnston did not feel it incumbent on him to arraign the 
Administration for inefBciency, though he chafed under what he consid- 
ered lost opportunities for the country. These adverse views gradually 
led to a bitter hostility in the breast of the President, who eventually ^y 
came to regard him as a man to be crushed, at whatever cost. The 
vehemence of this dislike was the more singular, as General Johnston 
at no time in his life, even to his intimate friends, allowed himself to 
show resentment at the ill offices done him, and generally forbore to 
speak when he could not commend. At this time, however, there was 
no rupture of friendly relations, and none would have occurred had 
otters shown the same reserve in criticism of General Johnston that he 
exhibited toward them. 

After General Johnston left the army, a meeting of officers voted 
him an address of confidence and regard. He received a furlough, May 
17th, to visit the United States, and proceeded to New Orleans to con- 
sult his friend Dr. Davidson, and Dr. Luzenberg, an eminent surgeon of 
that city. These skillful medical authorities, after a month's attention 
to his case, confirmed the view of the army-surgeons, and recommended 
absolute repose. They also laid down a course of treatment which, in 
time, almost entirely restored him. In later life he was troubled with a 
slight lameness after any severe fatigue, and with numbness and occa- 
sional pain in one foot; there was also some shrinkage of the muscles. 
He was so much discouraged by the disbanding of the army, and by the 
opinions of his physicians as to his wound, that on the 27th of June he 
wrote to the Secretary of War, again tendering his resignation, which 
was again declined. 

By the advice of his surgeons. General Johnston spent the summer 
and fall in Kentucky, His correspondence shows that the friends of 
Texas deemed his services of the first importance to the republic. 
Colonel Hockley, eminent in the struggle for independence, whom 
General Johnston characterizes as " one of the best officers and patriots 
in the army," writes from Nashville, November 5, 1837: "I have just 
returned from the Hermitage, where I spent all last week, and have 
had many and long conversations with the old chief in relation to the 
next campaign. He will be pleased to see you, if you can make it con- 
venient to pass this way." 



86 AS TEXAN SOLDIER. 

Hon. Henry D. Gilpin, the Attorney-General, and a confidential 
friend of President Van Buren, had married the widow of Senator 
Johnston. He wrote to General Johnston, August 13th, kindly urging 
him to visit him at Washington. He says : *' It is very evident the 
annexation of Texas to our Union is to form a subject of importance 
and of contest too ; I am sure your presence and information might 
often, very often, be of service." He adds : " When we saw you at 
the head of the army, we began to think of Cortes and De Soto ; and 
conjectured that you would have as many toils among swamps, moun- 
tains, and prairies, as the one, to end in your putting a new flag on the 
same walls, as the other," In view of the intimate relations between 
the writer and the President, there is suggestion at least in the forego- 
ing. From traits in General Johnston's character, already sufficientl}'- 
manifest, including a certain impatience of patronage not altogether 
judicious, he declined to avail himself of these favorable opportunities 
of introduction to powerful party chiefs, and of familiar intercourse with 
them. Having spent his furlough with his children and friends in 
Louisville, he returned, as soon as he was able, in December, to Texas. 

His naturally buoyant temper had aided in his recover}^, and he now 
reentered upon the scene of his former labors with high and cheerful 
purpose. The following extract is given not only as an index of his 
own spirit, but of that of the Texan people ; and, also, as exhibiting the 
condition of the country, at the mercy, not only of invasion, but even 
of the rumor of invasion. It is from a letter to Mr. Edward D. Hobbs, 
of Louisville : 

City op Houston, December SI, 1837. 

My dear Sie : A few hours after my arrival at this place, news reached us 
from San Antonio of the approacli and investment of that devoted town by 
a largo body of the enemy's cavalry. Immediate measures were taken by the 
people, here and elsewhere, to organize the whole available force of the country, 
and aid the Government in every possible manner. The greatest enthusiasm 
was manifested in our public meetings, and a determination to meet the enemy 
and drive him from our country. Our scanty means were fully known to all, 
being almost destitute of munitions and provisions ; yet this did not abate the 
ardor of their devotion to the cause. Yesterday an express arrived from San 
Antonio, which informs us that the rumor was caused by the sudden irruption 
of a marauding party of fifty Mexicans for the purpose of stealing horses, in 
which they partly succeeded. The alarm, I hope, will act as a solemn admoni- 
tion to the Government to commence preparations for the renewal of the war 
in the most energetic manner. The commander of San Antonio says that 
"things bear a threatening aspect in that region; " and information from differ- 
ent sources confirms the reported movements of the enemy ; indeed, we may say 
that a heavy column has already crossed the Rio Grande. It is now too late to 
lament that ample preparation has not been made ; we must be up and doing, 
with such force and such means as we have. Texas is now free, and will always 
be, while her citizens are faithful ; and in this they will never be found wanting^ 



HOUSTON'S PEACE POLICY. 87 

I shall leave this evening for the west. I will take charge of 200 mounted men 
at the Colorado, and proceed with them for the purpose of making a reconnais- 
sance. The information I shall gain will enable the Government to act promptly 
and energetically, if need be. I am ordered to take charge of the military op- 
erations. I hope to render a good account if the war goes on. 

A letter to the same gentleman explains the conclusion of this 
affair : 

Mekcer's Febkt, Colorado River, January 17, ISoS. 

Deae Sip. : I wrote you in my last of my intention of going to San Antonio 
de Bexar with a small force, for the purpose of reconnaissance on the frontier, 
with the view of ascertaining the strength and composition of the enemy's 
forces, and how far they have been pushed on this side of the Rio Grande. 
Thus far I have been unable to raise the force I anticipated, the excitement of 
the false report of the investment of Bexar having subsided. I think it prob- 
able I shall have to advance with one company of forty men, or relinquish the 
undertaking, which I would not do were all the powers of Mexico in full array 
on our territory. [Confidetitial. — Our Government wants energy and prudent 
foresight, which those intrusted with the liberties of a people should possess.] 

I leave to-morrow for the Xavidad, thence for Bexar, thence — I will deter- 
mine when I get there. Salutations to all friends, Prentice in particular. 

Very truly your friend, 

A. Sidney JonxsxoN. 

The sentence marked " Confidential," in this letter, will not be con- 
sidered incautious, or censorious, when it is remembered that it was 
addressed to a most intimate and trustworthy friend, not in Texas, It 
is given to show the drift of General Johnston's opinions at that time. 
A little later, if lie had chosen to give expression to them, they would 
have been more emphatic in tone. 

On the 20th of January the Secretary of War, Barnard E. Bee, remarks 
in a friendly letter, that it would be useless to get men together with- 
out supplies ; and adds, " The nakedness of the land you will be struck 
with." On the 27th of January he informs General Johnston that the 
President is opposed to his making his headquarters bej^ond San x\n- 
tonio. On February 26th H. McLeod writes very emphatically, " The 
President wiU not change the frontier line, or reenforce General John- 
ston with militia." On the same day the Secretary of War writes, 
"As we have not a dollar in the Treasury, we must be content to fold 
our arms;" and again, on another occasion, he saj's: "The Treasury is 
drained. Not a dollar is to be had." 

As the winter and spring dragged on, it became evident that Mex- 
ico, busied with her own civil wars, would not attempt the conquest of 
Texas, but would limit her attacks to predatory raids and the stirring 
up of Indian hostilities ; and Texas was again saved more by the faults 
of the enemy than by her own vigor. On the 13th of March General 



88 AS TEXAN SOLDIER. 

Johnston addressed a letter to the Secretary of War, in -which he says: 
" Although, from the distracted condition of Mexico, which is confirmed 
by reports from every source, it will not be possible for that Govern- 
ment to carry on the war this year against the republic ; and although 
the enemy is unable to make any serious movement against this country, 
we should not forget that our frontier is in a most feeble situation, and 
incapable of defense against even predatory parties. It is unnecessary 
for me to say to you that on the northern frontier there is no force 
whatever, and on the western there will not be a mounted man after 
the 3d of April." The letter goes on to urge not only the duty but 
the expediency of protecting the settlers, and recommends the organi- 
zation of a regiment of cavalry for frontier defense. The Government, 
however, took no measures, except to advise a renewal of the treaty 
with the Comanches, the preliminaries of which General Johnston, 
after much negotiation, finally arranged. 

In 1854 I took notes of some conversations with General Johnston, 
among which I find the following account of these transactions. The 
Comanches had committed great depredations, but now sent in word 
that they were willing to treat for peace. General Johnston knew that 
there could be no satisfactory peace until the limits of the two races 
were definitively settled, and each was restrained within its own territo- 
ry ; but the difficulty was, that the Spanish law had recognized no right 
to the soil in the Indians, and Texas still held to this doctrine. Could a 
territory, then, be marked out for the Comanches? As General John- 
ston's authority to assign a territory to them was at least doubtful, and 
he was unwilling to transcend his legitimate powers, he sent an officer 
to the President to inquire how this question should be disposed of ; 
but Houston made no reply. General Johnston determined, therefore, 
merely to hold a friendly talk with the Indians, avoiding all disputed 
points. 

After a delay of some two months a band of about 150 Comanches, 
led by two chiefs, Essowakkenny and Essomanny, came in to hold the 
"talk." The chiefs were about twenty-seven or twenty-eight years 
old, and about five feet eight inches in height; Essomanny was rather 
a bull-headed fellow, with a firm and sensible expression ; Essowak- 
kenny had a more intelligent countenance. 

It had been the immemorial custom of the Comanches, after plun- 
dering the countr}^ to ride down at their pleasure to San Antonio to 
trade, receive presents, and offer prisoners for ransom. On such occa- 
sions, to relieve themselves from the care of their horses, these fierce 
warriors condescendingly committed their caballado to the custody of 
the commandant, from whom they required a scrupulous return of their 
chattels when they should be ready to leave. On this occasion, Esso- 
wakkenny, on meeting General Johnston, waved his hand with a lordly 



COMANCHE DIPLOMACY. g^-, 

gesture toward his horses, saying: " There is our cahallado. Take care 
of it." *' Yes," replied General Johnston, looking at him steadily, " I 
see your caballado. You ride good ponies. I advise you to watch 
them well. All white men are not honest. I take good care of my 
own horses. Take care of yours." General Johnston told the writer 
that he meant to teach the Comanches that he was not "a Mexican hos- 
tler in uniform." The chief understood the irony, and that he had to 
deal with a warrior ; he smiled grimly, and detailed some of his own 
men to watch the grazing herd, 

A " big talk " was held. General Johnston told them of the great 
advantages of peace, and that the Texans wished to be friendly with 
them ; to which they replied that they also wished for peace. General 
Johnston told them that, if they were better acquainted with the wliite 
people, they might like them better ; and that, if they desired it, trad- 
ing-posts would be established in their country. Essowakkcnny rose, 
and said that the Comanches had noticed that trading-posts always 
seemed to frighten the buflTalo away, so that they did not want any in 
their country ; but that they did not object to a line of posts along the' 
border of their country — drawing an imaginary line with his hand, so 
as to indicate a distance of about three miles from San Antonio. Not 
caring to discuss the delicate subject of the boundary, General John- 
ston, without alluding to the trading-posts again, dilated upon the 
benefits of peace. Essowakkenny rejoined that his people had made 
peace with the Mexicans, General Johnston said that he was glad of 
it ; although the Mexicans were not his friends, it was good for the 
Comanches to be at peace with everybody. Essowakkenny added, with 
a humorous look, that he did not make peace with the Mexicans until 
he had stolen all their horses ! To General Johnston's request that he 
would visit the President at Houston, Essowakkenny replied that he 
could not go, but that his brother, Essomanny, who was a braver man 
than himself, would go. He then declared sentiments of the strongest 
friendship. General Johnston gave them presents of considerable val- 
ue, and dismissed them, not only well pleased, but delighted, with their 
reception. 

Karnes, on the strength of this talk, took a quantity of goods and 
traded with them. He was well treated, and made much money. En- 
couraged by these results, a party of thirteen men started with goods 
to trade with them ; but, as they were never heard of again, it was 
supposed that they were treacherouslj' murdered by the Comanches. 
President Houston concluded a treaty with them in May, 1838, which 
they observed with their usual bad faith ; and we find them, during the 
summer and fall, raiding, robbing, and scalping ; so that, in the language 
of Yoakum, " the frontier was lighted up with the flames of savage war," 
This author ascribes these outrages to the opening of the land-oiEce \ 



90 AS TEXAN SOLDIER. 

but they should rather be imputed to the secret negotiations between 
Mexico and the Indians, and to the defenseless condition of the frontier. 

General Johnston used to relate that, while pursuing, with friendly 
Tonkaways, some Lipan horse-thieves, they came upon a gigantic brave, 
who, on foot, long outstripped his pursuers. At length, finding his 
enemies closing round him, he turned, confronted them, and defiantly 
shouting, " Lipan ! " rushed among them to certain death. General 
Johnston said he would gladly have saved him, but was unable to do 
so. Next day, his Indian allies told him they had cooked the Lipan, 
and asked him to dinner ; nor could they be made to understand his ab- 
horrence at feasting on the flesh of an enemy. This is mentioned be- 
cause it has been doubted whether the Texas Indians were cannibals. 

On another occasion, he was following tlie trail of some hostile In- 
dians, when he found, among other tracks in the sand, the footprint of 
a little child. He halted his men, pointed it out to them, and told them 
they must spare the party for the sake of the little child. The rude 
frontiersmen, equally open to emotions of revenge or generosity, read- 
ily agreed to forego the pursuit. He had a great reverence for the 
innocence of childhood. 

During the spring General Johnston was much urged to allow him- 
self to be nominated for President of the Republic ; and it was stated 
that Rusk would allow his name to be used as a candidate for Vice-Pres- 
ident, on this condition, but on no other. He, however, steadily rejected 
all overtures, in which course he was fully confirmed, when General 
Mirabeau B. Lamar and Hon, Peter W. Grayson, both personal friends, 
appeared as rival candidates. 

On the 8th of April the Government was startled by information, 
five daj's only from Matamoras, that a heavy column of invasion w^as al- 
ready in motion in the direction of San Antonio. The dispatch from 
the Secretary of War, conveying this intelligence to General Johnston, 
concludes : 

I communicate with you by express, and at the instance of the President, 
who has but just returned. He wishes you to avail yourself of every possible 
means of defense ; and, if necessary, consult with the Comanches, who will 
doubtless render you every assistance ; your force is so inadequate that I can 
scarcely do more than say I know all that bravery can achieve will be accom- 
plished. 

As the Mexican force was reported at 1,500 or 2,000 men, and Gen- 
eral Johnston had only forty men at his disposal, he might well have 
disregarded an order the tenor of which, in its plain construction, 
seemed to require him to contest the advance of the invaders with the 
force at his command. Though he did not suspect any deliberate pur- 
pose to sacrifice him, he felt a deep indignation at the terms in which 



niS BOLDNESS. 91 

the order was drawn, which, according to his construction, left him no 
liberty of action. The next day he replied : 

You are aware of the very limited means of defense at my disposal ; but, 
such as they are, you may rely upon their being employed to the best advantage. 

The direction to call upon the Indians for aid was a proposition not 
to be considered. It is probable that the Administration only meant 
that he must run away judiciously; but he was hardly of a temper so 
to construe " all that bravery can achieve.'''' He resolved that he would 
not retreat, and that, if a Thermopylix? or an Alamo were required of 
him, he would not involve San Antonio in his destruction. He there- 
fore advanced to meet the enemy and contest with him the passage of 
the streams. The result proved the wisdom of his action, the safety of 
■which lay in its boldness. The Mexicans, apprehending that his little 
troop was but the advance-guard of an armj', hastily recrossed the Rio 
Grande; and, in furtherance of some other political project, were soon 
diverted into distant quarters, thus freeing the frontier from present 
danger. Thus was this official death-warrant annulled by Providence. 
The coast of Texas was about the same time relieved from the depre- 
dations of the enemy by the French blockade of the ports of Mexico. 

General Johnston, having no troops to command and no present oc- 
cupation, again wished to resign, but was so strongly dissuaded that, in 
June, he accepted a furlough and went to Kentucky. Colonel Hockley, 
■who had succeeded Mr. Bee as Secretary of War, informed General 
Johnston, August 21st, of Cordova's revolt, which ended in smoke, how- 
ever; and, apprising him that he was authorized to retain such officers 
as were necessary, added, " You hold your rank^ and are wanted.'''* 

Most of the emigrants to Texas had gone thither -with the hope of 
seeing it ultimately admitted as a State into the Federal Union. When 
they saw the possibilities of greatness in its vast territory and wonder- 
ful natural advantages, they felt assured that in its annexation the 
United States would gain even more than Texas. When, then, in the 
Northern States the opposition to annexation found vent in a torrent of 
insult and invective, a great revulsion of feeling occurred in Texas. 
President Houston withdrew the offer of annexation, and public atten- 
tion was directed toward the maintenance of independence, with free 
trade and closer relations with England. 

In letters to General Johnston from prominent Texans, former en- 
thusiasts for annexation, the opinion prevails that " perhaps it is better 
thus." Others went further, disappointment adding bitterness to 
alienation. President Lamar, in his inaugural address, says with his 
usual fervor: "The step, once taken, would produce a lasting regret, 
and ultimately prove as disastrous to our liberties and hopes as the tri- 
umphant sword of the enem3%" General Johnston shared the common 
sentiment that national dignity and manifest policy both demanded the 
withdrawal of the offer of annexation. It was evidently unfair to 



92 SECRETAKY OF WAR. 

Texas to leave the option open to a hesitating suitor; and, indeed, the 
shortest road to annexation was to compel the United States to con- 
sider the alternative of a European protectorate. A few years' delay 
enabled Texas to make a much better bargain, and the United States 
reenacted the purchase of the sibylline books. It is a curious problem 
how a final rejection of Texas by the United States might have affected 
the events of the last twenty years — possibly not as the opponents of 
annexation would have wished. 

Mirabeau B. Lamar was elected President, and David G. Burnet 
Vice-President, September 3, 1838, and they were inaugurated on the 
9th of December. On December 22d General Johnston was appointed 
Secretary of War. Louis P. Cook was made Secretary of the Navy, 
and Dr. James H. Starr Secretary of the Treasurj-^; and the Department 
of State was filled in rapid succession by Hon. Barnard E. Bee, Hon. 
James Webb, and Judge Abner S. Lipscomb ; Judge Webb becoming 
Attorney-General. General Johnston lived on terms of great harmony 
and kindness with his colleagnes. 



CHAPTER Vn. 

SECRETARY OF WAR. 



The outlook of Texas seemed anything but bright at the beginning 
of Lamar's administration. Fortune, which at first appeared to smile 
upon the rising republic, finding her favors neglected, had now begun 
to turn away her face. Nearly three years had passed since San 
Jacinto, and j-et no government, except the United States, had 
acknowledged the independence of Texas. The European powers 
refused recognition, and pointed to the claim of title maintained by 
Mexico, with an annual invasion that disputed possession of the soil 
and pretended to imperil the national existence. The naA'y, created by 
the Texan Congress in 1836, had disappeared in 1837: of its four ves- 
sels, two had gone down at sea, one had been sold, and one captured. 
The army had been disbanded, and Mexican machinations had been 
allowed to mature, drawing the wild tribes and the Cherokees into an 
alliance which was drenching the defenseless border in blood, and now 
loomed up into the larger proportions of a general war. Tlie whole 
policy of President Houston had been to postpone the evil day, and to 
evade difficulties instead of meeting them. Time is so important an 
element in setting straight tlie crooked things of this world, and was, 
especially, of such moment in the affairs of Texas, that the President's 



LAMAR'S ADMINISTRATION. 93 

procrastination appears pardonable ; but its sole advantage turned out 
to be the personal one of shifting the accumulated burden upon his suc- 
cessor. Yet Providence had supplied the defects of human foresight, 
and stood friend to the struggling young nation. 

In 1837 the Mexican army of invasion, after surveying tlie attitude 
of the Texan force on the Coleto under General Johnston, concluded to 
retire ; and in 1838 it retreated, as has been narrated, before a shadow. 
In the same year the French blockade of the Mexican ports ended the 
Mexican blockade of the coast of Texas, and supplied the loss of the 
fleet; but on the 9th of March, 1839, the French blockade was raised by 
the peace between France and Mexico. The Treasury was empty, the 
paper-money much depreciated, and public credit gone. No army, no 
navy, no money, no credit, and no national recognition; with Mexico 
relieved of French invasion, and an Indian war ready to burst upon the 
country — what was left? Hope, God's gift to the young — men or 
nations — hope, destined to many disappointments, but still buoying 
them up. 

The youthful statesmen who now guided the republic fortunately felt 
an enthusiasm that was neither turned aside by obstacles nor dismayed 
by dangers. The future greatness of the country inspired them, and 
they opposed to the odds against them the intrepidity, the energy, and 
the intellectual resources, of the martial race they represented. Imagina- 
tion, displaying itself in action, lent a certain grandeur to the designs 
of the President and cabinet — heroic wills grappling with an adverse fate. 

General Johnston, writing to Mr. George Hancock, from Houston, 
April 21, 1839, says, " There is now nothing doubtful in the stability 
of our institutions or in our ultimate success in the establishment 
of the independence of the countrj- upon a most auspicious basis." 

Mirabeau B. Lamar was born in Jefferson County, Georgia, August 
16, 1798. He was of Huguenot stock, and of a family which has pro- 
duced men of note as orators and statesmen. He was already 
distinguished for eloquence when he came to Texas, in 1835, to aid the 
constitutional cause; and is said to have been the first to declare 
publicly for independence. He was not less ardent as a soldier than as 
a speaker; and, in the cavalry-skirmish on the day before the battle of 
San Jacinto, saved the life of General Rusk by a free exposure of his 
own. He was conspicuous for gallantry at San Jacinto, was soon after 
appointed Secretary of War b}'- President Burnet, and Avas elected Vice- 
President in 1836. His impetuous valor, enthusiastic temper, and un- 
selfish aspirations for the honor and welfare of his countrj^, made him 
the fit choice of Texas as her President. Lamar was a man of high, 
unbending honor; his native gifts were fine— largeness and brilliancy of 
conception, fancy, eloquence, readiness, and courage. Though ardent, 
impulsive, and open to present impressions, sometimes, especially in 



94 SECRETARY OF WAR. 

seasons of ill-health, he gave way to the reaction that displays itself in 
waywardness, dejection, and lassitude. But he was brave, affectionate, 
open as the day, lofty, and magnanimous. Among his chosen friends 
and counselors were men of purpose as high as his own, and of more 
exact modes of thought. Judge Lipscomb and Mr. Webb were able 
lawyers, Cook was a man of fine talents, and Dr. Starr has through a 
long life justified both his financial ability and his perfect uprightness. 

The Administration accepted the trust imposed upon it, with the 
full purpose and reasonable expectation of carrying out a broad plan 
for the security and greatness of the country. It achieved much; and 
even where it fell short of the design, as is apt to be the case in a free 
government whose legislation is based upon compromise, it laid the 
foundation of future power and progress for the State. The finan- 
cial policy proposed by the President was rejected b}' Congress. 
While, of course, it cannot be asserted that a national bank, which he 
recommended, with its credit based upon the public domain and the 
public deposits, would have created financial confidence and maintained 
values in those distressed times, still the adherence to a system of un- 
limited, unguaranteed, irredeemable issues was not the device nor the 
choice of this Administration. Bankruptcy could not be arrested by it, 
and indeed was certain under it. It is doubtful, however, whether any 
prudence or wisdom could have averted the result. The recommenda- 
tion of a national bank was, however, used as a handle of prejudice 
among those who, under entirely different circumstances, had learned to 
distrust the United States Bank. 

To the eloquent appeals of Lamar are due the foundation of 
the educational system of Texas, and the consecration of noble grants 
of public lands to the School and University Funds. By him, too, a 
great tide of corrugation and public plunder was suddenly stopped. An 
Auditorial Court had been established, which by some legislative inad- 
vertence was almost compelled to approve all claims presented, on the 
flimsiest proof. The court was overwhelmed with fabricated claims 
against the Government, when it was suspended by the President until 
the meeting of Congress, which ratified his action and corrected the 
evil. The existence of an organized system of public robbery was dis- 
covered, by which a vast number of fraudulent land-certificates had 
been issued and circulated, evidently through the collusion of dishonest 
local land commissioners. The President again interposed to check 
this manufacture, and end the reign of briber}'-, perjury, and forgery ; 
and, on his recommendation. Congress took such action as broke up the 
system and saved the republic from enormous losses. The land-pirates 
and bogus-claim swindlers, forming a numerous and adroit class, were 
roused into an active and bitter hostility, which was not without effect 
in hampering the measures of the Administration. 



VIEWS OF MILITARY POLICY. 95 

The foreign relations of Texas were now put upon an entirely new 
footing. Her independence was acknowledged by France, England, 
Belgium, and Holland; treaties of amity and commerce were made, and 
diplomatic relations were established which, by alternately piquing the 
pride and the interest of the great powers, eventually led to annexation 
to the United States. The two subjects most pressing, however, were 
the defense of the frontier and the settlement of the Indian question. 
A navy was put upon the Gulf, which not only secured the coast of 
Texas but annoyed that of Mexico, lent aid to her rebels, and helped 
to embarrass her counsels. By judicious encouragement to the 
Federalists, and by letting loose upon her the more restless spirits of 
the border, Mexico was kept busy in defense of her own soil, so that, 
during this Administration, Texas was not invaded by land or sea — the 
best justification of its foreign policy. This energetic line of action 
was stigmatized as a war policy ; but it was, in fact, the only true peace 
policy, since it transferred the theatre of war to the enemy's territory, 
gave to foreign countries an assurance of strength, and by an exhibition 
of internal security, unknown before, invited capital and population. 
Moreover, Texas showed an earnest desire for peace, seeking the media- 
tion of friendly nations, and sending Mr. Bee as envoy to Vera Cruz to 
try to open negotiations. Though spurned by Mexico, these overtures, 
seconded by warlike preparations, helped to gain the respect of civil- 
ized peoples. 

The conduct of military affairs was intrusted by the President to 
the Secretary of War, whose wish was to raise a small regular force, 
which, thoroughly armed, drilled, and disciplined, would serve as the 
nucleus and example for a volunteer army. General Johnston's views 
to this effect were laid before the President in the followinar letter : 

War Dkpabtment, December 18, 1838. 
I have the honor herewith to submit for your consideration views with 
reference to the measures which, in my opinion, should be adopted to maintain 
the attitude assumed by this republic, and lead to a prompt adjustment of the 
difficulties existing with the Government of Mexico, and to more amicable rela- 
tions with the Indians on the northern frontier. Menaced by powerful, vin- 
dictive, and unrelenting enemies, the wisdom of experience dictates that the 
preparations should be ample and adequate in all respects to meet all emergen- 
cies. In the previous invasions by the enemy this country presented everywhere 
abundant resources for the subsistence of troops and for mounting and equip- 
ping them, which do not now exist. They have long since been exhausted, and 
it is believed that they do not exceed the wants of the inhabitants. In former 
emergencies the vast means always available facilitated the rapid concentration 
of the force of the country, and enabled it to meet the enemy with promptitude 
in advance of the frontier. With the same patriotic devotion and zeal for 
the cause, with the same eager desire to turn out for defense with which they 
were inspired on former occasions, is it not manifest that, without depots of pro- 



96 SECRETARY OF WAR. 

visions and military stores, without means of transportation of any kind, the call 
for aid in defense must be feebly responded to? There is another consideration 
which will contribute powerfully to render this resource for defense precarious, 
which should under favorable circumstances constitute the main dependence of 
the Government. It is the apprehension of attack from hostile Indians, founded 
in evidence which they caunot reject. The advance of a Mexican army would 
be the signal for the active cooperation of the unfriendly tribes; and, whether 
it took place or not, the anticipation of such an event among a sparse popu- 
lation, feeling the necessity of the utmost vigilance and activity for their own 
protection, would produce the same result — a strong diversion in favor of the 
enemy, which our knowledge of the Indian character inclines us to believe 
would not be the case if we had an army in position on the border. If this be 
the true condition of things, and I think no one informed on the subject 
will differ with me, I should ill discharge the high obligations of duty were I to 
delay making them known, or deserve the confidence of the intelligent, bold, 
and patriotic population of the republic, who do not desire to be flattered with 
deceptive accounts of their power where circumstances prevent its efiicient ap- 
plication, or with illusive hopes of peace founded on no just expectations. We 
cannot conceal from ourselves that we are at war with a powerful nation, how- 
ever much leisure his supineness has left us for the pursuits of peace. The ex- 
ample of all nations teaches the necessity of active, vigorous and unremitted 
preparation till the termination of the contest ; the greatest and most powerful 
nations do not disdain it. I do not hesitate, therefore, from the conviction that 
peace will be most easily and readily obtained by making ample preparations for 
war, to recommend that, besides the measures in progress for the defense of the 
coast, the force authorized by the act to fix and establish the military force 
of the republic, of November, 1836, be raised and equipped for immediate ser- 
vice, with such additional force as may be found necessary. I also recommend 
that the oflBcers and soldiers now on the rolls of the army, except those of the 
regiment recently authorized for the protection of the frontier and of the 
advance corps, be disbanded in anticipation of the new organization which I 
have the honor to suggest. I have the honor to be, with great respect, your Ex- 
cellency's obedient servant, A. Sidney Johnston, 

Secretary of War. 

To his Excellency Mirabeatj B. Lamak, President of the Republic of Texas. 

It was proposed then to cross the Rio Grande in aid of the Feder- 
alists, who sought the alliance, until that party prevailed throughout 
Mexico, or at least established an independent republic of its northern 
States, which would interpose a friendly nation as a barrier to central- 
ist aggression. This hope does not seem chimerical, when we recollect 
how near the Federalists were to success ; nor does there seem much 
reason why such an army, under an able leader, niight not in such an 
undertaking have dictated the terms of peace in the city of Mexico. 
There was no wish or intention, however, to form any political union 
with any Mexican State. When this was strongly urged by General 
Anaya, the Federalist envoy, upon the consideration of General John- 



OPPOSITION UNDER HOUSTON. 97 

ston, on the ground that all republics ought to be federal in their or- 
ganization, General Johnston replied that " every nation ought to choose 
its own form of government, and be a good neighbor; that Texas 
could exist alongside a monarchy if it treated her well." 

To carry out so large a plan as the invasion of Mexico would have 
required great unanimity of sentiment among the people in favor of 
aggressive war ; in fact, a vigorous and undivided national feeling. 
Without this, it was vain to hope that the Government could obtain 
the men and means at home, or the credit abroad, necessary to prose- 
cute it with energy. But for the first time an opposition was organ- 
ized against the Administration. President Houston had been able 
to tide over his two years of office without encountering one. Though 
he had his embarrassments, it was from independent resistance to par- 
ticular measures, and not in the desire to thwart or impede his execu- 
tive action. There was at that time neither the material nor the temper 
for an opposition. Everybody wished to make the best of what hap- 
pened ; errors and faults were condoned ; and the power of patriotism 
and good feeling in the first flush of victory, together with the prestige 
of San Jacinto, prevented any combination to thwart the Executive. A 
negative policy, if it effected nothing, at least offered nothing tangible 
to resist ; so that, if there was much to complain of, there was little to 
undo or overthrow, and dissatisfaction effervesced in grumbling. Now, 
however, it was different. Opinions had crystallized, and politics was 
becoming a profession. The elements of party, personal, local, and sec- 
tional considerations, as well as those springing from honest differences 
of opinion, only waited the call of a leader to marshal in strong array. 
Such a leader was soon found in the late President. Whatever view 
may be taken of General Houston in other respects, it is idle to deny 
him superior talents in the management of men. His temper was not 
such as to be satisfied with a subordinate position ; and he beheld with 
impatience and anger a course of proceeding which, reversing his own, 
seemed a tacit rebuke to him, which, if successful, would eclipse San 
Jacinto, and if it failed would injure the country. With such alter- 
natives, he was unwilling it should be tried. He soon gathered all the 
discontented into a well-knit party, who made his name its watchword. 
All who differed with the Administration were taught where they would 
find sympathy for their opinions and their grievances ; and following 
these was a mighty contingent of the inert, the timid, and the short-sight- 
ed, who were willing to trust all to chance, to whom was added the com- 
pact phalanx of land-swindlers and claim-forgers, eager for revenge. Of 
course the body of the party was honest ; but, whatever its material, or 
motives, it hung with such a dead weight upon the measures of the Ad- 
ministration as to prevent the realization of its plans. 

But the event which gave General Houston the deepest offense, and 



98 SECRETARY OF WAR. 

most sorely wounded at once his self-love and his affections, was the 
Cherokee War. After that, reconciliation was impossible ; and he always 
cherished the bitterest hostility to the authors and principal actors in 
it. Whoever else made their peace with him, he never forgave General 
Johnston. It was natural, and not discreditable to General Houston, 
that he should resent a line of conduct which reversed his Indian poli- 
cy, and treated as enemies a tribe to which he was under the deepest 
personal obligations. It was not in his nature to discriminate between 
his personal relations and the public policy, and there can be no doubt 
that he felt the warmest indignation at the repudiation of his acts, 
which he identified with those of the republic. 

The causes which led to the Cherokee War, as well as an outline of 
the events, will be related here ; not only because General Johnston, 
as Secretary of War, made the issue with the Indians and superintended 
the conduct of the campaign, but because it is necessary to the vindi- 
cation of a M'hole people, to whom it has been imputed as a national 
crime, to be pardoned, however, in view of the strong temptations to 
which they were subjected. This seems to be the view of Yoakum, 
their most elaborate historian, who, representing the opinions and jus- 
tifying the action of General Houston, has so recorded the events, and 
■with such inferences as to lead to the most erroneous conclusions. As 
the whole matter is a question of good faith^ which must be kept sacred 
with savages as well as with others, the reader will pardon a complete 
though succinct statement of all the facts, cleared from the confusion 
of outside considerations. 

A small band of Cherokees, led by Ricihard Fields, a half-breed, emi- 
grated from the United States to Texas in 1822. They easily extorted 
a permission to settle from the Mexicans of Nacogdoches, who had been 
dispersed and cowed by the recent invasions of Colonel Long. Fields 
is said to have visited the city of Mexico to obtain a grant of lands, and 
to have returned satisfied with some vague and illusory promises. In 
1825 he was joined to John Hunter, a white man, who, whether fanatic 
or impostor, had varied experience and much address, and who went to 
Mexico on the same mission. The constitutional right to make such a 
grant residing in the State, and not in the Federal Government, his re- 
quest was refused. Fields and Hunter made a treaty with the " Fre- 
donian " insurgents, in the winter of 1826 ; but a rival faction of the 
Cherokees murdered Hunter, and, led by Bowles, aided inputting down 
the revolt. Bowles became the war-chief of the Cherokees, and the 
leading spirit of the Texas Indians. 

The first concession by the Government to the Cherokees was an 
order, made August 15, 1831, to the local authorities, to offer them an 
establishment on a fixed tract of land, which the Political Chief at Bexar 
afterward reported that they had selected. When it is borne in mind 



i 



INTRUSIOX or UNITED STATES INDIANS. 90 

that the chief motive of Mexico, in the colonization of Texas, had been 
to oppose the organization and valor of white men as a barrier between 
the restless and predatory Indians and interior Mexico, it seems a curi- 
ous coincidence that the Government should begin to accord rights and 
privileges to savages, just when it was denying them to white men. 
The usurping Central Administration of Bustamante had, on April 6, 
1830, absolutely forbidden the immigration of citizens of the United 
States, and was then trying to carry out its plan of arbitrary govern- 
ment in Texas. 

On the 22d of March, 1832, Colonel Piedras was commissioned "to 
put the Cherokee families into individual possession of the lands they 
possessed ; " so natural is it for despotism to ally itself with barbarism, 
and to seek to depress its intelligent opponents by the aid of an inferior 
race. That the order to Piedras was obeyed, either technically or sub- 
stantially, is not probable, as the Indians would not have been satisfied 
with an allotment of lands in severalty in lieu of the range of country 
which they hunted over. It served the purpose intended, however ; and 
50 or 100 Shawnees and Cherokees followed Piedras, the next June, to 
aid Bradburn, at Anahuac, against Austin's colonists. In the Declara- 
tion of Grievances, by the Ayuntamiento of Nacogdoches, the colonists 
complained that " Colonel Piedras had called in and employed Indians, 
in his meditated warfare on their rights ; " and " had insulted them by 
saying that he held Americans and Indians in the same estimation, and 
as standing on the same footing." * 

The Colonization Act of March 24, 1825, admitted Indians as set- 
tlers, " when any of them, after having first declared themselves in fa- 
vor of our religion and institutions, wish to establish themselves in any 
settlements that are forming." It has been pretended that the emigrant 
United States Indians were entitled to lands as colonists under this 
act ; but, when we consider that its intention was to induce white men 
to come in for the purpose of keeping Indians out, it cannot be con- 
sidered an invitation, but a conditional permission, to a certain class of 
Indians. It was framed in a spirit of equity, and plainly intends the 
case of Indians willing to become civilized and to settle in the colonies 
of Austin and other empresarios. The Cherokees did not comply with 
either the legal formalities or other prescribed conditions ; nor, indeed, 
did they wish to acquire any rights under the law. In point of fact, 
the republic of Texas, in 1839, would not have denied reasonable allot- 
ments of land to any resident Indians wishing in good faith to try the 
experiment of civilization. 

Up to 1832 the intruding Indians had been stragglers or discontent- 
ed bands, which had broken away from the great tribes in the United 
States. Now, however, under the aggressive policy of that Govem- 
' "Texas Almanac," 1869, p. 39. 



100 SECRETARY OF WAR, 

ment, forcing them westward, the emigration assumed a new phase. In 
spite of treaty stipulations to the contrary between the United States 
and Mexico, a formidable body of Cherokees, Shawnees, Kickapoos, Del- 
awares, and Quapaws, numbering 1,530 warriors and five times as many 
souls, entered Texas in the winter of 1832-'33 — about the time of Gen- 
eral Houston's arrival in the State. 

No people could suffer such an invasion without disquietude ; and 
accordingly we find that the empresarios, Messrs. Austin, Milam, and 
Burnet, early in 1833, addressed a memorial to General Bustamante, 
calling attention to the facts. Colonel Bean, too, commanding the 
Eastern Department, made a similar complaint to General Cass, United 
States Secretary of War, remonstrating against this breach of the 
treaty of 1831, by which " both parties bind themselves expressly to 
restrain by force all hostilities and incursions on the part of the Indians 
living within their respective boundaries." It is hard to see how any 
rights accrued to these Indians, constituting fifteen-sixteenths of the 
intruding bands, from their incursion, when colonists and authorities 
alike attempted to prevent it. The centralists wanted a sprinkling of 
savages, not a deluge ; the colonists objected to their neighborhood 
altogether. 

Here the matter seems to have rested until September 11, 1835, 
when Colonel Bean addressed another letter to the President of the 
United States, referring to his former communication, and the frequent 
breaches of the treaty already mentioned ; adding, " The annoyance to 
the community, as well as the danger, which has resulted from the fact 
of their incursion, was clearly anticipated at the time of my letter to the 
Secretary of War." He then requests that the Government will pre- 
vent the execution of a contract for the introduction of 24,000 Creeks 
into Texas. 

On the same day, the Committee of Vigilance for Nacogdoches also 
wrote to President Jackson, giving the details of the aforesaid contract, 
pointing to its violation of the treaty of 1831, and soliciting the inter- 
ference of the United States Government ; praying that " a sparse and 
defenseless population be protected from the evils that were so tragi- 
cally manifested on the frontiers of Georgia and Alabama." ' This let- 
ter was signed by Sam Houston and five others. Mr. Castello, Mexi- 
can charge (V affaires, offered the same remonstrance, October 14, 1835. 
President Jackson took the steps necessary to prevent the threatened 
irruption. 

In the beginning of the Texan Revolution, the Consultation, a pro- 
visional government, representing the municipalities, met November 3, 
1835. On November 13th, on the motion of Sam Houston, it made 
a " solemn declaration " to the Indians, " that we will guarantee to 
^ "Niles's Register," vol. xlix., p. IGO. 



THE TREATY WITH THE CHEROKEES. 101 

them the peaceable enjoyment of their rights to their lands, as we do 
our own. We solemnly declare that all grants, surveys, or locations of 
lands, within the bounds hereinbefore mentioned, made after the settle- 
ment of* said Indians, are, and of right ought to be, utterly null and 
void." Lieutenant-Governor Robinson, a member of the committee that 
reported this declaration, says that General Houston assured the com- 
mittee that he had himself seen the grant from the Mexican Government 
to the Cherokees, and that it was in the hands of Captain Rogers, at Fort 
Smith, in Arkansas; and avers that these assurances constrained the 
committee to unite in, and the Consultation to adopt, the report. Judge 
Waller, another member, confirms Lieutenant-Governor Robinson's 
statement. It is not now pretended that there was any such grant 
extant.' 

Sam Houston, John Forbes, and John Cameron, were appointed 
commissioners to negotiate with the Cherokees. But the Legislative 
Council, apparently distrusting this action, passed a resolution, Decem- 
ber 26th, instructing the commissioners " in no wise to transcend the 
declaration, made by the Consultation in November, in any of their ar- 
ticles of treaty ; . . . . and to take such steps as might secure their" 
(the Indians') " effective cooperation when it should be necessary to 
summon the force of Texas into the field." " Houston and Forbes made 
a treaty, February 33, 1836, ceding to the Indians a large territory. 

It has been objected to the Declaration that " it was an ill-advised, 
disingenuous, if not subtle and sinister measure, null and void for want 
of fundamental authority, of no moral or political obligation, and only 
calculated to embarrass any future transactions with these obtruding 
savages." ^ Vice-President Burnet, acting Secretary of State, says 
that the provisional government was acting outside the sphere of its 
legitimate power, "and could not, in a matter so extraneous to the 
avowed purposes of its creation, impose any moral or political obliga- 
tion upon the independent and separate Government of Texas." * It will 
be observed that the Consultation, by its very name, was provisional, 
and professed to act under the Mexican Federal Constitution of 1824. 
That its powers were considered merely provisional seems evident from 
the action of General Houston, who, having been appointed commander- 
in-chief by it, demanded another election when the convention met in 
the following March. 

It was also charged that the commissioners transcended their pow- 
ers, ceding a vast and undefined territory to the Indians, "without 
securing their effective cooperation," according to the restriction of the 
Council in their instructions to the agents. Vice-President Burnet fur- 

» "Texas Almanac," 1860, p. 44. " Kennedy, " History of Texas," vol. ii., p. 159. 

^ "Texas Almanac," 1859, p. 18. 

* Dispatch, May 30, 1839, to General Dunlap, Texan minister to the United States. 



102 SECRETARY OF WAR. 

ther says : * " That pretended treaty was never ratified by any competent 
authority on the part of Texas. On the contrary, when it was sub- 
mitted to the Senate of the republic, which was the only power author- 
ized to confirm, it was rejected by a decisive vote of that body, and no 
subsequent action of the Government has been had upon it." 

General Houston tried once and again to secure the constitutional 
approval to his action ; but even his great personal popularity and po- 
litical power failed in this. It is not improbable that his peculiar rela- 
tions to the Cherokees had something to do with the rejection of the 
treaty by the Senate. A friendly biographer says that he passed " the 
moulding period of his life," between fourteen and eighteen, with the 
Cherokees. When he abandoned his family, his home, his high office, 
in Tennessee, and the habits of civilized life, in 1829, it was to seek a 
refuge in this tribe, which adopted him into full citizenship. He lived 
with them, as an Indian, three years, and is supposed to have entered 
Texas on some mission connected with their interests. Ho then located 
himself at Nacogdoches, near the Texas branch of the Cherokees, and 
always showed for them an interest and affection which, if it clouded 
his judgment, was at least creditable to his heart. 

When this treaty was made Texas was still nominally a State of 
Mexico, and Houston was still a Cherokee, if indeed he ever renounced 
that affiliation. Such complicated relations unfitted him to act as 
agent where the parties had conflicting interests ; but he, nevertheless, 
showed an eagerness to complete this negotiation, that induced him, 
while commander-in-chief, to leave Refugio for that purpose, as the 
enemy was advancing. Thus the same day witnessed the conclusion of 
the treaty and the appearance of Santa Anna before San Antonio; and 
this ill-omened, futile, and wasteful compact was linked with the fall of 
the Alamo and the massacre of Fannin's men. Thus, too, it came to be 
regarded as General Houston's personal act, and as an agreement not 
binding on the State. 

The treaty, which was to have engaged the effective cooperation of 
the Indians, is claimed by Yoakum to have secured their neutrality at 
least, thus imposing a moral obligation upon Texas to perform it; but 
his own pages dispel this slender claim. J. H. Sheppard says " that on 
the retreat in April, 1836, he was sent by General Houston to summon 
the Coshatties to his aid. Though long domiciled in Texas, and the 
most friendly of all the tribes, they would not even consider the request. 
It may be assumed that General Houston did not spare even more 
strenuous efforts to enlist the powerful Cherokees, with whom he was 
familiar. Though the Coshatties stood aloof and were sometimes 

' Dispatch, May 30, 1839, to General Dunlap, Texan minister to the United States. 
2 "Texas Almanac," 18'72, p. 101. 



INDLLN HOSTILITY AND PERFIDY. 103 

implicated in acts of hostility, yet, because their rights were pre- 
scriptive, they were treated with indulgence and allowed to retain their 
foothold when the immigrant Indians were expelled. 

Of the Cherokees, Shawnees, Kickapoos, etc., "recent intruders," it 
is said " they were restless and discontented," and in 183G " they gave 
unmistakable signs of hostility to the colonists by acts of depredation 
and murder." * Yoakum says that the Indians were kept quiet by the 
assurances of the committees of San Augustine and Nacogdoches, 
September 18, 1835, that their just and legal rights would be re- 
spected, and that " no white man should interrupt them on their 
lands." " Yet a different inference might be drawn from one of his 
anecdotes. He says that (in October or November, 1835) "the ap- 
pearance of Breese's company at Nacogdoches had a fine effect on 
the Cherokee Indians, a large number of whom were then in town. 
Their fine uniform caps and coats attracted the notice of the chief 
Bolles. He inquired if they were Jacksoti's men. * Certainly they 
are,' said Stern. ' Are there more coming ? ' ' Yes,' was the reply. 
* How many more ? ' asked Bolles. Stern told him to count the hairs on 
his head and he would know. In twenty minutes the Indians had all 
left town." ' 

It is quite evident indeed from Yoakum's own account that the 
Indians were not restrained by treaty obligations, but by the presence 
of a competent force, and that the cause of Texan independence was 
put to the utmost hazard from the necessity of retaining troops 
to watch them. Both Texans and Indians knew, in April, 1836, that 
General Gaona, one of Santa Anna's lieutenants, with a well-ap- 
pointed column, was moving on Nacogdoches under orders to kill or 
drive out the colonists. 

Yoakum says: "The country through which he marched was 
thronged with Indians, already stirred up by the emissaries of the 
Mexicans, and naturally disposed to join them. . . . The people of 
Eastern Texas then felt that their danger was imminent. This 
apparent danger was increased by the threats and movements of the 
Indians. To ascertain the facts, the Committee of Vigilance at Nacog- 
doches dispatched agents to the Indians. C. H. Sims and William 
Sims, who were sent to the Cherokees, reported them to be hostile and 
making preparations for war ; that they were drying beef and preparing 
meal, and said they were about sending off their women and children ; 
that they had murdered Brooks Williams, an American trader among 
them ; that they said a large body of Indians, composed of Caddoes, 
Keechies, lonies, Tawacanies, Wacoes, and Comanches, were expected 
to attack the American settlements; that the Cherokees gave every 

* " Texas Almanac," 1858, p. 174. « Yoakum, " History of Texas," vol. i., p. 358. 
' Ibid., vol. ii., p. 23. 



104 SECRETARY OF WAR. 

indication of joining them ; that the number of warriors embodied on 
the Trinity was estimated at 1,700 ; and that Bolles, the principal 
Cherokee chief, advised the agents to leave the country, as there was 
danger. M. B. Menard, who was sent to the Shawnee, Delaware, and 
Kickapoo tribes, reported that, while these tribes were friendly, they 
had been visited by Bolles, who urged them to take up arms against 
the Americans." * 

In consequence, three companies, numbering 220 men, were de- 
tained, and three more were delayed in completing their organization, 
until it was too late to aid the retreating army vinder Houston. The 
women and children were hurried across the Sabine, and a panic 
paralyzed the action of these hardy men. The detention of the volun- 
teers. General Gaona's change of route and failure of support, and 
especiallj' the presence and attitude of United States troops, repressed 
the rising of Bowles and his followers. General Gaines, with fourteen 
companies of United States troops, took position on the Sabine, under 
orders to execute the treaty of 1831, and prevent hostilities by 
the emigrant United States Indians. A hearty sympathizer with 
Texas, he used with energy his influence and power to keep the 
Indians peaceable. He sent Lieutenant Bonnell to inform them of his 
instructions, and of his intention to use force if necessary to carry 
them out. Bonnell found that Manuel Flores, a Mexican agent, had 
been among them, exerting every effort to induce them to declare war 
on Texas. ^ 

"General Gaona, at the head of a motley host of Mexicans and 
Indians, did not debouch from the forests of the Upper Trinity, 
but was making his way from Bastrop to San Felipe. Bolles, 
the Cherokee chief, indignant at the supposed suspicion of his good 
faith and pacific intentions, sent in his denial." ' Yoakum adds (vol. 
ii., page 170): "There is no doubt but that the savages were collected 
in large numbers on the frontier, were greatly excited, and that noth- 
ing hut the defeat of the 3Iexicans prevented them from maJcing an 
attack upon the settlements. As it was, they did not disperse without 
committing an act of barbarism." He then narrates the massacre 
of the settlement at Fort Parker, May 19, 1836. This plain summary 
shows that the treaty was entered into by the Indians with no 
intention of performing it, and while they were under conflicting 
engagements with the Mexicans ; that it served merely as a cloak to 
cover their hostile designs, and was perfidiously violated in letter and 
spirit; and hence that it was not binding in conscience on the people 
or Government of Texas. 



1 Yoakum, "History of Texas," vol. ii., pp. 125-12Y. 
« Ibid., vol. ii., p. 167. ^ Ibid., vol. ii., p. 15Y. 



INDIAN LEAGUE WITH MEXICO. 105 

The Indians continued in this hostile disposition. Yoakum says: 
"The frontiers of Texas, during the winter and spring of 1837, had 
been unsettled. The Indians, actuated by the persuasions of Mexican 
agents, and the imprudence of many white people living near them, 
kept vip a very annoying predatory warfare. They began their depre- 
dations by the murder of three men on the Trinity at Fort Houston ; 
then by the murder of two more on the Neches ; and these were 
followed by numbers of others along the frontier. Besides these out- 
rages, many horses were stolen. The Government did what it could to 
make treaties with the savages, and to keep up a vigilant ranging ser- 
vice, but still, while the Mexican emissaries were among them, they 
could not be quieted." ' Though these outrages were attributed to 
the prairie Indians, they were committed on the edge of the Cherokee 
district, and pointed suspicion to that tribe. " Every day or two, dur- 
ing the year 1837, some murdered citizen or stolen property attested 
their hostile feeling." " The Mexican emissaries promised the Indians 
" arms, ammunition, and the plunder and prisoners — women and chil- 
dren included — taken during the war; also the peaceable possession of 
the country then held by them." 

In August, 1838, " Cordova's Rebellion " occurred. In this abortive 
insurrection the Mexicans about Nacogdoches disclaimed their allegi- 
ance to Texas, and collected a force reported 600 strong, three-fourths 
of whom were Indians ; but on the approach of the Texan volunteers 
under Rusk they retreated to the Cherokee country, and thence, when 
pressed by him, to the Upper Trinity, whence they dispersed. The 
Indians continued their hostilities, and later in the season, October 16th, 
General Rusk had a sharp combat with them at Kickapoo Town. Yoa- 
kum says the Mexican Government had commenced a system whose 
" object was to turn loose upon Texas all the Indian tribes upon her 
borders from the Rio Grande to Red River. Of this fact the Texan 
Government had undoubted evidence." ' This secret league against 
the Texans seems to have existed at least as early as 1835, and to have 
continued unbroken. 

The United States Government received information from Colonel 
Mason, at Fort Leavenworth, in July, 1838, confirmed by General Gaines, 
that the Cherokees were arranging for a council of all the tribes on the 
frontier, " preparatory to striking a simultaneous blow upon the settle- 
ments of Arkansas and Missouri, from Red River to the Upper Missis- 
sippi," instigated and organized by the agents of Mexico. One of these 
emissaries, Don Pedro Julian Miracle, was killed near the Cross Tim- 
bers, in Texas; and his journal also confirmed the suspicions of the 
conspiracy against Texas at least. The Cherokees and Caddoes visited 

' Yoakum, "History of Texas," vol. ii., p. 213. « Ibid., vol. ii., p. 228. 

^Ibid., vol. ii,,p. 257. 



106 SECRETARY OF "WAR. 

Matamoras in June, and obtained large quantities of ammunition from 
the authorities there.' 

On November 26, 1838, Mr. Jones, Texan minister, complained to 
the United States Government of the continual removal of discontented 
Indians from Arkansas to Texas, and of their marauding war. Under 
instructions from the Administration of President Houston, he repre- 
sented that " murders and other hostile aggressions were committed by 
these Indians, and that a combination is now formed between most of 
these tribes .... for the purpose of commencing a general warfare. 
For this object large numbers of Caddoes, Kickapoos, Choctaws, Co- 
shatties, Cherokees, Tawacanies, and a few from several other tribes, 
are now collected upon the river Trinity, from which point they are 
preparing to assail the settlements of the whites." In November, 1838, 
General Rusk felt obliged to raise a force in Eastern Texas, disarm the 
Caddoes, numbering about 300 warriors, and force them to return to 
the United States. 

Nevertheless, in spite of the rejection of the treaty by the Senate, 
and the Indian havoc on the border, President Houston, in the fall of 
1838, directed Colonel Alexander Horton to run the lines he had desig- 
nated in the treaty. As it was an act of arbitrary authority on the 
part of the Executive, and in defiance of legislative action, it was clearly 
null." 

AflPairs stood thus when Lamar was inaugurated. The Hon. James 
Webb, Secretary of State, writing to the Texan minister at Washing- 
ton, March 13, 1839, says: "The report of Major-General Rusk, to- 
gether with the accompanying affidavit of Mr. Elias Vansickles, will 
show that the Cherokees, Delawares, Shawnees, Choctaws, Coshatties, 
Boluxies, and Hawanies, have all either been directly engaged in com- 
mitting murders and other depredations in Texas, or are contemplating 
a war on the country and making preparations for it." Early in Jan- 
uary a series of butcheries on the border called attention to the Indians. 
General Johnston, who was now Secretary of War, at once undertook a 
more thorough organization of the frontier troops, and new vigor was 
imparted to their operations. The prairie Indians were severely pun- 
ished in a series of combats, in the most memorable of which Burle- 
son, Moore, Bird, and Rice, were the leaders. 

General Edward Burleson was born in North Carolina, in 1798. He 
married at seventeen, tried farming in several States, and finally re- 
moved to Texas in 1830. Though a farmer, his tastes and aptitudes 
were all for military life ; and he was constantly called to high com- 
mand in repelling the Mexicans and Indians, in which service he alwaj'S 
acquitted himself well. Pie had the qualities that make a successful 

^ Report of the Secretary of State (Texas), November, 1839, p. 22. 
" Ibid., November, 1839, Document A, p. 13. 



THE CASE STATED. 107 

partisan leader — promptness, activity, endurance, enterprise, and heroic 
courao-e. His manners and habits were simple and unpretending, yet 
marked by native dignity. He filled many important stations, and in 
1841 was elected Vice-President of Texas. 

In the active campaign under Burleson against the prairie Indians the 
line of communication was cut between Mexico and the Cherokees, and 
the noted emissary Manuel Flores was killed and his papers captured. 
These contained convincing proofs of the alliance between the Mexicans 
and Cherokees. Yoakum infers that the acquaintance between them 
was slight, because General Canalizo addresses Big Mush as the " Chief 
Vixg 3Ias,''^ and Bowles as " Lieutenant-Colonel Fw^," when Bowles, as 
war-chief, was so much more important than the civil chief. But the 
Mexican spelling and pronunciation of the names count for nothing as 
an argument ; and General Douglass, the Texan commtinder, styles the 
Cherokee chief Colonel Bowles. Then, too, among nations with crude 
ideas of civil liberty, there is no inconsistency in the supreme power 
being lodged in some military underling, the chief civil functionary 
being subordinated in fact to a lieutenant-colonel or a lieutenant- 
general, as the case may be. 

The case, then, stands thus : The Cherokees, originally intruders, 
show no evidence of title prior to General Houston's treaty, except cer- 
tain promises by Centralist commanders, as inducement or reward for 
services against the Texan colonists. They themselves were in no 
sense colonists, but a host of invading savages, who entered the Terri- 
tory against the wishes and remonstrances of the inhabitants, and main- 
tained possession by the show of force. They had no equity of long 
residence, for, with the exception of the pioneer band under Fields, far 
the greater part had immigrated since 1832, against the protests of the 
inhabitants. The treaty of 1836 was held void for want of authority 
in the Consultation, for want of verity in the " Solemn Declaration," for 
want of propriety, want of consideration, and overstepping of the powers 
delegated, in the execution of its articles. It was rejected by the Sen- 
ate, the constitutional tribunal for its ratification. But, had it been 
valid, the steadfast friendship of the Indians was its condition, and this 
condition was broken as soon as made. Indeed, the treaty was used as 
a mere cover for warlike preparation and a secret league with the 
enemy. Instead of adhering to Texas, they were, at the crisis of San 
Jacinto, the clandestine ally of the foe, only awaiting his appearance to 
strike, and requiring the whole strength of Eastern Texas and the inter- 
ference of the United States Army to keep them in check. Afterward, 
with a settled purpose of eventual war, they had continually instigated 
and often enacted hostilities and outrages against the whites. They 
now laid claim to exclusive political sovereignty over Northern and 
Central Texas, and prepared to maintain it by force of arms. Had the 



lOS SECRETARY OF WAR. 

treaty been ratified with the most solemn sanctions known to interna- 
tional law, the failure of every consideration, the breach of every con- 
dition, and the utter disregard by the Indians of its letter and spirit, 
would have absolved Texas from its performance. But it was a dead 
letter from the beginning. The " legal and equitable title " of the Cher- 
okees to the heart of Texas, summoned into being by General Hous- 
ton, and incorporated into history by Yoakum, vanishes into thin air. 

President Lamar's Administration found a host of haughty and cun- 
ning savages, occupying and claiming the best part of the republic, 
engaged in actual hostilities against Texas, and threatening a devas- 
tating war. Whatever might have been their original rights, the law 
of necessity and self-preservation must finally have led to their expul- 
sion ; but, in truth, they were treated with forbearance, though with 
firmness; and, if the present possessors of the soil have a title adjudi- 
cated by the sword, yet this remedy was tried only when all others 
failed. How the Cherokee question was met will, perhaps, be best ex- 
plained in the report of the Secretary of War, November, 1839 : 

The reason for the adoption of more summary measures in the settlement 
of the Cherokee question, than was originally intended, is found in the knowl- 
edge of the facts (displaying their settled hostility and treachery toward this 
Government) acquired since the mild course intended to be pursued toward 
them was fixed upon. 

During the summer and fall of 1838 many of the inhabitants residing 
among and in the vicinity of the Cherokee settlements were murdered and 
plundered, and in one instance a family of eighteen persons, consisting of men, 
women, and children, was barbarously massacred by them, which, by their cun- 
ning representations, were supposed to be the acts of the Indians of the prai- 
ries and malcontent Mexican citizens; but circumstances have since been made 
known which leave no doubt that the Cherokees themselves were the perpe- 
trators of these atrocities. Also, early in December last, evidence of an un- 
doubted character was placed on file in the War Department that the Cherokees 
had held constant correspondence with the Mexican Government since the com- 
mencement of our revolution, and during that time had made treaties, offensive 
and defensive, with that Government. With a knowledge of these things, it 
became the duty of the Government to watch narrowly the movements of the 
Cherokees, and to preserve, if possible, peaceable relations with them, and to 
prevent the destruction of the lives and property of the citizens living in their 
neighborhood, until the wisdom of Congress should devise the best method of 
relieving them from their annoying and dangerous proximity. Accordingly, 
under your instructions, in the month of February last, Martin Lacy was ap- 
pointed agent for the Cherokees and other tribes of that district of country, 
with instructions to preserve friendly relations between the Cherokees and 
whites until the peculiar situation of the Cherokees could be brought under the 
consideration of Congress. 

In furtherance of these intentions Major Walters was authorized to raise 
two companies of six-months' men to occupy the Saline of the Neches. At 



GEXERAL JOHNSTON'S REPORT. 109 

tLis point it ■was tliought that all intercourse miglit be cut off between the 
Cherokees and the Indians of the prairies, who were known to be hostile; and 
that the adoption of this measure would give protection to that portion of the 
frontier, and leave no pretext for attributing any depredations committed to the 
Indians of the prairies, while it would be no inconvenience to the Cherokees. 
Having raised one company, Major Walters marched to the Saline. On his 
arrival he was informed by Bowles, through the agent, that any attempt to 
establish the post in obedience to his orders would be repelled by force. Under 
the advice of the agent, as he conceived his force too small to make the attempt, 
he crossed to the west bank of the Neches and there established his post. This 
assertion of claim to exclusive jurisdiction could not be disregarded, when con- 
sidered in connection with the abundant evidence in possession of the Depart- 
ment of the treacherous and unfriendly designs of that tribe and their associate 
bands. Colonel Burleson, who was then organizing a force on the Colorado to 
march against the hostile Indians on the Brazos and Trinity, was therefore 
ordered to direct his march lower down the country, after crossing the Brazos, 
so as to be in position to enter the territory claimed by the Cherokees on the 
shortest notice. A few days after these orders were transmitted a dispatch was 
received from Colonel Burleson announcing the interception of letters from 
General Canalizo, commander of the Central forces at Matamoras, to the chiefs 
of the Seminoles, Caddoes, Biloxies, Kickapoos, and to Bowles and others, with 
instructions for them and the plan of operations to be pursued against the 
Texans, which intercepted letters were at the same time forwarded to the De- 
partment. 

On their reception, Colonel Burleson was instructed to raise his force to 
400 men, and to march into the Cherokee district. He was advised at the 
same time that a volunteer force had been called for in the eastern counties to 
act with him. Some greater delay took place before the troops under the com- 
mand of Colonel Burleson took the route for the Cherokee district than was an- 
ticipated by him, which it is scarcely necessary to mention, as no embarrassment 
was occasioned by it in the subsequent operations. He was not able, however, 
to cross the Neches until about the 14th of July ; about which time the regi- 
ment of Landrum arrived from the counties of Harrison, Shelby, Sabine, and 
San Augustine. The regiment from Nacogdoches, which was under the com- 
mand of General Rusk, had arrived some days before and taken a position near 
the camp of the Cherokees. The promptitude with which these movements 
were executed at that season of the year (early in July), and the spirit mani- 
fested on all occasions by the troops, claim the greatest praise. On the arrival 
of the regiments of Burleson and Landrum, the whole force was placed under 
the orders of Brigadier-General Douglass. 

Pending these movements, Commissioners Hon. David G. Burnet, Thomas 
J. Rusk, J. "W. Burton, James S. Mayfield, and myself, appointed at the instance 
of Bowles, had been engaged for several days in endeavoring to bring about an 
arrangement, under your instructions, on an equitable basis for the peaceable 
removal of the Cherokees. We had been instructed to allow a fair compensa- 
tion for their improvements, to be ascertained by appraisement, and to be paid 
for in silver and goods before their removal. The commissioners, in several 
talks held with them, essayed every means to effect a friendly negotiation, but 
without success, and at noon on the loth of July announced their failure. 



110 SECRETARY OF WAR. 

Orders were immediately given by me to General Douglass to put the 
troops in motion and to march against the camp of the Cherokees, but not to 
attack them until they had been summoned to submit to the terms proposed 
by the Government for their removal, and had refused. On the arrival of '^the 
troops at their camp it was found that they had retreated from it some hours 
previous. Their route was taken, and in the evening they were discovered in a 
strong position near a Delaware village, from which they fired on the advanced 
guard. They were immediately attacked and beaten. The next morning, July 
16th, the troops were marched in pursuit, and near the Neches another conflict 
ensued in which the Cherokees and their allies were again defeated and driven 
from the field ; for the particulars of which engagements I refer you to the 
extracts from the official reports of the commanding general, marked 8 and 
16. After the affair of the Neches the Cherokees made no stand against our 
troops, but fled with great precipitation from the country, thus terminating this 
vexed question of claims to soil and sovereignty, which our laws do not in any 
wise concede to any Indian tribe within the hmits of the republic. 

The Hon. Thomas J. Eusk and James S. Mayfield, Esq., were appointed 
commissioners to arrange for the removal of the Shawnees. Stipulations on 
the same just basis as those made to the Cherokees were agreed upon, and they 
have received the compensation for their improvements and have been removed 
in accordance with the agreement entered into between the commissioners and 
their chiefs. 

Dr. Starr, explaining these transactions, says: 

The Government at once resolved to remove them. To this end means 
were provided to purchase from these Indians whatever personal property they 
might wish to dispose of, and troops were assembled to enforce, if need be, 
the measures of the Government. To insure success, and at the same time 
avoid harshness in the character of the proceedings. General Johnston, aided by 
Vice-President Burnet, took personal supervision of their removal and pro- 
ceeded to the Indian country with the Government forces. In a friendly but 
firm manner he made known to the chiefs the object of his visit. . . . The 
Cherokees attempted diplomacy, with a view to procrastination and ultimate 
resistance. Their civil chief, Big Mush, favored removal ; but Bowles, a half- 
breed, who had long held the first position of his tribe as war-chief, a cunning, 
bad man, relying upon expected aid from Mexico and the Indians of the prai- 
ries, to whom he had sent runners, prevaricated and resorted to many ingenious 
excuses and devices to gain time. The magnanimity of the Secretary of War 
indulged the chiefs for a few days, hoping to avoid bloodshed; but this lenity 
was probably construed into timidity by Bowles, and it soon became apparent 
that he must be undeceived. A peremptory demand for immediate removal was 
made ; no response came, and our troops moved forward. 

In the rough draft of the report of the commissioners, part of which 
is now in the writer's possession, it is stated that on the morning of the 
9th of July they dispatched from Kickapoo Town Colonel McLeod, John 
IST. Hensford, Jacob Snivel}', David Rusk, Colonel Len Williams, Moses 
L. Patton, and Robinson, with a communication to Bowles. The 



i 



BATTLE OF THE NECIIES. HI 

party was directed to carry a white flag and proceed to the Indian 
camp, fifteen or twenty miles distant ; but, "about five miles from the 
Indian encampment they met Bowles and twenty-one of his warriors, 
who came up, whooping and painted, and surrounded the messengers." 
While Bowles and his warriors were conversing with the messengers, 
six more Indians joined them and announced the advance of General 
Rusk's regiment — " upon which the whole party of Indians rallied 
around our messengers in a hostile attitude, and deliberated some time 
whether they would or would not kill them. The result of the inter- 
view, however, was that Bowles and his head-men would meet the Indi- 
an commissioners next day at a creek about two miles above Debard's." 
When the commissioners arrived at the place appointed to hold the 
talk, they were met by a message that Bowles could not come that day, 
but would meet them next day at a creek five miles from their general 
encampment. " At the appointed hour the commissioners proceeded to 
the place appointed, sending James Durst and Colonel Williams in ad- 
vance to notify the Indians of their approach. On their arriving in 
sight Bowles and some of his men were discovered on the bank of the 
creek, and twenty-five warriors painted, armed with guns, war-clubs, etc., 
posted behind trees, with their arms in readiness." Durst rode back 
and informed the commissioner of these facts, and " that the whole 
body of Indians was posted back of a hill some three hundred yards 
from the place for holding the talk." Rusk's regiment was immediately 
ordered up, and posted about a quarter of a mile off. " The commis- 
sioners invited Bowles, Spy Back, and a Delaware who represented the 
Delawares, to take seats. General Johnston opened the talk." The 
hostile feelings of the Indians were clearly indicated in this conduct. 

In the detailed report of General K. H. Douglass it appears that, 
on the failure of the negotiation, the whole force was put in motion, 
under orders from General Johnston, toward the encampment of Bowles 
on the Neches ; Landrum moving up the west bank. The regiments 
of Burleson and Rusk found the Indians about six miles beyond their 
abandoned village, occupying a ravine and thicket. The Texans charged 
these, and after a sharp skirmish drove the enemy from the field. The 
Indians left eighteen dead upon the field, carrying off their wounded. 
They abandoned their baggage and much property, ammunition, horses, 
cattle, and corn. 

The engagement, having taken place late in the afternoon, was not 
resumed until the next day. On the 16th the troops took up the trail 
about ten o'clock, and pursued it some five miles, when the Indians 
were again encountered. As soon as the enemy was discovered, the 
following order of battle was adopted : " Burleson, with one battalion 
of his command, was ordered to move forward and sustain the spy com- 
pany in the event the enemy made a stand : and Rusk, with one bat- 
9 



112 SECRETARY OF WAR. 

talion of his regiment, to move up and sustain in like manner Burleson 
and the spy company if the enemy engaged and made a stand against 
them ; one battalion of each regiment to be kept in reserve, to act as 
occasion might require." This order was handsomely obeyed. Burleson, 
leading two of his companies against the Indians, drove them back upon 
the main body, which was strongly posted in a ravine and thicket. The 
rest of the troops were brought into action in good order, and were 
briskly engaged for about an hour and a half, when upon a concerted 
signal a charge was made which drove the enemy from their stronghold. 
The Indians retreated precipitately to a swamp and thicket in the 
*' bottom " of the Neches, about half a mile distant, from which they 
were again driven by a general charge. About 500 Texans and 700 or 
800 Indians were engaged. The loss of the former was two killed and 
thirty wounded — three mortally; of the latter, about 100 killed and 
wounded, according to their own report. Among those left dead on 
the field was the noted war-chief Bowles, the arch-enemy of Texas, 
and the central figure of the Indian conspiracy. 

The army followed the Indians for a week, destroying their villages 
and cornfields, capturing cattle, and killing a few warriors who were 
overtaken. At last it was discovered from the trails that the organized 
Cherokees and their allies had scattered, and, as no resisting force was 
left, further pursuit was unavailing. The troops were immediately 
turned against the Shawnees, who, disheartened by the defeat of their 
brethren, submitted to the terms imposed upon them. They were 
promptly returned "from whence they came" — the United States — 
having been fairly paid " a full and just compensation for their im- 
provements, crops, and all such property as they left through necessity 
or choice." 

" This single measure," says Dr. Starr, " relieved the frontier of the 
entire east, carried forward the settlements at least one hundred miles, 
and gave to our citizens permanent occupancy of a region not surpassed 
in fertility and all the elements for successful agriculture by any por- 
tion of the State. The counties of Rusk, Cherokee, Anderson, Smith, 
Henderson, Van Zandt, AVood, Upshur, Hunt, Kaufman, Dallas, and 
others, were subsequently formed from territory which could not be 
safely peopled by whites till these treacherous Indians were expelled." 
The counties named above contained in 1870 a population of 116,370, 
with property assessed at $15,857,191. The faults charged against the 
white race in its dealings with inferior races must, in this case, be laid 
at the door of the United States, if anywhere, and not of Texas. The 
savages were subject to the United States, which, contrary to natural 
right and treaty stipulations, permitted them to invade a weaker neigh- 
bor, and did not, on proper remonstrance, compel them to return/ 
' Report of the Secretary of State of Texas, 1839, Documents A and B. 



FOUXDATIOX OF AUSTIN. II3 

Texas communicated to the United States her intention to protect her- 
self from the active hostilities and dangerous neighborhood of these 
savages by their expulsion/ and drove them back to the territory of the 
United States, without protest from that Government, which thus 
tacitly admitted the propriety of these transactions. 

General Douglass's report of the battle of the Neches presents the 
odd feature of a return of thanks to the Vice-President and Secretary 
of War for "active exertions on the field in both engagements," and 
for having "behaved in such manner as reflected great credit upon 
themselves." Honorable mention by this gallant soldier was grateful 
to both the gentlemen named. 

General Johnston mentioned to the writer his seeing a boy, who was 
shot through the face, riding about on the next day attending to his 
duties. His hardy life, and the dry, wholesome air, prevented any 
further inconvenience than the healing of the wound. General John- 
ston also related the following: In the main charge, as he was riding 
a little behind the line of battle, he encountered a young man retreat- 
ing and evidently panic-stricken. He stopped him, and asked where 
he was going. The young man, much confused, replied that he was 
looking for his horse. " My young friend," said General Johnston, 
calmly, "you are going the wrong way. Think a moment. Rejoin 
your command and do your duty." The soldier hastily answered, 
" You are right, sir," and, turning, ran forward until he overtook his 
comrades. After the battle, as General Johnston was retracing his 
steps, he came upon a squad of wounded, and among them this youth. 
He dismounted and said a few kind words to him. The soldier smiled, 
and pointed to his wound. I asked General Johnston if he knew the 
man. " No," replied he. " I was glad not to know his name. There 
would have been a painful association with it. I avoided learning it. 
I only knew him as a young man who had retrieved himself." 

The joy and relief of the people of Eastern Texas were very great, 
and General Johnston was welcomed everywhere as a public benefactor. 
Public dinners were tendered him, most of which he was compelled 
to decline because the duties of his office required his presence at the 
capital. 

Congress passed an act, January 14, 1839, appointing five commis- 
sioners to select a site for the capital of the republic. They fixed 
upon its present location — a position central to the boundaries of the 
country, secure in all the conditions of health and growth, and marked 
by picturesque beauty. The Government obtained the title, laid out a 
city, and named it Austin, in honor of the " Father of the Republic." 

To the situation there were objections not to be disregarded, except 
by men mindful not of themselves but of posterity only. It was an 
' Report of the Secretary of State of Texas, letter of March 10, 1839. 



114 SECRETARY OF WAR. 

outpost, with-in the range of the fierce Comanches, 35 miles beyond 
Bastrop, the extreme settlement in that direction. Houston vras 200 
miles to the east ; San Antonio, 80 miles southwest ; the Gulf, 150 
miles distant, with only two intervening stations ; and Red River, the 
only inhabited frontier, 400 miles away. General Johnston wrote. May 
9, 1839, to a friend in Kentucky, " The agent has gone forth with his 
Avorkmen armed, under the protection of a company of riflemen, to be- 
gin the new city of Austin." The commissioners, truly representing the 
spirit of the people, put aside all considerations of personal discomfort, 
privation and social isolation, the actual distribution of population, and 
the danger of Indian and Mexican enemies upon a long and exposed 
frontier, and looked only to what an accomplished destiny would require 
as the proper conditions of the capital of a great republic. Their wis- 
dom has been justified by the event; but what buoyancy of hope, what 
confidence in the future and in themselves, must have inspired these 
men ! General Johnston, who was a citizen of Austin in the first month 
of its existence, said to the writer fifteen years afterward : " I believe 
the foundation of this town has no precedent in history. The Gov- 
ernment placed itself on a frontier open to its foes, and fixed there the 
centre of its future dominion. By doing so it secured the desired 
result. Where the American has planted his foot he will not go back." 

In August, 1839, the new capital was laid out ; in September the 
government offices were removed from Houston ; on the 1st of October 
the officers of government resumed their duties, " as directed by law, 
with very little inconvenience to themselves and no derangement of 
the public business beyond its temporary suspension." ' The venerable 
Dr. Starr, then Secretary of the Treasury, writing to the author, 
in 1869, says : " We there took position on the very verge of the terri- 
tory in onr actual possession, the Comanches disputing our advance by 
frequent raids into the immediate vicinity of the capital. There your 
father and I had our rooms in the same double log-cabin down to the 
time of his resignation in the spring of 1840; and, though the claims 
of the offices we filled allowed no relaxation, and our time and energies 
were taxed to the utmost extent, my memory rests upon the incidents 
of that period as among the most interesting reminiscences it is capable 
of recalling." In 1840 a stockade was placed around the capital. 

It has been seen that General Johnston, while never an aggressor 
in his dealings with the Indians, believed in siich a policy as would pro- 
tect the white people and compel the savages to observe peace by 
severely punishing its infraction. This decisive treatment led to a 
short but bloody struggle with the Comanches, ending in their severe 
chastisement and in comparative security to the harassed frontier. In 
May, 1839, Charles Mason, Assistant Secretary of War, writing to Gen- 
' President Lamar's message, 1S39. 



THE TEXAS INDIANS. 115 

eral Johnston, says: " Colonel Karnes gives a deplorable account of the 
west ; and I believe thinks, of the two, the marauding parties of the 
xVmericans are worse than the Mexicans or Indians. This, of course, 
will be relieved by the command of Captain Ross." While the brig- 
ands were readily put down, the prairie warriors called for more vigor- 
ous measures of repression. 

The Comanches, the fiercest and most cruel of the savage tribes, 
take no adult male prisoners, and subject captive women to every hard- 
ship and outrage. They are not excelled in the world as horsemen, 
and such is their skill with the bow that they can shoot their arrows 
unerringly and more rapidly than a dragoon can discharge his re- 
volver. The Lipans probably belong to the same race, but were finer 
men physically, and were generally at war with the Comanches. 
Hence they were often used by the Texans as scouts. The Tonka ways, 
the best w-arriors of all, and much feared by the other tribes, were 
friendly to the whites. Their chief, Placidor, had a handsome, peace- 
ful face, and was much trusted. 

The Comanches had always been the scourge of neighboring peoples. 
General Houston, who was extremely solicitous for the alliance of the 
Indian tribes, had made several treaties with them. Under his instruc- 
tions General Johnston had in Februarj', 1838, arranged the prelimina- 
ries of a treaty with them, and in May ihey had come into the town of 
Houston, under protection of a white flag, at the President's invitation, 
had made a treaty and received presents. Nevertheless, as they 
retired, still under the white flag, they killed two men in sight of the 
town, and while passing Gonzales carried ofi" Bird Lockhart's daughter, 
a girl fourteen years old. Shortly afterward they killed a party of six 
men near San Antonio. 

Louis P. Cooke, one of the commissioners to select the site of the 
capital, writing to General Johnston from the frontier, March 12, 1839, 
says : " The people of both the Brazos and the Colorado sections of 
country are in a continual state of alarm ; and I am convinced that 
speedy relief must be had, or depopulation wull necessarily soon ensue. 
The whole country is literally swarming with red-skins. I received an 
order at Bastrop, directing the organization of the militia, which I de- 
livered to Judge Cunningham. He commenced his duty immediately. 
The people, so far as I have had an opportunity of observing, appear 
quite willing to comply with anything that may be desired of them for 
the defense of their frontier, or the systematizing of the militia." 
Though the militia organization was necessarily imperfect, yet its 
increased efficiency led to satisfactory results. 

In the autumn of 1839 some Comanches came to San Antonio and 
informed Colonel Karnes that all the bands had held a grand council 
and wished to make a treaty. Karnes informed them, by General 



116 SECRETAEY OF WAR. 

Johnston's orders, that no further treaty would be made with them 
until they brought in all their white prisoners, and that they must not 
come again to San Antonio without them. Colonel Fisher, who suc- 
ceeded Karnes as commandant, received the same orders, and was also 
told not to give presents or pay any ransom, which only encouraged 
the Comanches to renewed depredations. Colonel Fisher conveyed his 
warning to them in February, 1840, on which they agreed to bring in 
their prisoners, and "talk." Colonel Hugh McLeod and Colonel Wil- 
liam G. Cooke were appointed commissioners to assist Fisher at the 
meeting ; and Captain Thomas Howard, with five companies of rangers, 
was sent to protect the commissioners. 

The narrative herein given of the occurrences at San Antonio is 
somewhat different from, and more detailed than, any account given 
elsewhere, and is derived from notes of conversations held with General 
Johnston twenty years ago, and taken down at the time. General 
Johnston had resigned before the catastrophe ; but there was no 
caution which could have effectually prevented the result, precipitated 
as it was by the perfidy and ferocity of the saA^age character. On 
March 19th a party of thirty-two warriors and thirty-three women and 
children entered San Antonio. Major Howard arrived at the same time, 
rather unexpectedly to the Comanches. Twelve chiefs met the commis- 
sioners in the stone council-house ; and the " talk " was opened by the 
surrender of Lockhart's daughter, the only prisoner they had brought 
in. This poor child bore every mark of brutal treatment ; all her hair 
had been singed off, and she had suffered cruelly from other ill-usage. 

Colonel Fisher began by reminding them that he had forbidden them 
to come to San Antonio without their prisoners, thirteen of whom they 
were holding back, and asked why they had disobeyed this positive or- 
der. They replied that they had brought in the only prisoner they had, 
and that the others were with other bands whom they could not con- 
trol. They were told that they were known to have thirteen other 
prisoners ; and Miss Lockhart, being confronted with them, stated that 
she had within the last few days seen several of these in camj) who 
were held back to extort a larger ransom by bringing them in one at a 
time. Fisher, who was a patriot and a good soldier, and likewise of a 
kind and generous though high temper, was moved with indignation at 
this conduct, and also at the treatment Miss Lockhart had endured. He 
reproached them with these things, and with their perfidy in former 
treaties, and asked if they recollected murdering two men and stealing 
Miss Lockhart while under a white flag. A Comanche chief arose, and, 
with an insolence of manner and tone scarcely conceivable by those who 
have not witnessed their audacit}^, replied, " No, we do not recollect!" 
He then seated himself after the Indian fashion, but again rose up and 
asked, with an air at once contemptuous and threatening, "How do 



THE SAX ANTONIO MASSACKE. 117 

you like our answer?" Fisher said: "I do not like your answer. I 
told you not to come here again without bringing in the prisoners. You 
have come against my orders. Your women and children may depart 
in peace, and your braves may go and tell your people to send in the 
prisoners. When those prisoners are returned, your chiefs here pres- 
ent may likewise go free. Until then we will hold you as hostages." 

Besides the commissioners and the chiefs, there was present in the 
room a crowd of by-standers, drawn together by curiosity ; and at this 
moment Captain Howard marched in a company of soldiers. But, if 
the commissioners hoped to overawe these indomitable savages by a 
show of force, they were mistaken. If the Comanches do not spare, 
neither do they ask mercy nor submit to captivity. When they had 
heard Fisher's speech, they strung their bows, gave the war-whoop, and 
sprang for the door. Howard tried to halt them, motioning them back 
with a gesture of his hand. The reply was a knife-thrust, stabbing him 
seriously, and the sentinel was also cut down. He then ordered the 
soldiers to fire, and immediately a desperate conflict ensued, in which 
all the chiefs were killed. 

When the Comanches outside the building heard the war-whoop 
within, they at once attacked the people ; but Captain Redd's company 
coming up promptly, they retreated, fighting, toward a stone house, 
which only one of them succeeded in reaching. All the other warriors, 
except one renegade Mexican, were killed. Wishing to spare the war- 
rior in the house, the commissioners sent in an Indian woman to tell 
him to retire peaceably. This he refused to do ; and, as he could not 
be safely left where he was, holes were picked in the cement roof, and 
burning pitch thrown in until he was forced to leave the house. He 
stepped out with his bow strung and arrow ready, but, before he could 
aim it, was shot down. Three women and two boys, who, as is their 
custom, took part in the fray, were also slain. One of the lads was 
amusing some idlers, shooting at small silver coins which rewarded his 
skill, when the war-whoop was raised. Quick as thought, the arrow 
upon his string was sent through the heart of the nearest white man — 
a very mild and peaceable citizen. Seven Texans were killed and eight 
wounded. Twenty-eight Indian women and children were detained as 
prisoners until the Comanches brought in their captives in exchange. 

This sudden affray, ending in such a massacre, was a heavy blow to 
the Comanches. They made extensive preparations to avenge it, and 
in August 400 warriors swept down to Lavaca Bay, butchering and 
plundering as they went. Twenty or thirty persons were killed, and 
great booty taken. But the time was gone when these forays could be 
made with impunity. A militia as hardy, as daring, and more intelli- 
gent than themselves, was on their track. It rallied, following and 
attacking whenever it could overtake them. While they contended 



118 1840-1845. 

with the rangers who were harassing their flanks and rear, they were 
intercepted at Plum Creek by other militia, under Felix Huston and 
Burleson, and routed with heavy loss. In the raid they lost about 
eighty warriors and most of their booty. 

In October severe retaliation was meted out to the Comanches by 
Colonel Moore, with a force of ninety Texans and twelve Lipans. He 
fell upon their village on the Red Fork of the Colorado, 300 miles above 
Austin, and killed 130 Indians and captured thirty-four, together with 
about 500 horses. This was the end of Comanche incursions for a long 
time. Finding war with the Texans so unprofitable, they turned their 
arms against their late allies of Mexico, and thus became to all intents 
the unpaid auxiliaries of Texas. Judge Love, writing June 4, 1840, 
says, " The situation of the frontier proves the correctness of the In- 
dian policy." This was the general sentiment, which was strengthened 
by the Plum Creek victory and Moore's reprisal. Though all the com- 
bats with the Comanches herein narrated took place after General John- 
ston's resignation, their success was the direct result of his more efficient 
organization of the militia, and the active policy he had inaugurated. 
General Johnston resigned the War office about the 1st of March, 1840. 



CHAPTER VIIL 

1840-1845. 



The four years that General Johnston had given to the public 
service of Texas had been years of sacrifice, but of sacrifice that 
brought its own reward. His activity, which had chafed against en- 
forced idleness, there found employment as good as the times afforded. 
He had gone there heavy-hearted; but, having become warmly enlisted 
in the cause of Texas, his nature, which could not rest satisfied with 
merely selfish aims, had fixed itself upon an idea that thereafter was its 
pole-star — the welfare and honor of his adopted State. His ambition, 
always well regulated, had been gratified by the general recognition 
of his merits and services. It was conceded that he had never failed 
to accomplish whatever was possible with the means at his command, 
and, if the results" were not splendid, they were at least substantial. 
Such was the public confidence that all Texas looked to him as its fittest 
leader in case of active war with Mexico. 

On the other hand, General Johnston's health had suffered, from his 
wound, from the privations of a frontier life in a devastated country, 
and from exposure to malaria and to the extreme alternations of the 



MONEY-ilATTERS. 119 

climate. But his rigid temperance in both food and drink preserved 
him from evils that proved fatal to so many of his contemporaries, and, 
as he was not apt to complain of minor ills, he seems to have been 
rather inclined to exult in the blessings he retained than to grieve over 
what he had lost in this respect. 

When he first went to Texas he owned a handsome estate, in part 
devised by his wife, and in part purchased at St. Louis. But his 
property, though rising in value, was unproductive and had become 
embarrassed from neglect, from sales for reinvestments in Texas, and 
from the drain of a large personal expenditure. The neglect was in- 
evitable; the reinvestments, often made rather upon feeling than judg- 
ment, had proved unprofitable ; and the expenditure was a natural con- 
sequence of his position. His fortune at that time nevertheless prom- 
ised, if carefully husbanded, to make him rich ; and when he found it 
impaired and his independence in danger, he was forced to consider the 
propriety of retiring to private life. Some of his friends thought him 
heedless about money. Heedless he was not, and, no man was ever 
more sensitive about debt, or more scrupulous in payment ; among all 
the many burdens that he bore during his life none was so hard as that 
of a debt under which for a time he labored. As I shall soon be obliged 
to recur to this subject, it may be just as well now to state the reasons 
why he was not successful in money-matters. 

Men usually succeed best in the things that absorb most completely 
their interest and enlist most strongly their desires. The education 
and life of a United States officer at that time, professional but not 
mercenary, while it taught method, economy, and other useful rules of 
life, discountenanced commercial transactions of all kinds. "While in 
that army he had been accustomed to regular pay, by which he had 
accurately measured his expenses; and, with no taste for luxury or dis- 
play, and no avidity for fortune, he bad never acquired habits of either 
making or saving money. The salary was meagre, but a man who pos- 
sessed the means of paying all his debts was within the limits of safety 
and honor. Such was his education. When he was in Texas, his chil- 
dren had already been provided for, and he was not responsible to a 
family for the accumulation or even the preservation of wealth. On 
his own part, a certain sense of superiority to common wants, and a con- 
fidence in his ability as a soldier to supply his simple needs, took away 
the stimulus to lay up riches. But it was not all education or habit. 
He was by nature a cheerful giver, of a generous spirit, and open- 
handed to the distressed. He thought every man's necessity greater 
than his own, and was ever graceful in giving, because he loved to give 
better than to receive. 

When it is stated that his expenditure in Texas was large, it is not 
intended to imply any prodigality. His salary, paid in a depreciated 



120 1840-1845. 

currency, was little more than nominal, so that he was compelled to 
draw upon his private resources for subsistence, and to maintain the 
wide though primitive hospitality entailed by his position. Though 
not otherwise profuse in his personal expenses, he prized and ordinarily 
owned handsome horses and serviceable arms ; but he valued these for 
use, not show, and if a friend needed them he bestowed them willingly. 
He felt that what he had was not his exclusively, to hoard against the 
proverbial " rainy day," but a trust for those Avho lacked ; so that he 
was literally a man "who would share his last crust with a friend," or 
even with a stranger in want. In a poor and struggling country he 
could not refuse a demand upon his purse any more than ujDon his time, 
his toil, or his blood, if it was directly or indirectly for the public good. 
So, too, if a friend or a useful soldier required a blanket, a pistol, a gun, 
or a horse, he did not hesitate to present him his own, without anxiety 
as to future necessities. General Johnston was not a rare example of 
these traits. There were many like him ; so that in after-days it came 
to pass that, when he was making ready to go out to battle, friends con- 
tended which should have the right to arm and equip him. In view of 
what has been said, it is easy to see why he should have been growing 
poorer, and should desire to look to his private affairs. 

But, a stronger motive for leaving public life than impaired healtli 
and wealth, was a great distaste for the routine of civil office. General 
Johnston felt a strong imjoulse and entire fitness for military command. 
He had taken his place in the War Department with the hope of organ- 
izing an army, at the head of which he knew Lamar would place him if 
Mexico were invaded. But Texas, which during the republic alternated 
between the white heat of warlike rage and a frigid apathy, was now 
sinking into the latter condition. The President's continued ill-health 
and enforced absences from duty had so strengthened the opposition 
that it was now able effectuallj'- to thwart the progressive policy of the 
Administration, and General Johnston saw no hope of such a concen- 
tration of resources and power as would enable him to punish the inso- 
lence of Mexico. His motive for remaining in office therefore failed. 

The details of party management and the ordinary conduct of 
American politics were something more than repugnant to him ; they 
were odious. In spite of much earnest solicitation, he was never a can- 
didate for election to a civil office, and but once in his life for a military 
position. His correspondence is full of the efforts of those who loved 
or admired him to draw him into active contention for the highest 
places. The presidency and vice-presidency are constantly mentioned 
as the proper objects of his ambition, but the inducement does not seem 
to have dazzled him. In January, 1840, Colonel Love (a very partial 
friend, it is true) wrote, " The reason I have for saying you ought not 
to retire just now is, that your position is better than any man's in the 



HOSTILE COREESrONDEXCE. 121 

country, and not to be abandoned hastily." And again in May, ad- 
dressing' him at Louisville, he says, " If you desire the presidency, your 
chance is good." 

But he felt no inclination for the pursuit of politics. Pie shrank from 
the concessions of personal independence so often demanded ; and the 
fence of words and dexterity in conduct that delight the legal and polit- 
ical mind displeased him. He was not at all an advocate, and sought 
only to see facts in the cold, clear light of truth. The personalities of 
controversy were regarded seriously by him ; and, although forgiving 
of injuries, he was resentful of insult. Indeed, he did not leave ofBce 
without a disagreeable occurrence, which, though adjusted for the time, 
probably rankled in the breast of the other party, as afterward ap- 
peared. It was reported to him by gentlemen of unimpeached veracity 
that General Houston had spoken of him in violent and disrespectful 
terms. The following correspondence ensued, upon which comment is 
needless : 

CiTT OP Austin, January 5, ISIO. 

Sir : I have just been informed that on last evening, and also on this morn- 
ing, you thought it necessary to use the most vituperative language with regard 
to me, for what cause I know not. In doing so you bore in mind the responsi- 
bility you incurred, and you will not be surprised that I inform you that imme- 
diately after the termination of the present session of Congress I will hold you 
accountable. A. Sidkey JoHNsxoir. 

To General Sam Houston. 

Memorandum by General Johnston : 

General Houston, on this note being presented by my friend the Hon. S. JT. 
"WilHams, disclaimed having at any time spoken in disrespectful terms of me, and 
gave a list of the names of the persons present at the time specified who could 
be referred to. He said to Mr. Williams he would write to me to that effect. 
On being told so by Mr. Williams, I said he (General Houston) would not con- 
sider my note before him in writing to me, and it might be returned with the 
general's answer, which, if in accordance with his verbal statement, I will con- 
sider satisfactory. 

IIall of Eepeesentatives, January 7, 1840. 

Dear Sib : The conversations which I have had with you relative to expres- 
sions said to have been used by me, vituperative of the character or standing of 
General A. Sidney Johnston, Secretary of War, having produced a conviction on 
my mind that there is no hostile feeling existing with General Johnston toward 
me which should cause me to refrain from declarations respecting the rumors 
which have been said to exist, I take pleasure in assuring you in this note, as I 
have done on previous occasions verbally, that the reported expressions said to 
have been used, evenings since, never were used by me, nor has anything tran- 
spired within my knowledge which could change the estimation wliich I have 
always entertained of the high and honorable bearing of General Johnston and 
his character. 



122 1840-1845. 

In presenting this to you, I add my authority that, if you deem proper, you 
may show it to the gentleman interested, as also the document inclosed. I am 
as ever yours, cordially and fraternally, Sam Houston. 

To Hon. Samuel M. Williams. 

Active men are apt to indulge in dreams of rural peace and quiet ; 
and, in General Johnston's case, this fancy was based, as has been here- 
tofore related, upon genuine impulses and tastes. He had for some 
time sought to gratify this wish for the tranquillity of domestic life ; but 
the call of public duty had still held him to his post. The following 
letter, written under these emotions, will serve to explain this phase of 
feeling : 

City of Austin, Texan Republic, October 24, 1S39. 

Dear Friend : I am very sorry to learn that you have suffered so much from 
sickness this summer. We have, the most sagacious of us, but little ken of the 
future. When we went together to Galveston, you expressed great concern for 
me when I announced ray determination to remain in Texas during the summer. 
Yet I have escaped unscathed, although exposed for more than forty days to the 
burning heat of a vertical sun, with no other comfort than camp-fare; while, 
with all the probabihties in your favor, you have suffered much. Such is des- 
tiny. You and your family are, I hope, in the enjoyment of health and happi- 
ness now. 

I would be much pleased to hear that you will settle here. Standing alone 
without a relative in the countrj^, I feel like an exile. What more should a man 
desire than the countenance of kind and devoted friends to sustain him ? These 
fire mine, in the finest climate and most beautiful and lovely country tliat the 
*' blazing eye " of the sun looks upon in his journey from the east to the west. 
Yet I am not contented. I sometimes fancy myself most miserable. I stand 
alone. But here I have cast my lot ; and here, come weal or woe, I shall, unless 
Fate has otherwise decreed, spin out the thread of life. 

.... I hope you will make up your mind to come to this fine country. You 
are now shivering with cold ; here all is verdant as spring. In a gallop over the 
hills this morning, I frequently noticed the beauty of the flowers. Here you will 
live ten years longer, which is a consideration with most persons. For myself, 
I look to the end with more concern than to the length of life. If that be deco- 
rous and honorable, I feel that I can encounter the grim monster unflinchingly 
whenever he may present himself. . . . 

I do not know when I shall be able to go out of oflfice. I hope soon ; though 
I cannot calculate on it with any certainty. I am anxious to see the roof of my 
cedar cabin peering among the live-oaks. When shall it be? I am most anxious 
to see Will and Hennie ; but this cannot be yet. Present my kind regards to 
your family, and believe me to be very truly your friend, 

A. Sidney Johnston. 

To Geobge Hancock. 

Under all these circumstances General Johnston felt that the time 
had come for him to retire from the cares of office. The foreign policy 
pursued protected the country from immediate invasion, the organiza- 



RESIGNATION AND POLITICS. 123 

tion of the militia made it a safeguard of the Indian frontier, and the 
honor and independence of the country seemed for the present secure; 
all this, however, without any prospect of active service. Accordingly, 
he resigned in February'', 1840. 

In order to give definite shape to liis purpose of establishing himself 
as a farmer in Texas, it was necessary for General Johnston to raise the 
means by selling his real estate elsewhere. After his resignation he 
went to Louisville for this purpose, but came back to Galveston during 
the summer on business. In November, 1840, he returned to Kentucky, 
and was absent from Texas a year. Part of the summer of 1841 he 
spent at Newport, Rhode Island, and other agreeable places on the At- 
lantic coast, in charge of some young relations. 

During General Johnston's absence in December, 1841, President 
Lamar's health became so bad that he vacated his office, leaving the 
Administration in the hands of Vice-President Burnet. In the follow- 
ing spring the names of a good many gentlemen were canvassed in view 
of the presidency, but finally the struggle was narrowed down to a 
contest between Houston and Burnet. Judge Burnet, in spite of his 
exalted character, was not popular; and it soon became evident that he 
would be signally defeated. General Johnston had been strongly urged 
by his friends to remain in Texas and enter the canvass for the presi- 
dency. He was now as strongly solicited to return and make the con- 
test "as the only man around whom all the opposition (to Houston) 
would be willing to rally." He was assured by his friends that he could 
beat Houston. General Johnston, however, in addition to other objec- 
tions, would not permit his name to be used in opposition to Judge 
Burnet. He thought this much was due to the loyalty of friendship. 
In May, Love, Mayfield, and other mutual friends of Burnet and himself, 
tried to induce the former to withdraw in favor of General Johnston, as 
his cause was hopeless. General Johnston was not apprised of this 
negotiation until it had failed. He was not a party to it, and did not 
approve of the proposition ; nor, indeed, did he return to Texas until 
after the election. This resulted in the success of General Houston by 
a large majority ; and the only consequence of the connection of Gen- 
eral Johnston's name with the canvass was to imbitter tlie animosity of 
the new President toward him. 

On the 5th of March, 1842, General Vasquez, with a column of 700 
men, appeared before San Antonio. As the force there consisted of 
only 100 men, under Colonel John C. Hays, it withdrew, and the town 
fell into the hands of the Mexicans. The enemy only remained two 
days, but carried off all the valuables and a number of Mexican citizens 
who voluntarily accompanied them. Eight days later 3,500 Texan vol- 
unteers had assembled at San Antonio under Burleson, and they impa- 
tiently demanded to be led in pursuit of the retreating foe. Their 



124 1840-1845. 

commander was equally ready to retaliate upon the Mexicans, but they 
were restrained by one Executive order after another, until on April 2d 
they were disbanded. On the 6th of April General Burleson published 
an address, in which he says: 

I feel no hesitation in believing that if my orders had permitted me to 
cross the Rio Grande and retaliate upon our enemy his oft-repeated outrages, 
by this time 5,000 brave men would have been west of said river, inflicting a 
chastisement upon liim that would result in an honorable peace. But President 
Houston's order of the 22d of March — in which he says that ' one hundred and 
twenty days will be necessary before we can make a move against the enemy ' — 
was a finishing stroke to all our present prospects of redress.' 

General Johnston was one of those who started for the rendezvous, 
and it was understood that Burleson concurred in the intention of the 
volunteers to choose him as their commander. It was probably this 
fact that led to their discharge by the Executive. 

The President, in the first excitement of the invasion, professed an 
intention to pursue and , punish the enemy, and hastily dispatched 
agents to the United States to enlist volunteers and solicit contribu- 
tions of money, clothing, and provisions " for the munitions of an invad- 
ing army" and "for a military chest." Some recruits, unarmed, un- 
equipped, and unprovisioned, were pushed forward, and left without 
care until they were starved into mutiny, when they were discharged. 
The agencies resulted in nothing; and the whole conduct of the Govern- 
ment in these transactions was such a burlesque on administration, and 
had awakened such general resentment against the President, that it was 
considered necessary to mislead the public mind by directing its atten- 
tion to false issues. The more excitable Texans were threatening a raid 
across the Rio Grande, and would gladly have availed themselves of 
General Johnston's leadership if he would have consented ; indeed, all 
Texas looked to him as its general in case of war, and this was General 
Johnston's real offense with the President. While General Johnston 
would gladly have led an army properly authorized and organized by 
his Government, all his habits of thought precluded the idea of his 
heading an expedition not covered by a national flag. Without his de- 
nial even, such a charge would have been incredible. 

Yoakum's account is as follows, being, in fact. General Houston's 
version of the matter: 

In fact, it was reported tliat an army would be raised and march into 
Mexico on its own account, and that for this purpose agents, other than those 
appointed by the Government, were collecting troops and means in the United 
States. To counteract these lawless proceedings, President Houston issued his 

' Yoakum, " History of Texas," vol. ii., p. 354. 



INJUSTICE OF PKESIDEXT HOUSTON. 125 

proclamation on the 25tlj of April, declaring such agents as acting -without the 
authority of the republic; that the war with Mexico was national, and would 
be conducted by the nation ; and that such conduct on the part of such pre- 
tended agents was calculated to embarrass the republic' 

But the proclamation went on to allege that " said agents have 
offered commissions to gentlemen about to emigrate, as they say, 
by the authority of General A. Sidney Johnston, whom they represent 
as in command of the army of Texas, etc." Whether General Hous- 
ton's own agents had transcended their authority and used General 
Johnston's name where he was favorably known in order to commend 
their cause to popular confidence, or whether impostors had availed 
themselves of the looseness with which the commissions had been 
issued to pursue a like course, or indeed whether the rumor ever had 
existence except in the proclamation itself, is matter of surmise merely. 
But this is certain: General Johnston was in no sense a party to the 
transactions, had given no such authority, and had countenanced no 
such course. 

General Johnston being at the time in Galveston, the President 
could have ascertained the truth, but he preferred to use his high 
official position to deal a vindictive blow at the reputation of an hon- 
orable opponent. Though it was made clear to him that the charge 
was baseless and unjustifiable, he evaded all real redress. The follow- 
ing documents are laid before the reader in full, as the best explanation 
of the entire affair: 

TO THE PEOPLE OP TEXAS. 

Oalvestox, May 6, 1S42. 

My name having been used in a proclamation issued by the President on the 
27th ult., which I conceived might be interpreted as a charge against rae of the 
commission of illegal acts against the Government, I addressed a communication 
to the President, disclaiming any knowledge of the transactions, and transmitted 
to him a statement from Dr. Turner, upon whose representations the proclama- 
tion was issued. 

These, with the reply of the President, are at the present deemed sufficient to 
disabuse the public mind, if an opinion has been produced prejudicial to me, and 
to show, if any such opinion existed, there was no foundation for it in fact. 

A. Sidney Johnston. 

Cmr OF Galveston, May 1, 1842. 

Sir : Your proclamation, which appeared in the Chilian of the 27th nit., 

alleges that it has been represented to the President that " certain individuals 

are passing through various parts of the United States, and claiming to be agents 

of certain ' committees of vigilance and safety,' and receiving contributions and 

' Yoakum, " History of Texas," vol. ii., p. 353, 



126 1840-1845. 

aids to assist in forwarding and sustaining with suitable implements immigrants 
to Texas, and who rej^resent the preparation in this republic of a warlike char- 
acter as the work of such committees, and not originating with the Executive ; 
and whereas said agents have offered commissions to gentlemen who were about 
to immigrate, as they say, by the authority of General A. Sidney Johnston, whom 
they represent as in command of the army of Texas, etc." 

Now, these representations, if true — and you must have thought them true 
when you deemed it necessary to counteract them by a proclamation — clearly im- 
plicate me before the world, as far as the expression of your opinion goes, as in 
the commission of illegal acts against this Government; which beiug untrue, so 
far as regards myself (for I have given no authority, either verbally or in writ- 
ing, to grant commissions, raise means, or to take any measures to raise troops 
in my name), your proclamation does me injustice, which I request may be 
remedied in such manner as may serve to relieve me from imputations so in- 
jurious. I beg leave to furnish you, in addition to my disavowal of all knowl- 
edge of the transactions alleged, the written statement of Dr. Turner, upon 
whose representations the proclamation was issued. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, A. Sidney Johnston. 

To his Excellency General Sam Houston, President of the Republic of Texas. 

DR. turner's statement. 

Texas, April 2T, 1842. 

Should any apprehension in regard to the statement that I made to the Pres- 
ident of the Kepublic of Texas, concerning the appointing power as emanating 
from General Johnston as proffered by the Texas commissioners in the United 
States, have a tendency to cast blame on them, it was foreign from my design. 

The only power that they seemed to convey was recommendation for pro- 
motion, and my impression was that it was by the Government authority. 

Yours, respectfully, 

William C. Tuenee. 

To General A. S. Johnston. 



Geoege B. Jones, ) ^^^„,,,,,. 
J. S. Sydnob, j 



ExEotTTivB Department, Galveston, May 2, 1842. 

Sir : Your note of yesterday's date, disclaiming any illegal acts against this 
Government, or any participation in or knowledge of the conduct of certain 
persons who, in the United States, are representing themselves as the agents of 
certain "committees of vigilance" in this country, acting in entire indepen- 
dency of the constituted authorities of the country, and who, it has been rep- 
resented to the Executive, are offering to grant commissions in an army to be 
commanded by yourself, has just been handed to me. 

Although my proclamation of the 27th ult. did not implicate you as being 
concerned in the illegal and disorganizing acts of the agents spoken of, and was 
intended as a rebuke to such persons alone as were concerned in them, it gives 
me great pleasure to learn from yourself that you had no participancy in or 
knowledge of such unpatriotic and mischievous acts of insubordination to the 
laws and constitution of our country. The letter of Dr. Turner (a copy of which 
you inclose me) has no relevancy to the facts so far as you may be concerned. 



MEXICAN IXVASIOX. 127 

It will give me great pleasure in this trying crisis of our national existence 
to receive the cooperation of all true patriots who are capable of rendering effect- 
ual service to our common country. Your obedient servant, 

Sam Houstoit. 

To General A. 9. Johnston. 

President Houston had adopted the policy of undoing whatever had 
been attempted by his predecessor. Yucatan, which, aided by the 
Texan navy, had employed so much of the energies of Mexico, was 
abandoned to the conquering sword of Santa Anna. Treaties were 
substituted for militia as a defense against the Indians, who had, how- 
ever, been too severely punished to be troublesome for some time, and 
were glad of a breathing-spell. The transportation of the mails had 
entirely ceased ; and the revenue derived from direct taxation scarcely 
paid the expense of collection. The volunteers, who were scouting 
along the Rio Grande, were disbanded ; so that the frontier was now 
left not only without the means of protection but of warning. 

. The consequences of this " masterly inactivity " were soon realized, 
and the dream of security rudely broken by another Mexican invasion, 
repeating that led by Vasquez in March. On September 11th General 
Adrian Woll entered San Antonio with a force of 1,200 men. Congress, 
warned, by Vasquez's invasion, of the inefficiency of the President in 
providing for the public defense, had passed a bill for that purpose just 
before its adjournment in July, in which the President was required to 
hold an election for major-general on the 1st of September. There is 
no doubt that General Johnston would have been chosen almost by ac- 
clamation ; but the President, not signing the bill, defeated it by what 
is called " a pocket-veto." 

The want of an organized force and a competent commander was felt 
when Woll burst suddenly upon San Antonio with his rancheros. He 
captured the judge and bar of the district court, and other prisoners, 
fifty-three in all. The Texan minute-men made a gallant fight at the 
crossing of the Salado with part of Woll's force, but suffered a heavy 
blow in the loss of Captain Dawson and fifty -three men, who were sur- 
rounded and massacred by the Mexicans. After a week's occupation of 
San Antonio, Woll retreated with his prisoners and plunder unmolested, 
having attained the object of the expedition — " to contradict the argu- 
ment, advanced by the annexationists in the United States, that the 
war was m /ac« at an end" (Yoakum). On November 18th General 
Somerville, under instructions from the Government, set out with 750 
men against Mexico, on an expedition of retaliation which culminated in 
the disaster at Mier. 

General Johnston's friends continued to urge him to reenter public 
life. During his absence from Texas, in 1843, he was continually as- 
sured by his correspondents that, if he would come forward for the 
10 



128 1840-1845. 

presidency, Rusk, Burleson, and Lipscomb, then the three most promi- 
nent candidates, would unite their influence for him. Dr. Starr, in 
1844, spoke of him "as the only man suited for the presidency." Clay 
Davis wrote that nine-tenths of- the voters of the west wanted him for 
President. The narrowness of his private fortune forced him to refuse 
to enter the lists. Love, urging him strongly to return to Texas, in 
1844, he replied : " My fortunes are such that I am determined to remain 
in Kentucky for the present, or until my affairs wear a brighter com- 
plexion, unless the men of Texas are needed for her defense. In that 
event Iioill not, if alive, fail to be with you.'''' Seventeen years later 
he crossed the continent to keep this promise, and sealed it with his 
blood. 

Although General Johnston took no further part in the public affairs 
of Texas, yet the annexation of that country to the United States was 
so important an event to all its citizens that a recapitulation of the chief 
facts that led to it seems necessary and proper. Though not politically 
connected with these events. General Johnston was a deeply-interested 
spectator, and rendered all the aid he could in producing the result. 
The liberties which Texas had achieved by the sword had received the 
sanction of time, and were now rendered secure by the large immigra- 
tion of a warlike and wealthy population. Her increased power and 
productive capacity gave her importance in the eyes of the great 
powers which, having at first stood selfishly aloof, now jealously con- 
tended for the control of the councils of the rising republic. Finally, 
the United States, actuated less by sympathy with Texas than by jeal- 
ousy of Great Britain, offered such terms as Texas could accept ; and 
the free republic exchanged her independence for sisterhood in the 
family of States from which her people had sprung. 

In the United States, annexation, which seemed impending in 1836, 
was not accomplished until after a series of severe political struggles. 
The President, Mr. Tyler, and the people of the South and West, favored 
it strongly ; but Mr. Clay, Mr. Van Buren, and the more prominent 
leaders of both parties, were anxious to ignore it, as a question fraught 
with peril to its advocates and opponents alike. Under some sort of 
understanding, they all declared against it. In 1844 President Tyler 
forwarded the plan of annexation by treaty ; but the Whigs, under the 
discipline of Mr. Clay, voting against it, it was defeated. "The ques- 
tion," however, was stronger than the politicians, and at the Democratic 
Convention in 1844 a new man, Mr. Polk, was nominated for President, 
and annexation made the main issue in the canvass. His election prac- 
tically settled the question, and Congress passed a joint resolution March 
1, 1845, admitting Texas into the Union. Whether justly or unjustly, 
it was feared in Texas that the Texan Administration was averse to 
annexation, and would throw obstacles in its way. The popular en- 



SECOND MARRIAGE. 129 

thusiasm, however, overrode all opposition ; and, on the 23d of June, 
1845, the Texan Congress consented to the terms of annexation, and 
Texas became a State of the American Union. 

It is now necessary to recur to General Johnston's private life. Dur- 
ing his visits to Kentucky he had formed an attachment for a young 
lady of great beauty, talents, and accomplishments, Miss Eliza Griffin. 
Miss Griffin was the sister of Captain George H. Griffin, U. S. A., an 
aide of General Taylor, who died in the Florida War; of Lieutenant 
William P. Griffin, who died in the navy; and of Dr. John S. Griffin, 
long an army-surgeon, but now for many years a resident of Los Ange- 
les, California. They were all men of mark, physically, mentally, and 
morally. JNIiss Griffin was cousin to General Johnston's first wife, and 
the niece and ward of Mr. George Hancock, in whose family he had long 
enjoyed entire intimacy. There was some disparity of years, but his 
uncommon youthfulness of temperament and appearance diminished the 
inequality. After some delay, principally on account of the unsettled 
state of his business, they were married October 3, 1843, at Lyuch's 
Station, near Shelbyville, Kentucky, the home of Mr. Hancock. 

It may be remembered that, when General Johnston retired from the 
War Office, it was his intention to engage in agricultural pursuits. In 
partnership with a friend, he purchased the China Grove plantation, in 
Brazoria County, Texas. General Johnston describes it thus: "It con- 
sists of 1,500 acres of cotton-land, between 300 and 400 acres cleared, 
Avith gin, fences, etc.; and 4,428 acres of rich prairie, affording fine grass 
for stock, and every way more suitable for the production of sugar-cane 
than richer bottom-lands. The location is very convenient to the mar- 
ket, being about thirty-five miles from Galveston by land, and twelve 
miles from the navigable waters of the bay." The estate was undoubt- 
edly valuable, but the price, nearly $16,000, was too great; and the pur- 
chase proved to be injudicious and disastrous. The purchase was origi- 
nally a joint one with a personal friend, who was largely engaged both 
in planting and in mercantile pursuits. It was supposed that his com- 
mand of credit would enable them to buy the slaves and supply the 
machinery requisite for a sugar-plantation. General Johnston per- 
formed his part of the contract, realizing the necessary funds by the 
sale of real estate at a considerable sacrifice. In the meantime his part- 
ner had become so involved as to be in danger of bankruptcy, and ap- 
pealed to General Johnston to relieve him from his share of the trans- 
action, resting his request upon the ground that he had in the first in- 
stance suggested the arrangement more with a view to General John- 
ston's advantage than his own, which probably was to some extent true. 
General Johnston, with a sense of obligation perhaps too scrupulous, 
at once assumed the whole responsibility, thus incurring a load of debt 
from which he was not freed for ten years. His friend was saved, but 



130 1840-1845. 

he sacrificed himself; the same act by Avhich he encumbered himself de- 
priving him of the means and credit for stocking the plantation. 

The years between 1842 and 1846 were spent in the vain effort to 
pay for the plantation, either by its sale or by that of other property. 
General Johnston saw the proceeds of the sales of his farm near St. 
Louis and of his handsome property in Louisville gradually swallowed 
up b}' the expenses of living and the interest on his debt, without dimin- 
ishing its principal. He spent a good deal of time in Kentucky, occu- 
pied with futile attempts to sell or stock his place. But these unavail- 
ing efforts hastened rather than retarded his financial ruin by putting 
him to additional expense. He preserved throughout, however, his in- 
dependence, meeting his obligations at whatever sacrifice. 

After the annexation of Texas, in 1845, his friends sought to have 
him appointed colonel of one of the new regiments. Love, writing in 
reference to the Constitutional Convention, of which he was a member, 
says: "There were many inquiries made for you in the most friendly 
manner, and almost every one expressed for you sincere friendship. 
There is scarcely anything Texas would not do for you if you would 
place yourself in a position to permit it. The general wish prevails that 
jou may be colonel of the new regiment which it is supposed will be 
raised. All the prominent men have told me if you wished the office 
they would urge your appointment. The aspirants in Texas yield their 
claims to yours." General Johnston himself took no part in this appli- 
cation; but his friends presented his name, knowing how acceptable the 
appointment would be to him. When the selections were finally made 
by Mr. Polk, the adverse influence of General Houston, who had become 
Senator, was believed to have decided the President against him. 

At last General Johnston, seeing no other resource, resolved to re- 
treat to his plantation, and there, by economy and industry, to repair 
his broken fortunes, or at least to prevent ruinous outlay until oppor- 
tunity offered to carry out his plans. But this design was deferred on 
the very eve of its consummation in consequence of the outbreak of the 
Mexican War. 

Before entering on this topic a word must be said of the men 
whose steadfast friendship continued constant and active through these 
years. Among these were his kinsmen, Hancock and Preston, and Al- 
bert T. Burnley, James S. Mayfield, Judge B. C. Franklin, and others. 
General James Hamilton was his frequent and confidential correspond- 
ent and zealous friend. The following sentence is selected from a mass 
of his correspondence as supplying the key-note to the whole : " Be as- 
sured I cherish your unabated kindness and friendship to me with the 
most sincere and cordial gratitude." The man whom General Johnston 
wore nearest to his heart was Colonel James Love, of Galveston. Love 
was six or eight years his senior, and had been a Whig member of Con- 



JAMES LOVE. 131 

gress from the mountains of Kentucky, whence he removed to Galves- 
ton soon after the Revolution of 1836. He was a man of quick percep- 
tions, strong intellect, and powerful will. Impetuous in temper, free 
in the expression of his opinions, open, brave, and affectionate, he at- 
tached himself to General Johnston with all the ardor of his nature. 
General Johnston, writing of him in 1846 to one who did not like him, 
says, " I have experienced at his hands many acts of disinterested kind- 
ness, perhaps more than from any living man." This sense of obliga- 
tion was increased by subsequent events, and to the day of his death 
General Johnston cherished the strongest attachment to this friend. 



CHAPTER IX. 



THE MEXICAN WAR. 



As soon as the annexation of Texas was consummated, the United 
States Government ordered General Zachary Taylor, commanding the 
Southwestern Department, to put troops in motion to protect the fron- 
tier against the invasion threatened by Mexico. As Mexico not only 
asserted a general right to the sovereignty of Texas, but also set up a 
special claim to the country between the Rio Grande and the Nueces, 
as belonging to Tamaulipas, General Taylor, pending negotiations, 
established himself at Corpus Christi, near the mouth of the Nueces, 
where he remained until March 8, 1846. 

Love, writing to General Johnston in September, 1845, says ; 

General Taylor has 4,000 soldiers at Corpus Christi, Six companies of Texan 
Rangers, under Hays, have been mustered into service. They are teaching the 
United States officers and soldiers how to ride. The feats of horsemanship of 
our frontier-men are most extraordinary. I saw one of them pick up from the 
ground three dollars, each fifty yards apart, at full speed, and pass under the 
horse's ieck at a pace not much short of full speed. 

On the 8th of March, 1846, General Taylor made a forward move- 
ment to Point Isabel, which commanded the mouth of the Rio Grande. 
In spite of a protest and some acts of hostility committed by the Mexi- 
cans, a fortification was erected opposite Matamoras, afterward known 
as Fort Brown. On the 12th of April General Ampudia addressed a let- 
ter to General Taylor, requiring him to withdraw to the left bank of the 
Nueces, or " that arms alone must decide the question." A little later, 
the Mexicans captured Captain Thornton and 60 men, and committed 
other overt acts of war ; and, finally, threatened General Taylor's com- 



132 THE MEXICAN WAR. 

munications with Point Isabel, his base of suppl)^. To reestablish his 
communications and secure his base, General Taylor marched with his 
army to Point Isabel, leaving a small but sufficient garrison in the 
fort. The Mexicans opened upon the fort with a heavy bombardment, 
by which the commander, Major Brown, was killed ; but the garrison 
held out until relieved by the successes of the American troops. 

General Taylor started on his return from Point Isabel, on May 7th, 
with 2,300 soldiers, and, on the next day at noon, found the Mexican 
army, under General Ampudia, drawn up on the plain of Palo Alto to 
dispute his advance. An engagement ensued, in which the artillery 
acted a conspicuous part, ending in the retreat of the Mexicans with a 
loss of 600 men. The American loss was nine killed and 44 wounded. 

On the next day the American army again encountered the Mexi- 
cans, strongly posted in a shallow ravine called Resaca de la Palma. It 
was a hotly-contested fight with 6,000 Mexicans, who showed a stout 
courage ; but they were driven from the field with the loss of 1,000 
men. The American loss was 110. The war had begun. 

Volunteers were called for, and came pouring in from all quarters. 
The martial enthusiasm of the people of the United States was only 
equaled by the imbecility of the Government in its preparations for the 
conflict. It was a political regime merely, and nowise adapted to 
organize or carry on a successful war ; but the ability of the command- 
ers and the splendid valor of the troops supplied all defects, and made 
the Mexican War an heroic episode in our annals. General Ta3'lor, 
having initiated the struggle by two brilliant victories, was condemned 
to idleness until September by the Carthaginian policy of the Govern- 
ment, which failed to supply stores, equipment, and transportation. 

General Taylor, early in 1846, sent the following reply to a letter 
from Mr. Hancock, requesting his recommendation of General Johnston 
as colonel of one of the new regiments : 

Corpus Cheisti, Texas, February 8, 1846. 

Dear Sir: Your esteemed favor of the 17th ult., from Galveston, readied 
me on the 2d inst., and let me assure you I was much gratified at hearing from 
you, and should have been more so to have had the pleasure of taking you by 
the hand at my tent at this place. 

The day after the receipt of your letter, I addressed a communication to the 
Secretary of War, recommending General Johnston to the favorable considera- 
tion of the President of the United States, in the strongest terms possible, for 
the appointment in question, which I did with a clear conscience and hearty 
good-will, as I know of but few as well, and none better, qualified for the 
situation, and can truly say that no one desires his success more than myself. 
At the same time, I regret to learn that General Houston is unfriendly to Gen- 
eral Johnston, as I am disposed to believe if he exercises his influence with Mr. 
Polk, he will prevent his succeeding, as most, if not all, of the appointments 
made or selected from Texas will be on the recommendation of General Houston. 



ZACHARY TAYLOR'S ESTIMATE. I33 

I have, this moment, received orders from "Washington to take possession of 
the country to the Rio Grande, and establish myself on the left bank of that 
river, as soon as I could make the preparations necessary for doing so (which 
will occupy some three weeks, principally in collecting transportation, etc.) ; but 
not to cross the Rio Grande unless Mexico should make or declare war, in which 
case I would act on the offensive. Whether war will grow out of this move- 
ment, time must determine ; but I, for one, hope that all difficulties between the 
two countries will be settled Avithout an appeal to the sword; but, if war must 
come, I trust we will not only be prepared to meet it, but to bring it to a speedy 
and honorable termination. With sincere regards, 

I remain, yours truly, 

Z. Tatlob. 

To Mr. Geobge Hancock, Louisville, Ky. 

When General Taylor found that he would have to contend with a 
greatly superior force of Mexicans, he called for volunteers to sustain 
his movement. The Texan Legislature promptly passed a bill raising 
the quota of that State. It was proposed to confer upon the Governor, 
who was himself requested to take chief command, the appointment of 
field and staff officers ; and, imder this supposition, Governor Henderson 
wrote, May 8th, urging General Johnston to meet him at Point Isabel, 
and again, through their mutual friend, Thomas F. McKinney, assuring 
him that he should receive rank next to himself in the Texan contin- 
gent. A messenger from General Taylor had arrived in Galveston on 
the 28th of April, with a request to General Johnston to join him at 
once. As, unfortunately, no vessel could be obtained to proceed by 
sea, he started on horseback, with a squad of gallant young men, for the 
scene of action. The time required for a land-journey brought him to 
Point Isabel too late for a share in the actions at Palo Alto and Resaca. 
His wife and infant son were left at Galveston under the care of Colonel 
Love and his good wife. 

Leonard Groce, for many years General Johnston's friend, knowing 
his military ardor, promptly sent him a fine war-horse, which bore him 
nobly through the campaign. On the road to Point Isabel, General 
Johnston saw the tarantula for the first time. He had been ten years 
in Texas, and much in the field, without seeing one; but after passing 
Corpus Christi they appeared in great numbers, fiercely rearing them- 
selves up and offering battle to an approaching horse and rider. 

The Texans were gathering in hot haste at Point Isabel to defend their 
border, and their organization Avas rapidlj^ effected. As General John- 
ston's extant letters give a clear 'and succinct account of the campaign 
and his connection with it, they may be allowed to tell their own story: 

Point Isabel, July 10, 1846. 
Dear Hancock : I suppose some time since you have stricken me from the 
roll of your friends, and, seemingly to yourself, with great justice; but things 
are not all that they seem. About the time I should have written to you I felt 



134 THE MEXICAN WAR. 

myself obliged, by the request of the Governor, wlio desired to give me rank 
next himself in the Texas quota of four regiments, to go by land to Corpus 
Christi. Once away from Galveston there was no opportunity of writing until 
I should reach this point, and since ray arrival here I have been so occupied that 
I have only taken time to write to my wife. The Governor was not allowed to 
make the appointments as he desired. The Legislature referred the appoint- 
ments to the troops ; so that, on my arrival here, I had to stand a canvass. I 
was elected by the First Regiment of Foot Eiflemen of Texas colonel of the regi- 
ment, which gave me the rank I expected of the Governor. I have now en- 
camped near this fort a regiment of ten companies, numbering 650 fine riflemen, 
ready and anxious to take the field. We are losing no time by waiting. They 
are daily undergoing instruction, which will make them the more eflacient. Gen- 
eral Taylor is making most strenuous efi"orts to prosecute the campaign with 
vigor, though I must say that his exertions are not sustained as they should be 
by the Government. There has been great deficiency of supply in the quarter- 
master's department. We understand that this will be speedily remedied both 
in means of transportation and equipment, and we have already seen a good 
many steamboats, adapted to river navigation, passing up the Eio Grande. The 
advanced guard has been pushed to Reynosa, about 60 miles above Matamoras, 
and several regiments are marching upon the same point ; but, on account of the 
great quantity of rain which fell last month, their progress is necessarily slow. 
I am daily expecting my regiment to march. The troops are occupying Point 
Isabel, Brazos Santiago, Burita on the Rio Grande, Matamoras, and Reynosa, but 
we have no means of ascertaining the number — say 14,000. I visited the camp 
of the Louisville Legion on Brazos Island; they are a fine body of men; they 
are now at Burita. Rogers * was quite well. 

Very truly, your friend, A. Sidney Johnston. 

Point Isabel, Texas, July 30, 1846. 

Dear Hancock : When I last wrote to you we knew nothing of our destina- 
tion. The discharge of all the Louisiana regiments created great uneasiness 
among the Texas regiments, lest they, being six months' men, should also be 
discharged. It was, however, decided otherwise. I have received orders to 
march, and will be en route, this evening with my regiment, a fine body of rifle- 
men, capable, from the instruction received here, of manoeuvring with great 
rapidity and precision ; and I do not doubt that they will acquire distinction. 
The commanding general is concentrating upon Camargo as rapidly as possible 
with the very limited means of transportation at his disposition ; and we sup- 
pose we will march immediately upon that point. The war should be conduct- 
ed directly against the city of Mexico, the seat of vitality and strength. Apart 
from all science, a mere animal instinct would inculcate that. 

The desire of a speedy termination, as well as economy, points out Alvarado, 
or some place south of Vera Cruz (at the proper season), as the initial point of 
operation, retaining an army corps at Monterey, or on the route thence to Mex- 
ico. These movements would compel a concentration of the strength of Mexico 
at the capital, where a decisive engagement would soon be fought with adequate 
force and the war terminated. Mexico is to that republic what Paris is to France. 

' Lieutenant-Colonel Jason Rogers, of the Louisville Legion — General Johnston's 
brother-in-law. 



MILITARY MOVEMENTS. I35 

If Mexico falls, her dependencies fall with her. Why, then, waste a cartridge 
on the castle of St. Juan d'Ulloa, or throw away the public treasure in a war 
of marches against a country without population comparatively, as Santa F6, 
Chihuahua, or California? These are portions of country which Mexico does 
not pretend to defend against the Indians. 

Your friend, A. Sidney Johnston. 

A letter to Hancock, written August 11th, near Camargo, informs 
him of the movement of the troops from Matamoras to that point, and 
describes what he saw in his voyage up the Rio Grande. He portrays 
the six days' journey up the tortuous channel of that river, its alluvial 
banks with their teeming crops, and the half -barbarous population gath- 
ered there, together with their houses, dress, and manners. General 
Johnston felt gratification that, while a good deal of sickness prevailed 
among the volunteers, only three men of his regiment had died ; and 
those not with the command, but in a company of unacclimated Ger- 
mans, and on detached service. The health of the regiment was due 
to its discipline, and to regard for sanitary precautions not usually ob- 
served. 

The letter states: "General Taylor is rapidly concentrating his force 
at Camargo. The regular troops are nearly all there, and the volunteers 
are all in motion. My regiment was the first ordered to advance. The 
next movement, I suppose in fifteen or twenty days, will be for Mon- 
terey." 

General Johnston had taken great pride in his regiment, and such 
were their drill and discipline that General Taylor had given him the 
advance of the arm3\ A question having been raised whether the six 
months' volunteers were to be disbanded immediately, unless they re- 
enlisted for an additional six months, a deputation of discontented sol- 
diers called upon General Taylor during General Johnston's absence. 
The soldiers found " Old Rough and Ready," in his shirt-sleeves, shav- 
ing. They began to state their grievance, when the old general, divin- 
ing the purpose of their visit, half-turned and bluntly said: "I suppose 
you want to go home. Well, I don't want anybody about me who don't 
want to stay. I wouldn't give one willing man for a dozen that wanted 
to go home." He went on shaving, and the committee left. The general 
had spoken the truth; but to some it gave offense as an implied insult, 
to others it afforded a pretext to get away from the hardships of a 
severe service. The agitators availed themselves of these circum- 
stances ; and on General Johnston's arrival pleaded General Taylor's 
promise that they might go home. On finding the state of the case, 
General Johnston assembled the regiment and put to the vote the 
question of returning home or reenlistment : 318 voted to disband, 
and 224 to reenlist. The majority was due in great part to the Ger- 
man company, which had been on detached service and had suffered 



136 TEE MEXICAN WAR. 

from sickness, and which voted as a unit 77 votes to disband. General 
Johnston sometimes told, as an illustration of his want of effectiveness 
as an orator, that after the adverse vote was given he told the men he 
could not believe that sucli was their deliberate purpose, and made an 
appeal to them in terms which he thought could not fail to move them, 
but only one man changed his vote. The regiment was disbanded, but 
a number reenlisted in the company of Captain Shivers and won distinc- 
tion at Monterey. 

Thus was General Johnston again compelled to see the labor of 
months undone in an hour, and his hopes of honorable distinction dissi- 
pated, without fault of his, by the instability of others. He was deeply 
chagrined ; but he determined not to return home until his six months 
of service had expired, and he had shared with the army in the impend- 
ing battle. General Taylor relieved him from the awkwardness of a 
subordinate position by assigning him as inspector-general to Butler's 
division, in which capacity he served until after the battle of Mon- 
terey. 

When the regiment was disbanded, a good many young men, who 
subsequently reentered the service, availed themselves of the oppor- 
tunity to visit their homes, and thus enjoy a furlough at least. One of 
them, a brave but easy young fellow, the son of a noble Texan patriot 
and gentleman, useful and famous in the history and career of the re- 
public, came back with the rest. As he joyfully hastened from the 
beach at Galveston to his father's house, he saw his father sternly re- 
garding him from his front porch. When he came within speaking 
distance the old gentleman halted him by inquiring, in no tender tones, 
" What are you doing here, sir ? Your six months are not up ! " " The 
regiment is disbanded, father, and the men have gone home; and I 
thought I would come to see you, and then go back," " ITas General 
Johnston come homef'^'' "No, sir." "Then go back; you cannot 
come in here ! " The sou hurried back to the beach, got aboard a 
schooner, and was with the army in time to share with his comrades 
under Shivers in the attack on Monterey. 

The following letter, written soon after the battle of Monterey, 
gives a sufficient view of the campaign, terminating in that fine feat of 
arms : 

MoNTEEET, Mexico, September 28, 1846. 

My dear Son : My regiment was disbanded at Camargo on the 24th of Au- 
gust, under the construction of the law given by the War Department in reference 
to six months' volunteers. Soon after, General Taylor offered me the appoint- 
ment of inspector-general of the field division of volunteers under Major-General 
Butler, which I accepted, as I was desirous of participating in the campaign 
which was about to commence. The army moved from Camargo, and was con- 
centrated at Ceralvoon the 12th; and marched thence to Monterey, successively 



STORMING OF MONTEREY. 137 

in divisions, on the 13th, 14th, and 15th, as follows: Twiggs's division on the 
13th, Worth's on the 1-ith, and Butler's on the 15th. They were again united at 
Marin on the 17th, and arrived together at the forest of St. Domingo, three miles 
from Monterey, on the 19th. The 19th and 20th were passed in reconnoitring 
the position of the enemy's defenses and making the necessary disposition for 
the attack. These arrangements having been made, and General Worth's divis- 
ion having occupied the gorge of the mountain above the city on the Saltillo 
road, the attack was commenced by General Worth, who had by his position 
taken all their defenses in reverse, and pressed by him on the 21st until he had 
captured two of their batteries. At daylight, on the 22d, he took the height 
which commanded a strong work on the slope of the hill in the direction of the 
city, at the bishop's palace, and on Wednesday entered the city, fighting from 
house to house with his infantry (regulars and dismounted Texans), and along 
the streets with his light artillery. In cooperation with the attack of General 
Worth, General Taylor ordered Twiggs's division to attack their admirably ar- 
ranged and powerful system of defense at the lower end of the city; here was 
the means of greatest resistance. This attack was supported by Butler's divis- 
ion, with the exception of the Louisville Legion, wliich was ordered to take a 
position near the mortar which was throwing shells into the main fort near the 
upper end of the city. These divisions approached the city under a tremendous 
shower of artillery and musketry from the fort and numerous batteries, suffering 
great loss. Twiggs's division attacked the batteries, and afterward filed off by 
the right flank toward a tete-de-pont (a species of fort), across a branch of the 
St. Juan, which runs through the city. The Tennesseans and Mississippians of 
Butler's division and a few regulars under Captain Backus, moving rapidly in 
support, attacked the first battery or redoubt, a strong work armed with artil- 
lery and escopetas or muskets, and bravely carried the work (Alexander McClung, 
at the head of the Mississippians of his wing of the regiment, being the first to 
enter), driving the enemy from it with considerable loss. The Ohio regiment, 
under Colonel Mitchell, entered the town more to the right, and attacked the 
works with great courage and spirit; but here was concentrated the fire of all 
their works. From this point, or a little in the rear, the regulars had been 
forced back with great loss of officers and men, after keeping up the attack for 
more than an hour, and after having lost in killed and wounded a great number. 
Having been ordered to retire, the Ohio regiment did so in tolerably good order. 
As it debouched from the streets of the city, believing that it was routed, the 
lancers of the enemy charged the Ohio regiment ; but it had none of the xim of 
an American charge, and was easily repulsed with some loss to them. On the 
night of the 22d the enemy abandoned their strong line of defense at the lower 
end of the city, and retired to the plazas and barricades. 

During these operations the light artillery and howitzers kept up a terrible fire 
of shot and shells against the enemy. On Wednesday, the 28d, the Texans and 
Mississippians were ordered to attack in the streets, and fight and work their way 
through the houses to the plaza. These orders were faithfully executed, so that 
at night they had arrived as near the public square (plaza) at the lower part as 
Worth had at the upper part of the city.* On Thursday the Mexicans sent in, 

^ It is probable, as was subsequently ascertained, that at the time mentioned Worth's 
command liad not got beyond the Plazuela del Carne. The Mississippians and Tennes- 
seans on the east had forced their way to within 100 yards of the Grand Plaza. 



138 THE MEXICAN WAR. 

early in the morning, a white flag ; and during the day articles of capitulation 
were agreed to, by which the city, its defenses, public property, munitions of 
war, etc., were surrendered to the United States army, except their army, 
which is allowed to march beyond designated limits, viz. : Rinconada (the main 
pass of the mountains), Linares, and St. Fernando — a line passing through these 
points being the boundary. Within these limits the armies will remain for eight 
weeks, or until their respective governments can be heard from. Thus, after a 
series of brilliant and sanguinary actions, we have possession of this beautiful 
and strongly-fortified place. Butler's division sustained about half the loss of 
the army, say 250 killed and wounded, not less and perhaps many more. Gen- 
eral Butler was wounded in the leg, while I, finely mounted throughout, escaped 
with my huge frame without a scratch. I endeavored to do my duty well, and 
I presume my conduct will be spoken of approvingly. Send a copy of this to 
Henny, and my love to your uncles George and Will, and to Aunt Mary and 
Margaret. Your affectionate father, 

A. Sidney Johnston. 
To WiLUAM Preston Johnston. 

To this clear and succinct account of the storming of Monterey I 
add the following interesting description of the desperate assault of the 
Mississippians, given me in a letter from the Hon. Jefferson Davis, who 
commanded them, with other incidents of the battle : 

The first attack was made on Fort Taneria, a stone building covered by a 
low and hastily-constructed redoubt. Twiggs's brigade, led by Colonel Garland, 
was in advance, and after a brief attempt was moved off to the right into a 
cornfield. Then the Tennesseans and Mississippians moved up; the former 
were brought into line to the left of the redoubt, the Mississippians on their 
right and in front of the work. The firing commenced on our side, and was 
continued on that of the enemy. In the redoubt, musketeers lined the breast- 
work between the pieces of artillery, and on the flat roof of the Taneria 
musketeers in large numbers fired over the heads of the men in the redoubt. 
After firing a few minutes, it was perceptibly our best policy to storm the cover- 
ing work, and I ordered my men to advance. Lieutenant-Colonel McClung had 
been the captain of the company raised in the Torabigbee Valley, and which 
was on the left of the centre. He sprang before it, and called out, " Tombigbee 
boys, follow me ! " The whole regiment moved forward— that company most 
rapidly— and Lieutenant-Colonel McClung and Lieutenant Patterson first sprang 
upon the breastwork. The Mexicans ran hastily out of the redoubt to the stone 
building in the rear, and we pursued them so closely that I reached the gate as 
they were closing it, and, jumping against it, forced it open. The cry im- 
mediately went up of surrender, and the officer supposed to be in command 
advanced and delivered his sword. 

After the capture of the redoubt and the Fort Taneria, I followed the flying 
Mexicans with a large part of my regiment to attack the Fort el Diablo, and 
when near to it was ordered back by General Quitman, the brigade com- 
mander, and directed to join our division. It was behind a long wall, and 
under cross-fire of the artillery of the enemy's salients on our left. I ap- 
proached General Johnston, and told him I had been recalled when about to 
take the salient on our left, that we were uselessly exposed where we were, and 



i 



DAVIS AjS^D JOHNSTON AT MONTEREY, 139 

said, " If not tlie loft, then let the right salient be attacked." He answered, with 
his usual calm manner and quick perception, " We cannot get any orders, but if 
you will move your regiment to the right place the rest may follow you." 

I moved otf across a small stream, and through a field to the front of the 
tete-de-po7ity which covered the front of the Purissima Bridge, where I met 
Captain Field, of the United States Infantry, with his company, and Colonel 
Mansfield, of the United States Engineers. Under their advice, a plan was 
formed for immediate attack; and, while we were making the needful dispo- 
sitions, General Hamer, who had in the mean time succeeded to the command 
of the division, General Butler having been wounded, came up with his com- 
mand and ordered me to retire. Both Colonel Mansfield and I remonstrated 
with him, and endeavored to show him the importance of onr position. He was 
not convinced, but persisted in his own view. My men were withdrawn from 
the several posts assigned to them ; but before this could be done the division 
had gone a considerable distance. Captain Field withdrew with me, and was 
killed while crossing the open field, by fire from the main fort. This field was 
inclosed by a high fence made of chaparral- bushes beaten down between up- 
right posts. 

My regiment (the First Mississippi) was following the movement of the 
division, and some distance in the rear, when the Mexican Lancers, seeing the 
movement from off the field of battle, came from the direction of the Black 
Fort, and, passing behind the column to a place where the fence was old and 
low, leaped into the cornfield and commenced slaughtering stragglers and 
wounded men. I halted my regiment, formed line to the rear, and advanced on 
the enemy, firing. The effect of this attack was the sudden flight of the 
lancers, leaving a number of killed and wounded, their leader being of the 
former. General Johnston afterward spoke of it as a remarkable event in war. 

During the passage through the cornfield, General Hamer moved on until he 
reached a point where the fence was too high to be crossed by horsemen ; a 
deep irrigating ditch was before them, and the lancers in their rear. Your 
father told me that the signs were such as precede a rout, and he felt that his 
hour was near. His only weapon was a sword I had received from the com- 
manding officer when we burst open the gate of Fort Taneria, and received the 
surrender of the garrison, and which subsequently I had handed to him. Other 
reliance he had none. Just then, he said he heard some one giving orders in 
tones welcome and familiar to his ear, and saw the Mississippi Eiflemen formed 
and advancing on the enemy. He told me he called General Hamer's attention 
to it. 

During the assault upon the cit}^, General Johnston accompanied 
Hamer's brigade of Butler's division, remaining for the most part with 
Colonel Mitchell's First Ohio Regiment. He was near that officer 
when he fell wounded in the streets of Monterey, at the point mentioned 
by Mr. Davis as the place where he met General Johnston, under the 
converging fires of the salients. General Butler was wounded at the 
same point. General Johnston's horse was thrice wounded ; but, 
though he ofi"ered a conspicuous mark, he would not dismount when 
all the officers around him were dismounted or disabled. He told me 
that his reason for incurring this extraordinary hazard was, " that he 



140 THE MEXICAN WAR. 

was unwilling to risk separation from his horse, as his efficiency would 
be greatly impaired if left on foot." " There is a friend that sticketh 
closer than a brother." 

In following the Ohio Regiment from the city, when he came to the 
irrigating ditch mentioned by Mr. Davis, he found it too wide for his 
horse to clear at a leap. He dismounted, and, forcing his horse into 
the canal, crossed on a narrow plank, which he fortunately found. He 
then discovered that his horse was swimming about, unable to clamber 
up the perpendicular walls of the canal. He called to his horse, who, 
obeying his master's voice, immediately swam to him. Leading the 
good steed to the lowest point in the wall, be braced himself, and, lift- 
ing him with both hands by the bit, encouraged him to come out. The 
spirited animal made a desperate effort, planted his forefeet on the 
bank, and, with his master's aid, struggled out. The docility and in- 
telligence of his gallant charger probably saved General Johnston's 
life on this occasion, as he was left alone not far from the enemy. 

General Joseph Hooker, who has subsequently attained eminence in 
the United States Army, has, in a letter dated June 3, 1875, furnished 
the following description and generous estimate of General Johnston's 
conduct at Monterey : 

In approaching the subject of your letter, I may premise with stating that 
the episode in the battle of Monterey to which you allude was the only real 
service in which I had an opportunity to participate with your father. A few 
days before the battle of Monterey, his regiment returned to Texas, and your 
father accepted the appointment of inspector-general on the staff of Major-Gen- 
eral Butler. At that time, General Taylor's army was encamped at Walnut 
Spring, four or five miles in advance of Monterey. 

On Sunday morning, September 21, 1846, Major-General Worth was dis- 
patched with his division to take possession of some high ground a few miles to 
the north of Monterey, and to threaten the city via the Bishop's Palace ; and 
the following morning Garland's brigade was advanced to cover a reconnaissance 
in front of the city, and at the same time to create a diversion in favor of the 
column. Soon after they left camp, we learned that Garland's troops were 
engaged with the enemy, and General Butler's division was at once marched 
out in support. As the firing became brisk, our step was quickened, and by the 
most direct route. This took us within point-blank range of a formidable bat- 
tery in the Black Fort, standing about a mile in front of the city in an open and 
level country. By a short detour this work might have been avoided, but, in 
our haste to join our comrades, we took the shortest route, and did not discover 
our mistake until after we had lost a number of men from the enemy's batteries. 
Our men became confused, and, just at that moment, the enemy's lancers were 
seen to sally out from behind the fort, and to make toward us. 

From causes, which I do not now remember, our troops, from the moment 
we left the Eio Grande, had invested the enemy's lancers with a good deal of 
prowess ; and, as soon as it was announced, all organization was lost, and our 
men were flying to the left in the direction of a cornfield a few hundred yards 



GENERAL JOSEPH HOOKER'S NARRATIVE. l-tl 

off. This was inclosed by a strong chaparral-fence, formed by piling in cha- 
parral-branches between posts driven six or eight inches apart, and the fence 
itself was so substantial that it was as good as a stone-wall of corresponding 
height for defensive purposes against cavalry. It was no discredit to now troops, 
in my opinion, to break under the circumstances, as it was the first time they 
had been exposed to fire from artillery, where they had no opportunity to return 
it with their own weapons. 

It was thought by myself that, when they had gotten over the fence, they 
would stop and receive the enemy, it being a perfectly safe place ; but, when I 
rode up to the fence, I found that the men had not stopped, but were continuing 
to run to the rear through the corn. As they had nowhere thrown down the 
fence in climbing over it, and as it was too high to leap, I dismounted, and made 
into the corn on foot, when I first met your father in trying to bring and keep 
the men up to their work. The artillery of the enemy was playing on us all 
the time, and appeared to be much more severe, I suppose, than it reaUy was. 
The shots made more fuss in the corn-leaves in their flight than if uninterrupted 
in the open air. "We succeeded in keeping about 150 or 200 men up to the 
fence ; and, after a discharge or two of our pieces, emptying many saddles, the 
lancers retired and gave us no further annoyance. 

It was all the work of a few moments, but was long enough to satisfy me of 
the character of your father. It was through his agency, mainly, that our 
division was saved from a cruel slaughter ; and the effect on the part of the 
army, serving on that side of the town, would have been almost, if not quite, 
irreparable. The coolness and magnificent presence your father displayed on 
this field, brief as it was, left an impression on my mind that I have never for- 
gotten. They prepared me for the stirring accounts related to me by his 
companions on the Utah campaign, and for his almost godlike deeds on the 
field on which he fell, at Shiloh. 

General Johnston probably entered the cornfield a few minutes 
later than General Hooker, or at a different point, as he told the 
writer that the rush of the men in retreat broke down a space in 
the fence, through which he easily rode. He alluded in complimentary 
terms to General (then Captain) Hooker's bearing and efforts. He 
cited the quickness of the Ohioans to avail themselves of the chapar- 
ral-fence as a barrier against cavalry so soon as it was pointed out to 
them, as a proof of the intelligence of the American soldier, even when 
a recruit. 

Some days before the battle, there had been an unpleasant official 
difference, reaching high words, between General Johnston and Brig- 
adier-General Hamer. This officer had been a member of Congress, 
and was appointed by President Polk, because of his political impor- 
tance. He was not a soldier, but he was a very gallant and estimable 
gentleman. On the field he found the counsel and assistance of General 
Johnston of the utmost value to him. He was a man of quick and 
generous emotions ; and, that night, after the fight was done, he came 
to General Johnston, and, with tears standing in his eyes, took him by 



142 THE MEXICAN WAR. 

both hands, and told him he wished henceforth to be accounted his 
friend. General Johnston felt a deep regret when Hamer, shortly 
after, fell a victim to the climate. It was believed that, had he survived, 
he would have been the next Governor of Ohio. 

General Butler and General Taylor certified on General Johnston's 
pay-account that, as inspector-general, " he performed the duties of the 
office on the march from Camargo, and during the operations before 
Monterey, resulting in its capture, with zeal, efficiency, and courage ; 
and that his services were eminently important to the public interest." 
General Butler also complimented him in his report ; and both he and 
General Taylor recommended him for the position of brigadier-general. 
But military recommendations counted for little at that time, when gen- 
erals were neither born nor made, but manufactured to order. He was 
even refused pay by the Government for this month in which he had 
done such good service, on the ground that his assignment by the com- 
manding general gave him no legal status. He was thus thrust, as it 
were, from the United States service. Happy and fortunate the people 
who can afford to cast aside as superfluous a soldier so willing and 
capable ! 

It was a great pleasure to General Johnston to meet again in this 
campaign his early comrade-in-arms, Jefferson Davis. Mr. Davis had 
resigned from the army in 1835, and retired to his plantation near 
Vicksburg, Mississippi, where he lived in seclusion until 1844. He 
then appeared in political life as presidential elector, and the next 
year was elected to Congress. At the breaking out of the Mexican 
War he was elected colonel of the First Mississippi Rifles, which under 
his command won great distinction at Monterey, and subsequently at 
Buena Vista performed exploits which made the Union ring with applause. 

Colonel Davis was selected by General Taylor as one of the com- 
missioners to negotiate for the capitulation of Monterey. In speaking 
of these events, Mr. Davis has frequently related a circumstance 
illustrative of General Johnston's character. He said that General 
Johnston excelled all the men he had ever known, in consistency of 
conduct and in equanimity and decisiveness. Every action seemed 
weighed beforehand. The smaller as well as the greater acts of his 
life showed these traits. If he met a man in the street, whose un- 
certainty of movement indicated that he would blunder against him, 
he would calmly stop and allow the man to take his choice on the path, 
thus avoiding the unseemly jostling that sometimes occurs. No apol- 
ogy is necessary for offering the following incident of the capitulation, 
which I have heard from the lips of both Mr. Davis and General John- 
ston, in the language of the former. He writes as follows : 

When the commissioners had completed their labors, and written out the 
terms of capitulation in English and Spanish, each to be signed by both of the 



PERILOUS ADVENTURE. 143 

commanding generals, there was a manifest purpose on the part of General 
Ampudia to delay and to chaffer. I loft him, after an unpleasant interview, with 
a promise on his part to give me General Taylor's draft with his (Ampudia's) sig- 
nature, as early in the morning as I would call for it. At dawn of day, I mounted 
my horse and started for the town, about three miles distant. General Taylor, 
always an early riser, heard the horse's feet as I passed by his tent, and called to 
me, asking where I was going, then inviting me to take a cup of coffee with 
him. The question was answered, and the invitation declined, having already 
had coffee. Your father, seeing me on horseback, came from his tent to learn 
the cause of it, and proposed to go with me. General Taylor promptly said he 
wished he would do so; and, as soon as his horse could be saddled, he joined 
me, and we rode on for General Ampudia's headquarters, at the Grand Plaza of 
Monterey. 

As we approached the entrance to the plaza, the flat roofs of the houses were 
seen to be occupied by infantry in line and under arms. The barricade across 
the street, behind which was artillery, sliowed the gunners in place, and the 
port-fires blazing. It may well be asked, Why should they fire on us? The only 
answer is, the indications were strong that they intended to do so. We were rid- 
ing at a walk, and continued to advance at the same gait. Your father suggested 
we should raise our white handkerchiefs ; and thus we rode up to the battery. 
Addressing the captain, I told him that I was there by appointment to meet 
General Ampudia, and wished to pass. He sent a soldier to the rear, with 
orders which we could not hear. After waiting a due time, the wish to pass 
was stated as before. Again the captain sent off a soldier ; and a third time 
was this repeated, none of the soldiers returning. In this state of affairs we 
saw the adjutant-general of Ampudia coming on horseback. Wo knew that 
he spoke English, and that, as the chief of the commander's staff, he was 
aware of my appointment and could relieve us of our detention. There was a 
narrow space between the end of the breastwork and the wall of the house, 
barely sufficient for one horse to pass at a time. We were quite near to this 
passage, and as the adjutant-general advanced, evidently with the intention to 
ride through, I addressed him, stating my case, and remonstrated on the dis- 
courtesy with which we had been treated. He turned to the captain, and, 
speaking in Spanish, and with such rapid utterance that we could not compre- 
hend the meaning, he put his horse in motion to go through. Quick and daring 
in action, as slow and mild in speech, your father said, " Had we not better keep 
him with us?" We squared our horses so as to prevent his passing, and told 
him it would much oblige us if he would accompany us to the quarters of 
General Ampudia. He appreciated both his necessity and our own ; and, feign- 
ing great pleasure in attending us, he turned back and conducted us to his 
chief. 

Whether the danger of being fired on was as great as it seemed, cannot be 
determined ; but the advantage of having the well-known chief of staff ex- 
posed to any fire which should be aimed at us will be readily perceived. On 
this, as on many other occasions, during our long acquaintance, your father 
exhibited that quick perception and decision which characterize the military 
genius. The occasion may seem small to others ; it was great to us. Together 
we had seen the sun rise ; and the chances seemed to both, many to one, that 
neither of us would ever see it set. Ampudia received us with the extravagant 
11 



144 THE MEXICAN WAR. 

demonstrations of Ins nation, ordered our horses to be taken care of, and invited 
us to breakfast with him. Declining the invitation, he was reminded of the ob- 
ject of our visit, and of the desire to avoid further delay in the exchange of the 
articles of capitulation. He promptly delivered the duplicate left with him, 
which he had signed ; and we took formal leave of him. 

A little incident occurred during our brief visit, which illustrates one aspect 
of the Mexican character. In the " Black-Hawk " campaign, your father had 
given me one of a pair of pistols, and it was in my holster when our horses 
were in charge of Arapudia's orderly. After we had ridden, perhaps a mile, 
out of Monterey, on our way to General Taylor's headquarters, in leaping a 
ditch the flap of my holster flew up, and I discovered that the pistol had been 
stolen while we were holding an official interview with the general-in-chief. 
It was the loss of a weapon valued more for its associations than its intrinsic 
worth," though it was the best one I ever owned ; and the petty pillage was in 
bold contrast with the grandiloquent professions with which we had been enter- 
tained, and the rich appointments of the headquarters where we were received. 

Great in small things as in large ones, measuring matters with the exact- 
ness of cold calculation, yet keenly alive to every demand of honor or of 
courtesy, or of personal or official obligation. General Johnston was a friend 
to whom one could go for counsel in the most delicate affair of life, and equally 
rely on where personal hazards were to be taken, or values in business trans- 
actions to be balanced. Viewing him, as I did, through the medium of ardent 
aftection, my estimate might seem the result of bias were it not sustained by 
all who knew him intimately. General Z. Taylor, whose judgment of soldiers 
was wellnigh unerring, gave full evidence of his high appreciation of your 
father, both as an ofiicer and as a man. But this is a theme on which I feel 
so warmly and know so much, that even to his son there is danger of my be- 
coming prolix in speaking of your father ; therefore I desist. 

General Johnston told the author that his only embarrassment in 
accompanying Colonel Davis was his dress. By an accident at Point 
Isabel, his uniform had been soaked with sea-water, and shrunken out 
of shape ; and hence his garb \Na.s, per force ^ a red-flannel shirt, blue- 
jean pants, a torn check coat, and a wide-awake hat ; a costume 
picturesque, but undiplomatic. Colonel Davis made light of the ditB- 
culty, and so he waived it. This trifling circumstance led, however, 
to a little incident which, though in itself grotesque, increased the 
danger of the situation already described in Mr. Davis's letter. "While 
they were waiting at the barricade, with the dark faces of the Mexican 
soldiers glowering at them over the parapet, a rabble gathered around 
them with menacing gestures. One old bag, darting from the mob, 
thrust out her skinny finger toward General Johnston and hissed out, 
" Tejano ! " Pier divination of his nationality was probably due to his 
uncouth attire. But such was the hatred of the lower Mexicans to the 
Texans, that immediately the aspect of the mob became more threaten- 
ing ; and they were probably saved from violence only by the oppor- 
tune arrival of Ampudia's adjutant-general. 

As it was evident that the capitulation and armistice closed active 



UNCOMPLIMENTARY RECOGNITION. 145 

operations for some time, General Johnston, having no fixed rank or 
employment recognized by the Government, thought it right to retire 
until there should be some call for his services. 



CHAPTER X. 

PLANTATION-LIFE. 



General Johnston returned to Galveston in October, and was re- 
ceived with enthusiasm by its citizens, with whom he was always a 
favorite. A public dinner was tendered him, which his business, how- 
ever, compelled him to decline. A question of the utmost importance 
to himself now came before General Johnston for decision. When he 
had gone to General Taylor's assistance in May, he had promised his 
wife, who strongly opposed his volunteering, that he would not reenlist 
at the expiration of his term of service without her consent. He knew 
that she was too high-spirited to insist on his retirement while in the 
line of either duty or distinction. But he had come back from the army 
with a heavy heart. When the war broke out, rank and celebrity seemed 
to await him, and the opportunity had apparently arrived when his abil- 
ities would find a fair field for their display; but his brief career had 
ended in disappointment. He had seen the regiment, which he had con- 
verted into a powerful engine of war, dissolved before his eyes by a 
stroke of the pen. Though he had done all that a man could do under 
the circumstances, and had won the approbation and esteem of his com- 
manders and fellow-soldiers, his services were not such as his Govern- 
ment chose to acknowledge. It was almost an avowed policy to confer 
military command as the reward of political activity; and party notables, 
transformed into generals and accompanied by special correspondents 
for the manufacture of glory, became the centres of faction and the 
ephemeral heroes of the press. Such methods and appliances were not 
only discouraging to merit and distasteful to real soldiers, but, detected 
at last by the newspapers and people, recoiled on the pretenders. Still, 
for the time, confounding spurious and genuine reputation, they repelled 
many good soldiers from the service. 

General Johnston was not without sufficient influence to have ar- 
rested the attention of the Administration and enforced some sort of 
recognition of his claims; but such a course of procedure was alto- 
gether foreign to his nature and principles, and rank or power thus 
attained would have afforded him no gratification. He valued these as 
the symbols of accorded merit and the opportunity of more useful ser- 



146 PLANTATION-LIFE. 

vices. His inclination was to return to the army as a volunteer, and do 
whatever work came to his hand. It was the natural desire of a profes- 
sional soldier, unwilling to rust while others mingled in the fray. On 
the other hand, he was no mere military adventurer, and there was no 
call of patriotic duty upon him when there was an excess of soldiers 
impatient for the same service, and a Government that did not want his 
sword. His wife, moreover, insisted upon a fulfillment of his promise 
not to rejoin the army against her consent. Untrammeled, he would 
probably have followed pi-ofessional instincts and returned to the field ; 
but the claims of his family upon him were very strong, and he finally 
determined to yield to the wishes of bis wife, abandon the military pro- 
fession forever, and enter upon the peaceful pursuits of agriculture. 
This step was not taken without a severe mental struggle; but, when 
once taken, all the force of a resolute will was exerted to banish vain 
regrets, and conform his mental habits to the mode of life adopted. 

The author takes pleasure, as an act of gratitude and of filial duty, 
in recording an instance of General Johnston's self-abnegation and gen- 
erosity. As tenant by the courtesy, he possessed a life-estate in the 
property inherited from his first wife by her children. Considering the 
avails not more than sufficient for their education, maintenance, and 
start in life, he divested himself of his life-estate, and surrendered it for 
the benefit of these children. 

With the small means now at his command he bought the simple 
furniture, utensils, and supplies, required in the humble home to which 
he was retiring, and such stock, farm-implements, and seed, as were 
absolutely necessary. His housekeeping was in a style as primitive as 
any of the pioneers. A double log-cabin, covered with clapboards, and 
fronted with a wide porch, gave a rude shelter; and the pine tables, 
hickory chairs, and other household effects, might have suited a camp 
better than a permanent establishment. Such as they were, they suf- 
ficed for his wants. 

The China Grove plantation, to which he removed, was situated 
partly in the alluvial bottom-lands of Oyster Creek, a stream nearly 
parallel with the Brazos River, and partly in the flat and rather sandy 
prairie that stretched away toward Galveston Bay. Three or four hun- 
dred acres, constituting " the plantation " proper, had been cleared of 
the dense timber and undergrowth of the primeval forest, which still 
shaded nearly a thousand acres more ; while toward the south and east 
a square league of prairie, waving with the luxuriant grasses of the coast- 
lands, afforded ample pasture for herds of cattle which ranged at will. A 
belt of thick woods, eight or ten miles wide, almost pathless, filled with 
all manner of wild beasts and game, thick set with jungle, and conceal- 
ing miasmatic swamps caused by the annual overflow of the river, 
reached almost to the doors. A fever-breeding malaria exhaled from 



I 



TEXAN SCENERY. 147 

these marshes and crept toward the prairie, where it was met by the 
salt sea-breeze, which, sweeping steadily across the broad savanna, 
mastered it with a doubtful victory. The open friend was always glad- 
ly welcomed; the secret foe sometimes laid its poisonous finger on an 
unsuspecting household. 

From the front porch the view extended as far as the eye could 
reach over a grassy plain, unbroken except by an occasional fringe or 
mot of distant timber. To a lover of Nature in all her moods, like Gen- 
eral Johnston, this vast amphitheatre was a source of continual pleas- 
ure. Everywhere were the evidences of fertility; and Nature offered 
to the observant eye all the beauty that a level surface, unaided by art, 
could afford. 

In early spring an emerald sward, embroidered with the blue lupin, 
the crimson phlox, the fragrant and flossy mimosa, and a thousand flow- 
ers of varied perfume and hue, invited great herds of deer to browse 
upon the tender grass, while the long-horned cattle, scarcely less wild, 
watched with startled eyes the unfrequent traveler. Innumerable flights 
of wild-fowl circled and settled in the shallow pools left by the winter 
rains. Cranes, herons, wild-geese, brants, ducks, and sea-birds, gulls, 
curlews, and others, made this their feeding-ground. Summer saw the 
tall, yellow grass waving like a sea of gold, and the transforming power 
of a Southern sun and moist atmosphere working the marvels of the 
mirage. In winter came the long rains driving slant, or the air cleared 
by the bracing norther, or the midnight sky lit by a distant or nearer 
circle of flame that marked the movement of the prairie-fire. Over all 
was solitude with its narrowing, strengthening influences, its lessons of 
self-reliance and self-denial, and its invitations to self-communion and 
the study of Nature. 

General Johnston's family, when he settled on the China Grove 
plantation, consisted of his wife and infant son, a negro man and his 
wife, two negro boys and a girl. Of course, he did not expect to be 
able to work the place with this force, but merely to find shelter and 
food until he could either sell the land and obtain a less costly home, or 
secure labor sufficient to work it. He preferred this latter course, by 
means of which he could easily have extricated himself from debt and 
derived a handsome revenne. But, although, in view of the large immi- 
gration of planters to Texas, he had just grounds for believing this plan 
feasible, he was, from causes not necessary to enter into here, continu- 
ally disappointed in his hopes. By the application of the rent to re- 
pairs he had managed to keep the plantation in tolerable order and 
cultivation from its purchase until his own arrival there; and now, by 
his personal supervision and labor, he made it a desirable home. 

In this secluded spot he was buried for three years. His chief busi- 
ness was to make a crop of Indian-corn, for bread for his family and 



148 PLANTATION-LIFE. 

forage for his work-animals ; a crop of cotton, for the purchase of sup- 
plies ; a small crop of sugar-cane ; and an ample supply of all sorts of 
vegetables. To these ends he gave a good deal of hard labor in the 
field and garden, but he did not neglect the simple but delightful recre- 
ation of the flower-garden. His house was shaded by a grove of the 
fragrant pride of China, and the spacious yard contained towering live- 
oaks, pecans, and other beautiful native forest-trees. A hedge of Cher- 
okee rose with its snowy bloom protected the inclosure ; and an ample 
orchard of figs and peaches furnished its fruits for the table. When 
General Johnston went there, he was told leeks were the only vegetable 
that would thrive, but he soon proved that hardly any vegetable known 
to American gardens would fail under ordinary care. It is true that he 
was careful, patient, industrious, and skillful in plant-nurture ; but all 
this is necessary to the best success anywhere. 

The frequent allusions in his correspondence to his own share in the 
labor of the plantation sprang from an honest pride in doing well in 
every part of the work he had undertaken. I remember that some years 
after, when he had changed his occupation, a wealthy and cultivated 
friend with whom we were dining very ingeniously maintained the 
theory that manual labor unfitted a man for the higher reaches of 
thought and spheres of action. " What you say," replied General 
Johnston, " seems very plausible, but self-love forbids me to agree with 
you. I have ploughed, and planted, and gathered the harvest. The 
spade, the hoe, the plough, and the axe, are familiar to my hands, and 
that not for recreation, but for bread." 

He had but one near neighbor, Colonel Warren D. C. Hall, who, 
with his wife, rendered General Johnston's family every friendly office 
that kind hearts could suggest. Colonel Hall was one of Austin's colo- 
nists, and prominent in the earlier conflicts of the revolutionary strug- 
gle. He was elderly, and had not been fortunate ; so that his large 
estate was laboring under embarrassments, from which I believe it was 
subsequently relieved. He was a bold, warm-hearted, hospitable planter. 
He and his wife were childless, but their affections went out to cheer 
all about them. As almost the only family that General and Mrs. 
Johnston saw in their years of plantation-life, this notice seems to me 
brief ; but the record of the amenities that sweeten life are written 
elsewhere than in printed books. 

I trust that some recollections of the earlier part of my father's stay 
at China Grove will not be considered an obtrusive introduction of my 
own personality into this memoir. But as his treatment of me illus- 
trates not only many of his views but some of his characteristics, what 
might otherwise seem an unnecessary self-display will, I hope, be par- 
doned. Soon after establishing himself on the plantation, my father 
sent for me to visit him, and I spent about three months from New-Year's 



TERSOXAL REMINISCENCES. I4.9 

(1847) there. It is proper to say that he had always treated me with a 
confidence and consideration proportioned not at all to my merits, nor 
probably even to his conception of them, but to the ideal which he set 
before me as worthy of imitation. His rule with children was to give 
them a character, that they would try to live up to it. He was an indul- 
gent husband, father, and master. He viewed the conduct of others 
with charitable eye, and made their opportunities the measure of their 
responsibilities. While he did not expect in slaves the virtues of free- 
men, he incited them to well-doing by kindness, and tried hard to raise 
their moral tone by a ready recognition of their good traits. Few 
people wished or attempted to resist his authority. He had the gift of 
command. Though his sway was gentle, I, at least, felt that its con- 
straint was absolute. He was no believer in the rod, or in any form of 
terror, which he said made cowards and liars. His appeal was always 
to the reason and moral nature, and was made with irresistible force 
and persuasiveness. His children were his companions and friends, and 
this without sacrifice of his dignity or of their filial relation. The sym- 
pathy was very deep and tender ; but it was accompanied by a sense of 
grateful obligation and the perception that they had been lifted to his 
moral plane, from which an unworthy act would hopelessly banish them. 

When I went to Brazoria County I was a lad of sixteen, with health 
and strength somewhat impaired by too rapid growth, and, as my father 
imagined, by too much studj^. To remedy my defect of vigor, he set 
me to hunting, riding, digging, planting, and other kinds of exercise, 
on which I entered with the same enthusiasm I had given to books, and 
from which I derived great benefit in many ways. 

For some months I was his companion in the labors of the farm and 
garden. I was allowed to rive out, sharpen, and nail on the pickets of 
a long line of fence, and to dig a trench a quarter of a mile long and 
two feet or more in width and depth, on the embankment of which I 
planted a hedge of the Cherokee rose. In this last venture my instruct- 
or was our Irish ditcher, named John. John, in personal appearance, 
might have passed for a doctor of divinity, and, barring an occasional 
spree, was an honest fellow, with a rich vein of Irish humor. Once 
having returned from a fortnight's frolic, sick, sober, and penitent, he 
was groaning rheuinatically over his spade, when, desiring " to improve 
the occasion " for his benefit, I opened up a lecture on temperance and 
thrift. Probably not wishing to discuss delicate questions, John silenced 
me by this assurance: "You misconsthrue the whole matter intirely, 
Misther William. It is gout I have. I am sufFerin' for another man's 
sins, you see. It all comes of me father drinking claret at a guinea a 
bottle ! " 

After I left Texas my father wrote me : " Old John has greatly la- 
mented your absence. Mr. Will is still the subject of the greatest 



150 PLANTATION-LIFE. 

laudation with him. He has finished his ditch, greatly to his own de- 
light and to my praise as a judicious farmer, and to the disgrace of 
other farmers who have neglected such means of improvement, ' though 
so long stopphi' in the counthry.'' " 

My father encouraged me to hunt, and sometimes accompanied me. 
His deliberation and steadiness of hand made him a very successful 
shot ; though at other times he limited his destructiveness by the needs 
of the larder, and said that he was " not a true sportsman, but a mere 
butcher, who hunted for meat." 

There was a great variety of game in the neighborhood. Besides the 
water-fowl which have been mentioned, wild-turkeys, grouse, and quail, 
were plentiful ; a single shot supplied a dinner of robins or rice-birds ; 
hares and squirrels were a nuisance to the crops, and there was no lack 
of the larger game. On the prairie grazed long lines of deer, marshaled 
like the open files of a cavalry brigade ; and in the woods a fat bear was 
a frequent victim. Panthers and wild-cats were often met with. I re- 
member my father's shooting a wild-goose feeding on the prairie at the 
measured distance of 140 yards. Though shot through the liver with a 
half-ounce ball, it rose and flew several hundred yards. In a healed 
wound were found several long slugs, which he recognized as Canadian 
in manufacture. On another occasion, seeing three wild-turkeys ap- 
proaching him en echelon^ he waited till he had them all in range, when 
he fired. A twenty-pound gobbler dropped, one flew ofi^, and the third 
escaped, evidently wounded. An hour later Colonel Hall came over, 
and mentioned that a wounded wild-turkey had run into his blacksmith- 
shop at full speed and dropped dead. It ran half a mile after being shot 
entirely through. 

General Johnston took pleasure in observing the habits of animals. 
He once called my attention to a woodcock, which was imitating the 
actions of a wounded bird, as the lapwing does ; and, on going to the 
spot from which it rose, we found its nest with the unfledged young. 
We took the nest of a beautiful crested wood-duck from a hollow tree, 
and hatched the eggs, seventeen in number, under a hen. The young 
ducks could not be kept in confinement, but would even climb up the 
perpendicular sides of a barrel. Nevertheless, with a good deal of 
pains, we managed to rear four or five ; but they did not lose their 
wild nature, and eventually escaped to the woods. 

General Johnston brought down, at long range, an eagle, which was 
threatening the poultry-yard. His wing was broken, and he was chained 
to a log. Some large turkey -gobblers became very indignant at his 
presence, and gave expression to their feelings by strutting around him 
with uncouth antics of rage. The captive sat in silent majesty, seem- 
ingly unconscious of their existence. At last, one of these dons of the 
poultry-yard, a foolhardy blusterer, went too near ; when, quick as a 



RULES OF CONDUCT. 151 

flash, the eagle's talons tore his head off. My father pointed to the 
human analogies and obvious moral in this scene. 

His clearness of mental vision and steadiness of purpose enabled 
General Johnston to govern his life by a few simple, general prin- 
ciples. With these his own life was consistent, and he wished for those 
he loved that their lives also should accord with the fixed standards of 
right. He felt the duty and necessity of walking by such lights as he 
had and the strength to do so; but, conscious of his fallibility, he 
viewed his own conduct and opinions severely, and those of others with 
the utmost toleration, not enforcing his views or opinions even upon 
his children. In dealing with the writer, he was solicitous to impress 
the idea that life should be conformed to the principles of virtue and 
right — that truth, justice, mercy, honor, the decorous and the beauti- 
ful, should, in harmony, control our thoughts and actions ; but he was 
likewise careful that moral and intellectual growth should be, by 
processes of self-development, under the concurrent operation of these 
quickening powers, uninfluenced by his own individuality. The writer 
has often regretted that such was the case, as there never was a man he 
would rather have chosen to resemble. But General Johnston, per- 
ceiving that, though principles are eternal, opinions are modified by our 
surroundings, was unwilling to transmit his prejudices, and imposed 
upon himself great reserve of censure, especially in personal matters. 
In relating the variances between General Sam Houston and himself, in 
reply to my questions, he stated the facts clearly, but with a total 
absence of coloring. He used no resentful or derogatory epithets, and 
was always willing to cover his injuries with silence. It was the same 
in other cases. Petty wrongs he considered as beneath a wise man's 
concern, and greater ones as demanding either prompt punishment or 
magnanimous oblivion. 

General Johnston was little disposed to take narrow or provincial 
views. In reply to boasts of the superiority of Southern hospitality, he 
was wont to resolve it into a habit, resulting from ample means and the 
easy gratification of a selfish want — the lack of society. He said : 

The solitary planter, who gives a traveler supper and lodging, receives in 
return human intercourse, news from the outer world, and, perhaps, intelligent 
discourse. He is very well repaid. But in a dense population, crowded into a 
city, or on a poor soil, entertainment implies personal inconvenience and out- 
lay of money, not compensated by companionship, the need of which is amply 
supplied. In the first case, provisions and house-room are cheap, and society 
scarce ; in the second, provisions and house-room are dear, and society a drug in 
the market. 

The intellectual pastime of chess was General Johnston's chief recre- 
ation. His correspondence contains many problems submitted to him 



152 PLANTATION-LIFE. 

by letter, with Lis solutions. He was as a chess-player admirable, not 
only for skill, but for the equanimity with which he met both victory 
and defeat. Although throughout life he w'as more of a thinker than a 
reader, yet he always had some book undergoing the processes of diges- 
tion and assimilation. His habit was to read slowly, weighing the mat- 
ter of the book as he went along, and reflecting on it afterward. But, 
during this period, I recollect that he was accustomed to run rapidly 
over Euclid and other mathematical works with which he was familiar, 
reviving at a glance their trains of reasoning. 

General Johnston read slowly, and not many books ; but he thought 
much on what he read. His habit was to revolve what he read in every 
possible relation to practical life. He was familiar with Shakespeare ; 
he enjoyed Dickens, and drew largely upon Gil Bias for illustration. 
He was fond of physical science, and Mrs. Somerville and Sir Charles 
Lyell were favorites with him. But, at the time of which I speak, his 
chief literary delight was a translation of Herodotus. He was the first 
to impress upon me the veracity of the Old Historian, and to point out 
the care with which he discriminated between what he saw, what he 
heard, and what he surmised or inferred. 

While I was with him, a report came that his friend, Colonel Jason 
Rogers, commanding at Monterey, was cooped up in the Black Fort, 
with a small garrison — the Louisville Legion — by an overwhelming 
force of Mexicans, to whom he must surrender. He said to me : " They 
don't know Rogers, if they think he will surrender. He will hold the 
citadel to the last man, and then blow it up, before he will surrender. 
But I am glad he is there. He will beat the Mexicans, and has now 
a chance to win renown." Unfortunately, the Mexicans did not make 
the attempt. 

When the battle of Buena Vista was impending, it was said that 
"Old Zach" had made a mistake in his movements, and would be 
destroyed by Santa Anna, General Johnston reviewed the campaign, 
explaining the reasons that made General Taylor's strategy the best 
under the circumstances, and confidently predicted his success. He had 
faith in Taylor's military capacity and soldierly qualities. 

Though cut off from a participation in the exciting events of the 
Mexican War, General Johnston took a lively interest in the operations 
of the American army. His correspondence shows a full appreciation 
of the valor and skill of our officers and soldiers, but no very high esti- 
mate of the superintending wisdom of the Government, There is no 
real discrepancy between his opinion of the propriety of employing a 
larger attacking army against Mexico, and his own willingness at an 
earlier period to invade that country with a force so much inferior. The 
circumstances had changed. In the present case, the Mexicans were 
united against what they fancied was an army of subjugation ; in the 



HIS OPINIONS OF THE WAR AND OF TAYLOR. I53 

former instance, the Texans were to act as auxiliaries of one of the two 
parties into which Mexico was almost equally divided. General John- 
ston so rarely indulged in personal criticism that his judgment as to 
General Taylor will not be found the least interesting part of his 
. letters. His reflections on the waste of war are commended to those 
who are used to look only at its scenic and splendid side. 

General Johnston, Avriting in regard to a kinsman, who had volun- 
teered to go to Mexico, says : 

It is a game upon which there is, in his case, too much staked. The die, 
however, is cast; and, I have no doubt, lie will play it out nobly. Few compre- 
hend the ravages and perils of war. They are not to be found in the reports of 
the battle-field, which account for but a small portion of the waste of life or the 
dangers encountered. The unaccustomed life of a soldier, privations without 
number, and hard marches under a vertical sim, or in the chilly hours of the 
night, make up a bill of mortality treble that of the fiercest warfare. This was 
the case with the British army in the Peninsular War. It has been peculiarly 
so with ours in this war ; and, I have no doubt, if any one would take the 
trouble to examine, it would be found the history of all warfare. . . . 

War, like any other business, cannot progress prosperously unless with 
means adequate to the end. Our Government had them, but, instead of con- 
centrating its power with the paralyzing shock of the thunderbolt on some vital 
point, it has wasted its momentum by breaking up the force into army corps, 
which, from the vast extent of the country they operate in, have in every in- 
stance been isolated and placed en prise, from which positions the indomitable 
courage of our gallant soldiers has alone extricated them. This is peculiarly the 
case with that noble column in possession of the Mexican capital. A foreign 
army so placed in our midst could never extricate itself. Our armies, whenever 
employed, have acquitted themselves admirably; but, being separated, their 
efforts have produced no results. The simplest knowledge of mechanical power 
would indicate the folly of dividing our forces. But enough of this ; our offi- 
cers and soldiers, notwithstanding everything opposing, have added the greatest 
lustre to our arms. 

The following testimonial to the great abilities and solid character 
of the hero of JNIonterey and Buena Vista is inserted as one soldier's 
estimate of another, whom he had known under trying and widely- 
varying circumstances : 

August 3, 184T. 

Dear Preston : . . . I will effect all or more than I expected in coming 
here, without encountering the dangers from the climate, with which the appre- 
hensions of our friends threatened us. If by any good fortune I can obtain the 
capital to cultivate my plantation in sugar-cane, I feel sure that I will accumulate 
wealth. Like the poor, imprisoned abbe of the Castle d'lf, I am sure that, in 
the ownership of this beautiful estate, I possess a great treasure ; but I fear I 
shall not be able to make it manifest to any capitalist. 

Fifteen years ago yesterday we fought the Sacs and Foxes, and defeated 



154 PLANTATION-LIFE. 

them at Bad Axe on the Upper Mississippi. Old Zach, as lieutenant-colonel, 
commanded the First Eegiment there. His conduct on that occasion estab- 
lished in my mind an unshaken confidence in his great courage and loyal devo- 
tion to his country, as well as a high opinion of his good sense and excellent 
judgment ; but no one imagined that in that honest and faithful brain there 
were, even latent, those great principles of strategy which the events of last 
year have so splendidly illustrated. My memory now recalls the expression of 
the most vigorous thoughts connected with military operations, and I am con- 
vinced that he then possessed all the high powers of mind which he has lately 
displayed ; that his capacity is no sudden endowment ; that the great strate- 
getic problems solved by him have often undergone the severest scrutiny of close 
investigation. 

These things are true of all minds which are accounted great on any subject. 
The vast conceptions of Hannibal, Caasar, Napoleon, Newton, Cicero, Homer, 
Angelo, Wren, Davy, etc., following the analogies of Nature, were embodi- 
ments which were developed by the active and toilsome labors of the mind. 
Hence the confidence, energy, and readiness, when the emergency arises. They 
are no sudden inspirations. We tread with rapidity and confidence the path 
we have often traveled over, all others with tardy doubtfulness. 

We hear nothing of the progress of the war. There is too much to be done 
with too little means. An acknowledged principle of war is that, when the 
line of operations is pierced or even interrupted, the army is in danger. How 
far this applies to the condition of things in Mexico I do not know, or from 
what jeopardy the heroism of our troops can extricate themselves — we believe 
a very great one, but who can calculate it ? The glory of the American arms 
ought not to depend upon the hazard of the die. The United States can play a 
sure game. It is ihereiore foolishness to run the risks they have done from the 
beginning of the war. The magnitude of the object is now apparent, though it 
was not in the beginning. Let the means be adequate to the object, a propo- 
sition perfectly simple, and comprehended and acted upon by all who can. Let 
the Government in this matter imitate the conduct of men in private life. No 
sensible citizen believes that less than 50,000 men ought to invade by way of 
Vera Cruz. With a less number the operations will be tar'dy and expensive. 

Your friend, 

A. SiDKET Johnston. 

While the writer is aware that on some accounts a summary of inci- 
dents and opinions is preferable to the method by which a man's life 
is exhibited in his letters, yet there are also cogent reasons why in this 
case as much as possible of the record should be presented in General 
Johnston's own language. Drusus wished so to live that all his actions 
might be open to the eyes of all men. The subject of this memoir did 
so live that all the world might share his thoughts with his bosom 
friends. He was eminently sincere, so that the unconscious autobiog- 
raphy set down in his correspondence has a value above " confessions " 
written for the public eye. Though frank where frankness was proper, 
he had a certain delicacy of feeling and a proud reserve that prevented 
him from laying bare his private griefs. His religion was one of thank- 



SOLITUDE. 155 

fulness, endurance, and self-restraint ; and it was alike his instinct 
and his philosophy to offer a cheerful front to whatever ills befell hira. 
Hence, as the blasts of penury and disappointment blew more chill, he 
drew his mantle closer around a wounded breast and lifted his brow a 
little higher toward the sunlight ; and it may be pardoned him if he 
pictured to infrequent friends the bright side only of his Arcadia. 

It must be borne in mind, in reading the letters that follow, that 
they were written under great mental strain. Those were years of a 
new and severe discipline of spirit. A heavy, increasing, and seeming- 
ly hopeless burden of debt taxed his energies, his pride, and his pa- 
tience. He heard the sound of arms afar off, and the echoes of fame 
pronouncing the names of companions and rivals in arms ; but he had 
turned his back upon glory, and the arena where he had felt sure of 
success was for others — to him it was closed. Rare greetings came 
from old friends, and in the mighty sweep of events he was passing 
out of memory. His life was, in a manner, condemned to prison-bounds, 
and Poverty and Oblivion were the jailers. There was no escape ex- 
cept through solicitation, from which his soul recoiled as from the worst 
of humiliations. Yet he never dreamed of succumbing to poverty, pri- 
vation, debt, and solitude. It was a campaign in which he might die 
struggling, but in which he did not intend to surrender manhood, cheer- 
fulness, or hope. 

General Johnston's strongly domestic nature found a stay in his 
family. His two infant boys, one born on the plantation, were a great 
comfort to him, delighting as he did in the company of little children ; 
and his wife not only bore privations, and managed her household with 
contentment and good-humor, but whiled away the weary hours by her 
resources in music and painting. If friends were few they were stead- 
fast. Colonel Love came to see him whenever he could, and wrote 
often ; and General Hamilton occasionally. Colonel Samuel M. Williams 
wrote him, when his fortunes were lowest, to draw on his bank at Gal- 
veston according to his necessities. Hancock, Preston, Burnley, and 
some others, retained their interest, and manifested it as occasion 
offered. The letters appended present a fair record of his plantation- 
life and current of thought, and illustrate the facts and characteristics 
already mentioned. The first extract is from a letter written by Gen- 
eral Johnston in the spring of 1847 to the author, who had recently 
left him : 

Sid is a fine boy, grows well, and talks a great deal about brother Willie. 
Like all healthy children, he is considered a prodigy, physically and mentally. 
His mother will give you the facts sustaining this opinion, and can do it better 
than I can. "With the exception of the loss of Newman Noggs,* whom no skill 
could save, everything continues to thrive with us ; the dairy, the piggery, the 

• A horse, whose name was considered cliaracteristic. 



156 PLANTATION-LITE. 

poultry-yard— and a well-filled poultry-yard, with no market at Land to tempt 
the cupidity of owners, is no contemptible thing in the opinion of a person in 
robust health. "We have bushels of figs, and wish you were here to enjoy them. 
We have also a fine patch of sweet-potatoes. 

A few letters are given from a large correspondence with Mr. Han- 
cock and the writer : 

China Geovb, February 28, 1847. 

Dear Hancock: : You have long since, I fear, condemned me for neglect, 
and appearances are so much against me that I would not blame you ; but I 
had a reasonable excuse in the unremitted labor I had to encounter in repairing 
my farm and preparing for a crop. I may say with truth that I have scarcely 
taken time to rest since we came here. The plantation has quite a renovated 
appearance, and I hope by next winter to have it in complete reparation, with a 
comfortable house to live in, and everything farmer-like about it. I hoped to 
be able to return in the autumn in time to make you a visit, but I was detained 
so much later than I expected that I was compelled to come here at once and go 
to work. This I believed to be the best course to pursue, whether I sold tho 
place or kept it; and I have no doubt that what I have already done would 
make the place sell for two thousand dollars more. You would be surprised, I 
think, at what I have achieved in three months with my limited means. If a 
good opportunity to sell occurs, I will not let it pass. . . . 

The successful cultivation of the cane here is no longer a problem. Every- 
where it has been tried in this neighborhood it has succeeded excellently well. 
The yield has been great; and the quality Mr. Kenner, I understand, says equal, 
if not superior, to Louisiana sugar made by the most improved means. Mr. 
Caldwell, fifteen miles from here, on the same kind of soil as mine (peach-land'), 
made 104 hogsheads (or thousands of pounds) of sugar, besides molasses, with 
sixteen hands, which is selling from eight to ten cents per pound. Sweeney has 
been quite as successful, and others that I have heard from. 

Your kind invitation and offers to us will be long gratefully remembered. 
It is at the dead point that aid is most valued and most seldom offered; and, 
therefore, when it is, it ought never to be forgotten. 

Writing to Mr. Hancock, October 21, 1847, General Johnston says : 

TTe have been blessed with excellent health since we came here, and every- 
thing has prospered with us better than we had any right to anticipate. I have 
cribled 900 bushels of corn, and will send enough cotton to market to pay all 
of our expenses of every kind, besides considerable repairs and improvements. 
This, I think, is as much as could have been expected from so small a force. I 
esteem it also of great importance to me to have acquired some practical knowl- 
edge as a farmer ; and mine has been truly so, for I have often lent a hand in 
the work. 

My object in coming here with a force so inadequate was to repair the dilapi- 
dations which rented property always suffers, and to keep the place until I 
could sell it, or make such an arrangement for the cultivation of the whole of 

^ The wild-peach, a kind of laurel, grows on the low ridges and drier spots of the 
alluvion. 



LETTERS. 157 

the cleared land as to enable me to pay the remainder of my debt. The latter 
arrangement I would prefer, as I still regard this as a splendid estate, which, if 
possible, I would like to hold. If I had it paid for, I would be satisfied to live 
here with the little force I have, with the confidence of supporting myself; but 
it would be a pity to let so large a place lie idle, when its cultivation in sugar- 
cane would, without doubt, produce abundant wealth in a few years. . . . 

I promised my wife last year that, if she would patiently submit to my vol- 
unteering for sis months' service, I would then, if she desired, abandon military 
life forever. I found her, upon ray return, more obstinately bent upon my 
withdrawal than ever ; so much so that, although I told her it might result in 
daily labor for support, she said she would cheerfully encounter every trial 
rather than I should return. I therefore yielded up all the hopes and aspira- 
tions of a soldier, and with them has vanished all regret. I made no effort to 
obtain a post in the army, nor did I request any friend to do it; nor would I, 
after that, have accepted any offer. I have had the firmness to resist the most 
powerful impulse of Nature and education ; and, no doubt, for the best, at least 
so far as my family is concerned. 

You will oblige me by presenting my most friendly regards to General But- 
ler, His soldierly and gallant bearing commanded the admiration of every 
one. and I would be glad to know that he will lead an effective force to the aid 
of Scott ; for, truly, the situation of our army is precarious. The force to 
have accomplished the work given to him, promptly and economically both 
with regard to blood and treasure, should not have been less than 50,000 men. 
With that amount of force he could have controlled the resources of the coun- 
try for the support of his army, and saved all further expense to his own Gov- 
ernment after his outfit. A force so small as his present one, and so isolated 
in the midst of any other people than Mexicans, would never receive from 
home another biscuit, nor the succor of another detachment. It would be inex- 
tricably compromised. But we cannot reason with regard to Mexicans as with 
regard to any other people. 

General Johnston wrote as follows on the 22d of March, 1848, to 
Mr. Hancock: 

"We like our residence here, although entirely secluded from the world and 
from all society whatever. If we lose the pleasures and sweets of society, we 
are free from all the drawbacks, which themselves form a numerous catalogue. 
Happy contentment reigns under our humble roof. We both industriously en- 
deavor to do our part in our own sphere, and the result of our efforts is never 
the subject of complaint. We have been married nearly five years and the first 
unkind word or look has never passed between us. If this is true — and it is so, 
for I have said it — have we not sufficient indemnity for the loss of society and 
the absence of wealth? There are those who, not comprehending the object of 
life, would sneer at our humble and satisfied views of it, but experience will in 
the end convince, . , . 

After apologizing for not accepting a kind invitation to visit his 
friend in Kentucky, he continues: 



158 PLANTATIOX-LIFE. 

Our little crop will need my constant supervision, and the expense of the 
journey would go far toward building a comfortable residence for us. Our ex- 
pense is very little, for we manage to raise almost everything we want. 

"We are now in the midst of spring. Everything is very beautiful around us. 
The grounds around our cabin are filled with China-trees in full bloom ; large 
monthly roses, also blooming; the Cherokee-rose hedge, its dark green spangled 
with large white roses ; the Ouasatchee, a species of acacia, " waving its yellow 
hair; " and the air redolent of sweets. Tell Aunt Mary I am reaping the fruits 
of my apprenticeship under her as a gardener ; my horticultural knowledge is 
very respectable. We have fine strawberries and Irish potatoes, tomatoes in 
bloom, and many other vegetables. My corn all came up in February, and the 
stand is excellent and growing finely. I had a time of it to save it from the 
birds. " The price of corn is eternal vigilance " here. 

In a letter of May 16, 1849, to the writer, General Johnston says : 

My crops are small, but since I have become a farmer I have the gratification 
of success in everything I have attempted ; and in gardening I have succeeded 
as well. "We have had a great abundance of strawberries ; and at this time we 
have a good variety of excellent vegetables — artichokes, pie-plant, fine heads of 
early York cabbage, squash, tomatoes, Irish potatoes, and your favorite yams of 
last year's crop, which we have never been without since we came here. Our 
cantelupes will soon be ripe, and in a short time we will have plenty of figs and 
watermelons. 

The statistics of the poultry-yard and dairy are still more creditable to the 
industry and attention of your mother. She boasts of her flock of 100 turkeys, 
with prospects of as many more, besides swarms of chickens and ducks, and as 
many eggs as we want; this latter remark applies to Sid and Hancock, too. All 
these things, with butter and milk, and a good appetite gained by some toil, en- 
able us to live, so far as these matters are concerned, as well as rich folk ; and 
these are the things within the reach of the industrious poor from the St. Law- 
rence to San Francisco. This is the mystery which foreigners cannot unveil. 
They do not perceive that the well-being of our population flows from a foster- 
ing government, which does not meddle much with private pursuits, and taxes 
with great moderation — always excepting the municipal tyrannies of our land. 
The patriotism of our people is founded in the advantages derived from their 
institutions ; hence its ardor ; hence it is " a constant quantity," never short of 
the exigency. 

General Johnston regretted deeply that distance, poverty, and the 
requirements of their education, separated his elder children from him. 
In expressing this feeling to his daughter, in 1848, he says: 

It is a great disappointment to me ; but we have learned to repine at noth- 
ing, believing that there is a Power that orders all things for the best — that 
even those things that are seemingly to our finite mental vision a chastisement 
are ultimately for some good beyond our ken. 

In a letter dated June 10, 1849, replying to some good-humored 
reproaches from Mr. Edward Hobbs for not writing to him, General 
Johnston says: 



VIEWS ON EDUCATION. 159 

The life of seclusion and obscurity in whicli I have lived acc< >. » for your 
not having heard from me. On my return from Mexico after the rainpaign of 
Monterey, I found that all the proceeds of the Louisville property would scarce- 
ly suffice for the education of Will and liis sister, and that it was necessa'v to go 
to work at once with small means for the support of my family. It was u ques- 
tion of bread. I immediately carried my resolution into effect. My own per- 
sonal labor (this is no figure of speech — I don't mean head-work) was necessary 
in conducting my small farming operations; and I have yielded it with cheerful- 
ness, and have thus, after three years' toil, become a rugged farmer, with good 
habits. 

We have been away from home but about thi-ee or four times to visit a 
neighbor since we came here. So you see our habits conform to the humbleness 
of our position ; and, as for correspondence, a man in my situation is not likely 
to be overburdened by his friends. In this "battle of life" such ammunition so 
aimed would be uselessly expended. A series of adverse circumstances have, 
with me, disappointed expectations most justly founded ; -and, although I am 
still confident of a final extrication, the effect has been to throw me beyond the 
sphere of motion of friends and acquaintances to a distance, I fear, at which 
sympathy languishes. But, as this is the result of a natural law of our organi- 
zation, I do not complain. I feel satisfied fhat I have not deserved to forfeit 
their esteem. It ought to be held as honorable to battle with adversity with un- 
quailing front as to lead the way to the deadly breach amid the roar of cannon 
and the din of mortal combat. Thus much I have said in vindication. Do not 
believe that silence is forgetfulness ; nor that the scenes with which I am sur- 
rounded engender any but cheerful feelings, and kindly thoughts and charitable. 
Even the bitterness of ancient enmity is softened down or forgotten. 

The writer ventures to introduce at some length a number of ex- 
tracts from General Johnston's letters, touching topics connected 
with the education of his son. Writing with the freedom of private 
correspondence, it is not to be expected that the subjects discussed 
should be elaborately treated, and his opinions are marked rather by 
wisdom than novelty. Still, as the result of wide experience and de- 
liberate, independent thought and not of borrowed lore, they are emi- 
nently characteristic, and may deserve the attention even of educators. 
Doubtless the same subjects may be found handled in a more skillful 
and striking manner in the systematic essays of professed teachers ; 
but, nevertheless, the absolute sincerity and practical nature of his 
conclusions will probably give them a certain value to a large class of 
readers. 

In a letter to Colonel William Preston, who had kindly interested 
himself in the education of General Johnston's children, he says : 

Your letter in reference to the education of my children has received my 
most grateful attention. It has long been with me an object of deep solicitude. 
They both have superior mental endowments, which will bear all the culture 
tliat the most liberal education can bestow. . . . 

With regard to a foreign education my judgment is opposed to yours. I 
12 



IGO PLANTATION-LIFE. 

would greatly prefer thai my son should be educated in one of our own schools, 
and that my daughter should be educated as near her grandmother as possible. 
I do not wish her to cross the mountains. Your mind will at once cite our ex- 
cellent wives as examples of the superiority of Eastern schools. They are only 
exceptions. Thousands are made worthless by them. 

As I place the American people above all others, so I place their institutions. 
In their schools only will our children learn to comprehend the essence and spirit 
of those institutions in a liberal and enlightened manner, and to love and admire 
them. You are aware of the value, to one who looks forward to political prefer- 
ment, of the great advantages to be derived from the friendships and general ac- 
quaintance formed in our public schools. Their influence is incalculable ; and, 
if it is granted that a superior education can be had abroad, we must still claim 
for our own a better adaptation for this particular arena. To seek an education 
abroad seems to me like groping in the dark in search of those things which are 
here everywhere exposed to view. Acknowledged truths with us are yet sub- 
jects of doubt and investigation with them. They are ages behind us in the sci- 
ence of government — the well-being of the many. I know of no great man of 
any country who was educated away from his people. An important part of 
education is the study of the temper and tendencies of our own race — of the 
people, in units and in mass, among whom we are to act — without a knowledge of 
which no one need ever hope to wield power in a free country. One educated 
at home is recognized and received as a man of the people ; he is of them ; there 
is no disruption of those strong" bonds of sympathy, without the power to arouse 
which the greatest mind would be impotent. Besides all this and many more 
reasons I could give, did I not fear to fatigue and annoy you, I oppose an in- 
stinctive dread of a foreign influence. European opinions, manners, notions, 
and habits difi"er, in toto calo, from ours; I fear he would unconsciously imbibe 
them. If my son could stand in the midst of any assembly in Europe and think 
or believe that there was present any nobler or bolder spirit than his own, I 
Avould scorn him ; yet, did he not, they would deem him a fool. Tliis illustrates 
the difference between them and us. Let us rear our children among equals, 
and let them take such eminence as genius and merit may command. We will 
not bow down their honest pride of manhood by placing them among acknowl- 
edged classes, where they are never esteemed first, whatever may be said to the 
contrary. I have perfect confidence in your judgment with regard to our own 
institutions, and have already referred "William to you for your advice. 

Truly, your friend, A. Sidney Johnston. 

It may not be amiss to state here that, when General Johnston was 
Secretary of War of Texas in 1839, Admiral Baudin, of the French 
Navy, then visiting Texas on diplomatic business, was pleased to express 
great esteem for General Johnston, and tendered him an appointment 
for his son in the Polytechnic School. General Johnston, though much 
gratified at this mark of respect, felt constrained to decline it. He also 
dissuaded his son at a later date from taking an appointment at West 
Point, his own experience pointing to so many evils and discourage- 
ments in the career of a professional soldier in America as to render it 
most undesirable. He sent his son to Yale College, and wished him to 



THE DIGNITY OF LABOR. 161 

travel and study in Europe, after his principles and habits were estah 
lished; but circumstances prevented this. The following brief extract 
in regard to parental duty in the matter of education, and the di|j..iity 
of labor, is from a letter to the writer : 

Education in the present age is a positive right. It would be crij.iinal in a 
parent to withhold it, if any sacrifice or privation on his part culil procure it. 
In my opinion, there is no excuse in this country for neglecjt .1. ihis matter. If 
there be not readv and available means, then the pareuY is bound to labor for 
them. Wi'^l: a resolute heart and a right way of thinking about it, this is neither 
a humiliation nor a hardship; it is a labor of love. Lniiur does not degrade the 
mind of an educated man; if he has talents, they aie invigorated; if he has 
honor, it becomes more steadfast. He regards his brawny hands as the guaran- 
tee of his independence; a view of them brings no shame to his proud heart; 
he sees in them nothing more than the evidence of honorable exertion. The 
opinions of those whose opinions are worth anything sustain him. They would 
intrust him with the transaction of important business, or with power, if there 
was need. They who affect to despise those of whom circumstances demand 
personal exertion, and exult in their own exemption as an evidence of their 
superiority, are the moths of society, who, after a few giddy gyrations, usually 
have their wings clipped and fall, to struggle in impotency. Their foolishness 
has prevented many a thoughtless, but noble, spirit from pursuing the course 
pointed out by duty, while their miserable fate seems to have taught but few 
that they ought to have despised rather than feared them. 

The writer, having been selected by his comrades as the orator in a 
college celebration of the birthday of Washington, received the follow- 
ing letter of encouragement from his father. There are in it some 
old-fashioned lessons of patriotism that will bear revival : 

Brazoria County, January 4, 1848. 

I have the opportunity, my dear Will, of writing a few lines to you, and I 
seize it with great pleasure, as it affords me the gratification of acknowledging 
the receipt of your letter since you were installed as a member of the Military 
Institute, by which we learn that you are agreeably situated, and have been 
greatly honored by the good opinion of your comrades in their selection of you 
as their speaker for the 22d of February. It is said to be a difficult theme, on 
account of the immense number of speeches that have been made in commemo- 
ration of the birth of Washington ; that all has been said that can he ; that the 
subject is trite. The same might be said of all the most sublime virtues; of 
whatever is great, good, or beautiful ; of fortitude, courage, patriotism ; but it 
would be no more true than the remark with regard to the birthday of Wash- 
ington. Do we not see that everything in Nature, in every new light in which 
it is viewed, presents new beauties ? Every position gives a different light, and, as 
these positions are infinite, there cannot be any limit to the beauties of whatever 
is beautiful. It is the same in the moral world as in the physical. Does a man 
possess great goodness, great courage, great patriotism, the coloring of language 
may be so skillfully applied a« to make their representation charming to the 
mind, although the thoughts in reference to them might be familiar to all. We 



162 PLANTATIOX-LIFE. 

,~11 have some conception of the infinite attributes of Deity, and we are awed and 
delighted in the ratio of its strength ; yet there are those who can so finely de- 
scnoe these subjects of fiimiliar contemplation as greatly to enhance our awe, 
admiration, and pleasure. 

The Father of his Country imbued the minds of the people with his own great 
qualities, and great occasions invariably draw them forth. Let the noble enthu- 
siasm and jdevotion of the soldiery to the cause of the country serve for an 
illustration. Kcmember the last 22d and.. 23d; the day had its inspiration,' 
There is a holy inspiration in the memory of Washington's great services that 
would make any American willingly risk the sacrifice of his life m -emulation of 
them. You ought not, tlierefore, to be discouraged. Your subject will find 
sympathy in the minds and hearts of your audience if they be American. . . , 

Your affectionate father, 

A. Sidney Johnston. 

The following letters and extracts are offered without furtlier apol- 
ogy : 

3ray 9, 1848. 

Neglect none of the subordinate means for the attainment of a superior 
knowledge of law. A limited acquaintance with mathematical science is one of 
those means. The course you mentioned will be sufficient; proficiency in al- 
gebra, the elements of geometry, trigonometry, and surveying, will give you the 
art of developing truth by the skillful use of the reasoning powers, and, besides, 
store your mind with a species of knowledge of daily practical utility to a law- 
yer. The art of reasoning employed by the mathematician is beautifully syn- 
thetic and analytic ; and this method, not limited by the restrictions exacted by 
rigid science, but aided by the conceptions of a mind fertile in its ingenuity, must 
give him who employs it a decided advantage over one not so guided. It is the 
helm of the mind, steering it over the shortest route from the point of depart- 
ure to the destination — from cause to effect. 

But inasmuch as in mathematical reasoning the arguments (or proof) are 
furnished, the facility with which a correct conclusion is reached is determined 
by the skillful use of axioms and truths founded upon them. The mind, there- 
fore, long employed in the investigation of mathematical propositions becomes 
impoverished in ingenuity and worldly comprehensiveness. Many moral truths, 
illustrations, etc., which convince the minds of men are not admitted by the 
mathematician, and therefore not employed. Ilis language takes the form of his 
reasoning; it is stiff, rigid, exact, without ornament. His argument is sound 
and incontrovertible ; it is a solid, granite structure, without a bunch of ivy or 
straggling flower to please the eye, and with its fragrance charm the senses. 
But the skillful speaker conjures up every fascination to hold his audience, while 
they listen to his reasoning and concur in its truth. 

The science of law, as I understand it, consists in the reasons of the law and 
their applications. These reasons are not always founded in abstract justice, 
but are derived from the wants of society, dependent upon a multitude of 
causes ; and the acquirement of a knowledge of the science calls into requisition 
the whole circle of human knowledge. The knowledge you have and what 

> The battle of Buena Vista was fought February 22 and 2.3, 184*7. 



THE DOCTRINE OF MODERATION. 163 

yon ■will acquire are so many degrees in the noble profession you arc about 
to adopt. 

In your commencement, do not plunge in medias res. Begin at the begin- 
ning. Learn well the axioms and principles of the law as a first step ; your 
progress afterward will be easy and pleasing. In your debating society, venture 
on no subject that has not been well considered beforehand, and do not be much 
upon your legs. Be courteous and calm, and endeavor to convince by the earnest 
exhibition of your argument, and do not employ personalities. Above all, do 
not try to show your superiority: if you have it, it will be felt and silently ac- 
knowledged; if exacted by words or bearing, it will be withheld. With the 
consciousness of having deserved well be content. If you deserve well, the 
merit of it will usually be accorded to you. But no one must try to find out 
what people think of actions he himself may approve. At the same time that 
the good opinion of those by whom we are surrounded is to be highly valued, 
those who fish for it usually catch minnows. Avoid in your speaking what 
Macaulay calls ^^ carmagnoles^^ (puns, jests, rant. Interjections); but few condi- 
tions of society admit their use. 

Your own good sense, my dear son, has already suggested to you better 
counsel than I can give you ; but it is the privilege of age to make youth suffer 
in that way, and you perceive I use my privilege. 

Your affectionate father, 

A. Sidney Joiixston. 

Brazokia CorKTY, Texas, December 11, 1848. 

My dear "Will: Your last letter, giving renewed assurance of the satisfac- 
tory progress and improvement in your studies, was received with all the gratifi- 
cation the most solicitous parent must naturally experience for a son whose 
conduct has always commanded his highest respect as well as unbounded 
affection. 

You express the determination to make great efforts, and if necessary great 
sacrifices, for the attainment of the first honor. "While I would inculcate all 
the diligence compatible with good health and a full development of physical 
power, I would most assuredly deprecate and regret any exertion beyond that, 
if it endangered the loss of the one or checked the other. 

You are, I hope, preparing for a long career. In that case, our experience 
teaches us that the powers, physical and mental, should be husbanded, or used 
moderately and economically ; otherwise the goal can never be reached with 
distinction. If our experience is correct, it would be unwise to waste our 
strength in a first effort. The untaught pedestrian who is trained for a ten-mile 
race knows this ; he wins his race by at no time in the course attaining the 
highest speed of which he is capable. "What would you think of the judgment 
of a race-rider who would give his horse the highest speed at the start, or who, 
all other things being equal, would agree to carry ten pounds more than his 
opponent? Now, this latter view embraces your case; you have one more 
study than your rival. You may possibly beat him ; so may the horse that car- 
ries undue weight win, but in most cases he never wins again — all his powers 
have been sacrificed for a single object. 

Would it not be thought insane if a man should agree to give his left arm 
for a full knowledge of integral and differential calculus ? If so, to use the Ian- 



164 PLANTATION-LIFE. 

guage of mathematics, how much more insane would he be who would risk the 
loss of all his physical powers for a less object, or for any object ! Mind and 
matter are dependent upon each other for effective action; if one is sick or de- 
bilitated, the other will sympathize. Cgesar with the ague whines like a sick 
girl. An effective mind can spare nothing from the physical organization — not 
even its shadow. Cultivate the mind ; but with the same sedulous care culti- 
vate the body. Learn if you can; but learn nothing at the risk — I do not say 
loss — at the rish of health. Neither wealth, nor power, nor human admiration, 
if gained in exchange, could compensate for its loss. 

Higher honors await moderation than any qualities you may possess. " Bide 
your time." Study moderately ; exercise moderately ; eat moderately; in fine, 
let this be your rule. I say these things for your sister as well as yourself, for I 
know no difference in my feelings toward you. You are both my pride and 
hope. I believe I am very honest, and I would maintain my honor at the risk 
of my life ; but I do not think there is anything else in my character worthy of 
imitation : your own good sense will inform you of whatever is defective ; that, 
of course, you will avoid. So, if I give you advice not in harmony with my 
own course, it is to warn you off the shoals upon which my own little bark has 
been stranded. 

My judgment is that, after you have taken your degree at Georgetown, you 
will be qualified to begin the study of the law. Those who do not begin early 
rarely succeed in law. If you like mathematics, you will like law more. What- 
ever of ingenuity your mind may possess will be brought into play in the solu- 
tion of its entangled and difficult problems. It is often said that descriptive 
geometry is the poetry of mathematics ; if so, its imaginings are stereotyped. 
The science furnishes the arguments and the imagination. Not so the law; 
here more is required of mind. Give my love to Henrietta. 

Your affectionate father, 

A. Sidney Johnston. 

Again, in the same strain, he says : 

Take exercise regularly and moderately, and rest, and so of study ; and you 
will be able to continue your exertions in the acquirement of knowledge even 
to old age. Infinite magnitudes may be the accretion of infinitely small incre- 
ments. Great learning may be the result of the daily acquirement of small 
items of knowledge. Be patient, therefore, and be satisfied with moderate prog- 
ress. Go to bed early ; rise early ; read three or four hours a day. Turn your 
reading over in your mind well and frequently, and be sure to talk about it with 
some one able to illustrate and explain it. 

I have occasionally offered you a little of my experience, of which I have a 
large stock, purchased at high prices (which men of strong will have always to 
pay), to save you expense ; but I doubt if it is a transferable article. It does not 
do to deal too much in such expenditures; the means will not hold out. Caution 
and reflection are a cheap and safe substitute. It is better to make a survey, 
and sound where you intend to dive, than buy the same information by heed- 
lessly plunging in and breaking your head. 

Every stej) taken by the man who would acquire fame or fortune must receive 
the sanction of his own judgment, unwarped by passion and unbiased by preju- 
dice. Facts and information from friends you wiU find valuable ; but their ad- 



ISOLATION AXD DEJECTION. 105 

vice as to the use to be made of them, or as to the course you ought to pursue 
in any matter, is not so much to be depended upon as the result of your own 
reasoning. The one is often an off-hand shot; while the latter is usually a long, 
labored, and patient investigation. Upon this we ought early in life to learn to 
rely, rather than to catch up the hasty opinions of friends, which, however 
well meant, are not sufficiently elaborated. If, then, acting from a judgment so 
well guarded against extraneous influences, Ave should fail, there is left behind 
no mortification or stings of conscience, and we have only to deplore that our 
mental endowments have not sufficient scope. The love of approbation or the 
urgency of friends, generally well intended, sometimes precipitates us on a 
course which we have greatly to regret. Be careful, therefore, not to mistake 
these influences for a decision of your own judgment. I have now nearly torn 
this subject to tatters, and turn over the letter to your mother. 

From what has been said, and from General Johnston's own utter- 
ances, it is manifest that under the humble roof of his frontier cabin a 
lofty philosophy made its home. Though luxuriant Nature had poured 
out so much of beauty upon this teeming spot, it was, nevertheless, a 
monotonous plain ; and ever lurking near was the insidious, fever- 
breeding malaria, which saps the health and strength and energies of 
Its victims. Although General Johnston and his family did not suffer 
the worst consequences of a residence so near the swamp, yet when 
they left the plantation they were sallow, gaunt, and ague-stricken in 
appearance. But the causes that wore down the edge of his spirit 
were moral rather than physical. Tiiis was not the country-home that 
Lis fancy had portrayed when Fortune seemed ready to provide him a 
field and ample returns for all his energies, together with such delights 
and recreations as taste and culture might suggest. Gradually, too, 
the conviction must have forced itself upon him that he had mistaken 
his vocation ; and that, though his occupation was endurable, and had 
its own stock of simple, rational pleasures, yet it was in arms alone 
that he found full play for all his faculties and for the exercise of his 
special talents. Then, too, he saw the interest on his debt steadily 
swelling the burden that galled his neck like an iron yoke. 

Mrs. Johnston says, in one letter : " He is almost in despair, and 
often says he feels like a drowning man with his hands tied ; but he 
tries to keep up his spirits." And again, writing in October, 1849, 
she says : " Our home is now a beautiful place, and I have become so 
attached to it that I shall grieve a great deal when we must leave it. 
Your father looks care-worn and sad. You would be astonished at the 
great change in him since you last saw him (April, 1847). From a fleshy, 
stout man he has grown quite thin, and, considering his frame, slender." 

It would not have been strange if disappointment had tinged with 
bitterness a nature so aspiring ; but, if it was so, it took the form of an 
almost silent self-reproach, which accepted with stoical firmness both the 
consequences of his own mistakes and the hard decrees of a seemingly 



166 TLANTATION-LIFE. 

inexorable destiny. It is proof of the strength of his principles and the 
sweetness of his temper, as well as of the practical soundness of his 
philosophy, that he came out of this trial with a nature enlarged and en- 
nobled. He had a great share of magnanimity ; and his soul, exalted 
above the jealousies and littlenesses of small minds, learned in solitude 
to correct, in many important points, its standard of the world. 

While General Johnston Avas planting in Brazoria County, a polit- 
ical revolution occurred which again changed the current of. his fate. 
The Whig party, thoroughly vanquished by its opposition to the an- 
nexation of Texas and its adhesion to a narrow commercial policy, was 
seeking to rally its forces on a broader platform, under the leadership 
of a candidate available and unencumbered with the weight of political 
disaster. Though Clay, Webster, and other political chiefs, had each a 
following of devoted adherents, the most obtuse felt that without some 
new and more popular name the fate of the Whig party was sealed ; 
and presently attention was turned to the victor of Resaca and Mon- 
terey. General Taylor promptly and bluntly put aside the glittering 
temptation; but the over-astute policy of the Government in its further 
employment of him gave color to the popular notion that his services 
were to be depreciated, and perhaps, even, that himself and his army 
were to be sacrificed for political considerations. The prevalence of 
such an opinion, whether just or unjust, was at once fatal to the organ- 
ization charged with such conduct, and an augury of triumph to the 
supposed victim. Already a popular favorite, General Taylor became 
a popular idol ; and the evident sincerity with which he at first resisted 
all manifestations on his behalf swelled the tide of enthusiasm, which 
finally bore him into the White House over all opposition, and almost 
against his own protest. There is no doubt that General Taylor felt a 
real disquietude on account of his inexperience in political affairs, and 
committed himself too entirely to a clique unequal to the greatness of 
the situation. Had he lived, it is not improbable that his strong sense 
and courage would have asserted themselves by casting off the trammels 
of party management, and that he would have vindicated his ability in 
civil as in military affairs ; but his presidential career was so brief as to 
furnish no sufficient criterion of what he might have been. 

General Johnston shared in the popular sentiment that raised Gen- 
eral Taylor to the chief magistracy, and entertained the liveliest hopes 
of reform as a consequence of the defeat of the old organized parties; 
but he contributed to it no more than his vote. It is somewhat remark- 
able that this was the first vote he ever cast, and I believe the only one. 
Officers of the United States Army formerly regarded partisanship in 
political struggles as indecorous; and, after his removal to Texas, his 
position had either been similar, or circumstances prevented the exer- 
cise of this right. 



OFFICE-SEEKING. 1G7 

^Vllen General Taylor was elected, General Johnston's friends con- 
fidently expected his appointment to some position of trust or honor 
which would relieve him from his unsuitable situation. Though the le- 
gitimate use of influence would seem quite natural under the circum- 
stances, his friends, knowing his proud sensibility, did not propose that 
he should employ it, but only that he would indicate for iheir guidance 
in what direction his wishes inclined. Hancock and Burnley, who were 
intimate personal friends of the President, were especially zealous. 
General Johnston, however, looked at the matter in an unexpected 
light, as will be seen in the correspondence presented herewith ; so 
that, but for the voluntary efforts of these and other friends, and still 
more the personal interest of the President and his brother, Colonel 
Joseph P. Taylor, it is likely he would have been forgotten in the eager 
press of aspirants. As it was, his appointment was delayed until De- 
cember, 1849. General Taylor then conferred upon him the place of 
paymaster in the army, a quasi-militaiy office, which was permanent, 
with a living salary, and gave him a footing in the regular army estab- 
lishment, from which he might hope, by possible promotion or transfer, 
to reenter the line. If General Taylor's death had not occurred so soon 
after, it was thought that at the first opportunity he would have effected 
this transfer to a position strictly military and entirely congenial. Re- 
garding it as a probation, but as the only door to the regular arm}- open 
to him, General Johnston accepted the post. For the fuller explanation 
of the foregoing statements, the following letters are now introduced: 

Bp.azoeia County, Texas, December 2, 1S48. 

Deae Haxcock : Your letter of the 10th November has been received, but 
not in time to answer you at Carrollton. In my reply, I hope you will not 
misunderstand me; but, on the contrary, always believe that I appreciate your 
kindness toward me. 

With regard to appointments to office, I have notions of my own, which, if 
peculiar, should not be so. I think the President should be left free to select 
for himself. Heretofore, General Taylor's judgment has proved unerring in 
selections for services to be performed under his orders. It has been remarked 
that he has always found the right man when anything was to be done. Let 
the reform in this commence now. The scramble for office after a presidential 
election is well calculated to make the world doubt whether it is a mere contest 
for principle. It is time that this disgraceful feature of a great public event 
was done away with. It was not, I understand, the custom in the early history 
of the Government. No one presumed then to consume the valuable time of 
the President in setting forth the respective merits and claims of applicants for 
office. In truth, for some years past tlie President's audience-room has been 
but little better than an " intelligence office," where employment was souglit for 
and could be found. Every one says it is a shameful evil. If it is, let it be 
changed. Tlie announcement that the employment of congressional influence 
to obtain office would be considered a species of bribery fatal to tlie hopes of 
the applicant would do much to relieve the President from this clamor. It is 



168 PLANTATION-LIFE. 

said that this is the best method to obtain information. It is the worst. It is 
the way in which mere partisans and demagogues receive their reward. I do 
not, tlierefore, wish my friends to ask General Taylor for any office for me. He 
knows me well ; and if it should not occur to him to otter me a place, I shall 
only think that he has selected others whom he believed better capable of pro- 
moting the public interest. This consideration, I believe, will alone guide him ; 
and God grant that it may be always the only rule of action ! 

We now have a man for President who will administer the Government 
according to the Constitution construed in a liberal and enlightened spirit, 
whether the principles educed by him have been approved or condemned by 
one party or the other. The extremes of neither party will find any footing 
with his Administration. He wUl be as averse from the fanaticism that imposes 
high and oppressive tariifs as from that which, standing upon " 54° 40','' bullies 
our rivals in trade and threatens the peace of the world ; or from that which, as 
a rabid propagandist, preaches " the extension of the area of freedom." Attempt 
to conceal it as they may, a new and great party has arisen, which, like " the 
rod of Aaron, has swallowed up all the others." A. S. Johnston. 



Dear General: Burnley informed me he had seen you ; and showed me a 
letter the day he stai'ted for Washington, that he had just received from you, 
giving him the reasons why you could receive no office I'rom General Taylor. I 
had some time befoi-e received one of a similar kind, and had followed your in- 
junction " that no application should be made to General Taylor in your behalf." 
I was one of a committee sent by the city and county to escort the general to 
Louisville, and, being several days with him, had frequent and confidential talks 
with him. He asked kindly after you. I told him you were struggling along 
in Texas. He remarked that it was no place for you, and observed, " I had 
not been informed of my election long before I determined to do something for 
Johnston." I am convinced that it is not only his wish, but that it would give 
him great pleasure, to put you in a position that would be lucrative and honor- 
able ; and the only thing is to know what place would he most agreeable to you — 
Governor of Oregon, commissioner to run the Mexican boundary, Treasurer of 
the United States, charge to Sardinia or Naples, Superintendent of the Mint in 
California, Surveyor-General of California or Missouri, or paymaster in the 
army. I will guarantee you will have the offer from General Taylor of what- 
ever he may know it would be agreeable to you to accept. . . . 

G. Hancock. 

To General A. S. Johnston. 

Mr. Hancock further says, in a letter of April 22, 1849 : 

You seem to have misapprehended me in relation to your applying for office. 
I agree with you fully that a gentleman ought not to ask for one, but in your 
case this never was asked of you. The President of his own accord expressed 
the determination to give you one, if you would take it, and your friends only 
wanted to learn from you what you preferred. However, the thing is now set- 
tled. Joe Taylor is now here, and tells me you will shortly be offered the 
place of paymaster in the army. ... G. Hancock. 



REENTERS THE ARMY. 109 

Mr. A. T. Burnley was in General Taylor's confidence, and had 
been selected by him as one of the proprietors of the Administration 
" organ." He wrote to General Johnston, on the 31st of May : 

General Taylor intended to offer you the marshalship of Texas. I told him 
you would not have it. He said then, if Reynolds resigned, he intended to offer 
you the collectorship of Galveston. I told him you would not have it. 
" Then," said lie, " I shall offer him a paymaster's place in the amiy." Not 
knowing your views as to that place, I replied, I expected you would take it ; 
because I thought it was a good office, and wanted it offered to you. I have 
since ascertained that it is worth about $3,000 per annum, aud is jjermanent. 

In thus exchanging the life of the plantation for military service 
again, General Johnston had the encouragement of his wife, who now 
clearly perceived that, however faithfully he might perform the duties 
that fell to the lot of a farmer, his heart, his thoughts, and his aspira- 
tions, were in the profession to which he had been educated. But 
though he deliberately reentered a military life, which he had thought 
closed upon him forever, it was through no arch of triumph, but by an 
obscure postern and along the hard and narrow path of petty and cler- 
ical routine. He saw in it the path of duty, and trod it manfully. 

General Johnston, in conversation with the writer, said, in allusion 
to this appointment : 

A good character has a solid value. I had tried to live blameless and to 
deserve well; and yet, at last, I found myself where I thought I was entirely 
forgotten. Now, do you think that if I had been a sharp felloio, General Tay- 
lor would have taken the trouble to hunt me up in the mud of the Brazos bot- 
tom to make a paymaster of me ? 



CHAPTER XI. 

PAYMASTER IN UNITED STATES AEMT. 

General Johnston was appointed paymaster, October 31, 1849. 
On the 2d of December, 1849, he wrote to the adjutant-general, ac- 
cepting the appointment.* This office gave him the emoluments and 
the nominal rank of major in the United States Army ; but, in fact, the 
paymaster was a mere disbursing officer and nothing more, without au- 
thority or command. On the frontier of Texas, to which he was as- 

' It 13 proper to state that General Johnston's legal rank while paymaster was major ; 
but it has not been thought necessary in this or subsequent chapters to change the title 
by which he was generally known. 



170 PAYMASTER IN UNITED STATES ARMY. 

signed, liis duties were arduous and dangerous ; and, as has been sug- 
gested, General Johnston accepted the office because he regarded it " as 
a stepping-stone to service in the line." More than once he seemed on 
the point of attaining this end by exchange with a major of the line 
but each time he was disappointed. 

So much had his health been impaired by the malaria of the Brazos 
bottom, that, on the 8th of April, 1850, while waiting orders at Galves- 
ton, he was obliged, at the suggestion of his superior officers, to ask a 
little indulgence before reporting for duty. He availed himself of this 
to take his family to Kentucky. The pay district assigned to him in- 
cluded the military posts from the river Trinity to the Colorado. He 
selected Austin as his home on account of its healthfulness, natural 
beauty, pleasant society, and proximity to his district. Some of his old 
friends had settled there, which was another attraction. General John- 
ston, having placed his family in Kentucky for the summer, returned to 
Texas, and entered upon his duties. In September he proceeded to 
New Orleans for funds to pay the troops, when, notwithstanding his 
long experience in a Southern climate, he took the yellow fever on ship- 
board while returning. The fever, though sharp, was short, and yield- 
ed to his own treatment and simple remedies, detaining him, however, 
several weeks in Galveston. On November 13th he reported to the 
paymaster-general that he had completed the first payment of troops in 
his district. 

At first his duty was to pay every four months the troops at Forts 
Croghan, Gates, Graham, and Belknap, and at Austin. This required 
a journey of about 500 miles each time, besides a visit to New Orleans 
for the funds requisite for each payment — between 140,000 and $50,000. 
He was usually assisted in the transportation of these funds by a clerk ; 
but these journeys were, nevertheless, periods of great solicitude to him. 
The route was by steamer to Galveston, thence by steamboat to Hous- 
ton, and thence by stage, a distance of 185 miles, to Austin ; and the 
journey was continued day and night for about a week. In addition to 
perils of the sea and yellow fever, the stage-road had its dangers. Pass- 
ing through the boggy Brazos bottom, through wide post-oak woods, 
and across broad tracts of sparsely-settled prairie, there was considera- 
ble danger of robbery, and gre:iter still from upsets which several times 
happened. The money was in gold and silver coin packed in a small 
iron chest, and always placed between the feet of its guardians, who 
watched in turn from New Orleans to Austin. This exhausting vigi- 
lance was happily rewarded by exemption from loss or serious accident. 
In 1851 General Johnston was obliged to visit New Orleans in May, in 
June, and in August, to obtain extra funds to pay off the Texas volun- 
teers of 1848-'49. This work, which required great care and circum- 
spection to protect both the Government and the soldier, was completed 



PERIL AND CARE. lYl 

that fall. In the autumn of 1853 he was enabled to discontinue his 
harassing visits to New Orleans by arranging for the sale of drafts in 
Austin, which he had been unable to do before. 

General Johnston's pay district was gradually altered and enlarged 
in consequence of the movements of troops, until finally it embraced 
Forts Belknap, Chadbourne, and McKavitt, and required a journey of 
695 miles for each payment. In 1854 payments were ordered to be 
made every two months, thus compelling the paymaster to travel an- 
nually nearly 4,200 miles. Each journey took more than a month, of 
which only four or five days were spent at the posts, which were occu- 
pied in paying the soldiers. General Johnston, with his clerk, negro 
driver John, and negro cook Randolph, rode in a covered ambulance 
drawn by four mules, and carried his money-chest and baggage in the 
same conveyance. He was accompanied by a forage-wagon and an es- 
cort of dragoons, varying from four to twelve in number, under charge 
of a non-commssioned officer. The escort was usually too small to 
guard against outlaws or Indians who constantly menaced that region ; 
and his escape from attack was due in great measure to his extreme 
wariness, and to the observance of every possible precaution against 
surprise. 

General Johnston savs, in a letter written in 1850 : 

Scarcely a day has passed since my arrival that a depredation lias not been 
committed. They (the Indians) have driven off nearly all the horses and mules 
from the Cibolo, Salado, and other portions of of the frontier. Parties are sent 
in pursuit, but without success. To give peace to the frontier, and that perfect 
security so necessary to the liappiness and prosperity of communities, the troops 
ought to act oflfensively and carry the war to the homes of the enemy. 

The continued movement of these marauding parties on the border 
for the next five years made each of General Johnston's pay-tours a 
perilous expedition. 

General Johnston suffered great annoyance because the transporta- 
tion furnished him was never suitable to the work to be done. He had 
to remonstrate often, but in vain, against the tired mules and worn-out 
wagons supplied to him. As his circuit was made through a wilder- 
ness, he prevented detention and its ill results only by the most heedful 
preparation of his outfit and the utmost attention to details, so that no 
bolt, buckle, or horseshoe-nail, was overlooked. 

The following extracts will suggest some of his difficulties. In a 
letter dated October 18, 1853, to Colonel A. J. Coffee, deputy paymaster- 
general, he writes that if his tour were increased, as was proposed, to 
925 miles, a payment would occupy forty-five days, and adds : 

If, after the information I have given you as to the distances to be traveled, 
etc., you think the public interest would be properly subserved by my includ- 



172 PAYMASTER IN UNITED STATES ARMY. 

ing Paymaster Hntter's district with my own, I will, as soon as notified, take 
upon myself the duties of the district, thus arranged, with pleasure. I think it 
my duty to say that the quartermaster at this place has not had the means to 
give a good team for the ambulance for a long time, and I would do no injustice 
to say that I have at no time had a sufficiently good team. . . , The team fur- 
nished at this point now has to work in the trains when not in the service of the 
pay department, a practice which makes a team totally unfit for ambulance 
service. 

He adds : 

There is no ambulance here; the one mentioned in my requisition became a 
wreck on a late trip of Major Woods from Phantom Hill. This is a small mat- 
ter to trouble you with, and I hate grumblers so much that I dislike to make any 
complaint ; but, if service is to be promptly and efficiently performed, the means 
should not be withheld. 

In a letter addressed to Colonel B. F. Larned, paymaster-general, 
April 8, 1852, General Johnston says : 

I have the honor to report that the district to which I have been assigned 
has been paid to the 29th February last. It is constituted as follows : Fort Gra- 
ham, Brazos River ; Fort "Worth, Clear Fork of the Trinity ; Belknap, Salt Fork 
of the Brazos ; and the post on the Clear Fork of the Brazos. The distance 
traveled in making the payment was 730 miles; time — from 29th February to 
Sd April — thirty-five days, under favorable circumstances. The country is ele- 
vated, the greater portion being a succession of ranges of high hills, intersected 
with numerous streams, the crossing of which is always troublesome, and often 
produces delay in the journey. The march is commenced at daylight, and con- 
tinued industriously during the day, except two hours in mid-day ; and thus the 
journey is prosecuted without any loss of time, either on the route or at the 
posts. You may, therefore, fix the average time at thirty-five or forty days. 
This six times repeated during the year makes up an amount of travel, sleeping 
on the ground, privation, and exposure to heat and cold, not imagined by the 
framers of the law, nor encountered by a private soldier in time of war or 
peace, for it must be remembered that the country traversed is uninhabited. 

The commanding general of this department issued an order last summer fix- 
ing the period of the payments at four months, which I thought the circum- 
stances of the case called for, and which has been productive of no detriment 
whatever to the public service; since then the interior line has been established, 
making the travel much greater. In conclusion, I beg leave to refer you to 
Colonel Cooper for the best information with regard to this district, and to say 
that I will endeavor to execute faithfully whatever order you may deem it proper 
to give with regard to the period of the payment. 

General Johnston, in a letter of August 10, 1854, to his daughter, 
gives this account of his tours of duty : 

Mt dear DauctITTER : I received your beautiful letter on my return from my 
last tour to the military posts, and have had necessarily to defer my answer 
until I could get off to Washington a statement of my accounts, which is 



A PAYMASTER'S TOUR. 173 

the first thing to be done after each payment, and cannot be dispensed with. 
The payments bave to be made every two months; the distance to be traveled 
is near 700 miles ; so you see, with traveling and making up accounts, I have 
but little leisure. Traveling in an uninhabited country, making from twenty- 
five to thirty miles a day, is no longer by me classed with trips of pleasure. 
With your modern improvements you accomplish as much in two days as we 
can in a month. 

Although we do not travel far in a day, it is sufficiently fatiguing. We are, 
every morning, on our feet at the first peep of dawn ; and, as the glorious orb 
of day discloses his radiant face, which in this sunny climate is almost every 
day, we begin our march. We continue till 11a. m., and start again about 2 
p. M., and stop for the night, about five o'clock, in some romantic spot made 
hospitable to us by Dame Nature ; and so, on and on, as one day, so all. A first 
trip is delightful ; all that is beautiful and charming, and much that is magnifi- 
cent or sublime, in scenery, daily feasts the eye. But even this becomes tire- 
some and uninteresting when seen too often. I took Sid ' with me on my last 
trip. It was a rich treat to him. He swam and fished in almost every stream 
on the route. He is a bold, intelligent boy, with a splendid physique. 

In March, 1854, the writer made one of these rounds of dnty with 
General Johnston, takintr the place of his clerk. The journey was one 
of lively enjoyment, and afforded a good opportunity for noting some 
of General Johnston's traits. The average rate of travel was about 
thirty miles a day. The trail over dry and treeless plains, though 
hardly to be called a road, offered little interruption or detention, ex- 
cept at the crossings of streams, where sometimes a large part of a day 
was spent. General Johnston's equipage has already been described ; 
a buffalo-robe and some blankets furnished the bed ; and two daily 
meals of cold bread, cold ham, and black coffee, with an occasional bird 
or wild-duck, shot by the road-side, made our simple fare. It may be 
remarked that he did not use spirits on the road, though, of course, he 
had them in case of need. 

General Johnston pointed out with interest both the geological and 
topographical features of the country. Our route, for tlie most part, 
lay across high, wide, rolling prairies, the rich soil of which was clothed 
with its earliest verdure, and spangled with hyacinth, coryopsis, ver- 
bena, pink phlox, yellow primrose, and other flowers just beginning to 
bloom. Of course, in a circuit of 700 miles, the aspect of the country 
varied greatly. From Austin to Fort Belknap, after passing for miles 
over swelling prairies capable of the utmost productiveness under 
the hand of man, but then uninhabited, we would sometimes skirt a 
range of low hills, covered with cedar-brake, or plunge into a belt of 
live-oak or post-oak forest. Emerging, we would again strike across a 
plain overgrown with scrubby mesquite, or wind around the base of a 
conical hill, the frequent landmark of the region. The soil was gener- 

' His son, thirteen years old. 



174 PAYMASTER IN UNITED STATES ARMY. 

ally calcareous ; and at the hill-tops a bald crown of white marl rose 
above the encircling sod. Thougli marks of volcanic action were not 
wanting, the strata, where visible, were commonly horizontal. In 
Hamilton's Valley, marble was found, pure white, pink, or drab, of fine 
grain and good polish. At Belknap, and along the Brazos, there was 
plenty of coal. 

From Fort Belknap to Phantom Hill, Fort Chadbourne, Fort 
McKavitt, and thence to Austin, the country was bolder, wilder, more 
rugged and sterile. The breaks in these elevated table-lands often 
present the appearance of successive mountain-ranges, and the eye is 
often delighted with a landscape forty miles in extent, under a cloudless 
sky. A conical peak, sometimes called " Abercrombie's Peak," where 
General Johnston often camped, he named " Bleak House," after Dick- 
ens's fictitious mansion. There were manifold and unmistakable signs that 
the whole land had once been submerged, and had risen from the deep, 
by numerous successive elevations of the most gradual character. On the 
hill-sides the well-defined water-levels, beaches of a vanished ocean, re- 
sembled walled terraces, and were surmounted by summits which looked 
like the remains of embrasured strongholds ; so that everywhere was 
presented the illusion of ancient fortifications on the most gigantic scale. 

These high 2:)lains are the border-land of the desert. At Fort Chad- 
bourne, we were told, by Captain Calhoun and Dr. Swift, that on the 
9th of June, 1854, a terrible hailstorm had swept over them, which had 
drifted six or eight feet deep in the bed of the creek ; twenty wagon-loads 
of hailstones were gathered, and a hundred more might have been, had 
it pleased them. Hailstorms followed for two weeks. In October, a 
flight of grasshoppers from the northeast was three days in passing over 
the place ; and such was the multitude, and so constant the flitting of 
wings, that it resembled a snow-storm. 

On this journey we were assailed by several " northers," the pecul- 
iar wind of a Texan winter, and the dread of the pioneer. The prevail- 
ing wind is a strong sea-breeze that blows with the regularity of a trade- 
wind, except when interrupted by the norther. On a day as balmy as 
spring, the thermometer perhaps at 80° in the shade, the weathercock 
suddenly veers, and without warning a fierce, dry, searching blast 
comes hovfling down from the northwest, accompanied by a change of 
temperature of as much, often, as G0° or 70° in two or three hours. 
The cattle flee to thickets ; indeed, every living thing seeks shelter, 
and people exposed to it are often chilled to death. By General John- 
ston's direction I recorded observations and collected data as to the di- 
rection, progress, and phenomena, of the norther. From these, combined 
with his long experience of the characteristics of this wind, he arrived 
at the conclusion that it was a wind of propulsion ; that is to say, that 
it began to blow at the more northerly points first, and was not a " cav- 



STUDY OF NATURE. 175 

ing-in " wind, commencing to blow at the Gulf, as some imagined ; that 
its rate of progress was from thirty to forty-five miles per hour ; and 
that it had its origin in the Rocky Mountains or on the Plains. He 
surmised that a great snow-fall, evolving an enormous amount of heat, 
produced a rising, moving column of air, with a southward tendency, 
which drew after it the arctic blasts that made the norther. 

General Johnston's interest in animals — what might be called his 
friendliness to them — has been mentioned. There was along our road 
a tract many square miles in extent, reaching from Bluff Creek to Fort 
McKavitt, which was called the Prairie Dog City. Here dwelt in large 
communities these lively little marmots. Most of them occupied plain 
holes in the ground ; these, General Johnston called the plebs. Others, 
who seemed to enjoy consideration on account of the broad, elevated 
terraces around their dwellings, from which they harangued the multi- 
tude with great chatter, he said were the magistrates and orators. He 
speculated amusingly on the analogies here to human government, and 
called attention to the common lot by which they fell victims to the 
rattlesnakes, which in turn became the prey of the owls that infested 
the city. 

General Johnston noted closely the habits of birds. I remember 
well the infinite patience with which he reared a nest of red-birds for me 
near Shelby vUle, Kentucky, when I was a boy. They had an incessant, 
metallic clack, and were always hungry. The same year he brought up by 
hand, in like manner, two orioles which became great pets. On our fron- 
tier journey, he continually called attention to the ways of the animals 
that we saw. A blue, swallow-tailed hawk kept near us all one day, 
allowing us to flush the small birds for him. General Johnston knew 
not which most to admire, the poise and swoop of the aerial hunter, or 
the intelligence that made him avail himself of our aid in getting his 
dinner. " That hawk," he said, " doubtless considers himself the centre 
of creation, and that our place in it is to play jackal to him." 

In his study of Nature, General Johnston combined scientific exact- 
ness with aesthetic gratification. A flower was viewed by him in more 
than one aspect. Grouped with others it was a piece of color, or a feat- 
ure in the landscape ; and again, as a single study, it became in turn 
an index of the soil, a sign of the season, or, with its wonderful arrange- 
ment of stamen and petal, an evidence of design and a symbol of order 
in the universe. He showed me the distinctive features and the rela- 
tive practical values of the white mesquite, the curly mesquite, and 
half a dozen other nutritious native grasses. His acquaintance with 
plants was very intimate. In the cultivation of this taste, he had the 
aid and encouragement of his wife, who possessed remarkable talent 
and skill in painting flowers. In his various tours he collected for her 
a large number of varieties of cactus — as many as sixty, I believe. 



176 PAYMASTER IN UNITED STATES ARMY. 

General Johnston showed me a tract on the dividing ridge between 
the San Gabriel and its South Fork, where, fifteen years before, with 
Burleson, Tom Howard, William S. Fisher, and half a dozen others, he 
had hunted buffalo. Out of six that they saw they killed five. The 
Lidians had attacked every other party that had attempted to cross the 
country; they, however, took the risk of meeting them, as they were 
all old frontiersmen ; but they were not molested. 

I had occasion to remark, on this visit, the great patience and unself- 
ishness of General Johnston in attending to the wants and business of 
others. As he made his round from post to post, he was intrusted with 
a budget of commissions that might well have taxed his equanimity. 
To buy a horse, a gun, a pair of boots, a ribbon ; to have a watch 
mended ; to pay taxes ; to adjust some entangled business — any and 
every sort of affair that these isolated people could not attend to in 
person was committed to his care and looked after with solicitude. No 
right or claim of a soldier was neglected ; and these poor fellows little 
knew the amount of thought and correspondence frequently involved 
in enforcing their demand for some inconsiderable sum. Friends in 
other States availed themselves of his extended and minute topograph- 
ical knowledge to obtain information in locating lands ; and, ignorant 
that this knowledge had a fixed commercial value, accepted his services 
without compensation. In one instance he located for a friend 40,000 
acres of land without remuneration, the fee for which would have been, 
according to custom, one fourth of the land. But he imparted what he 
knew freely and cheerfully; not seeking to engross for himself what he 
was aware would become a great fortune. He seemed to feel that, as 
a public servant, all his faculties were to be used for the benefit of 
others. 

It has been stated that, on his tours, General Johnston's only com- 
panions were a clerk (not always congenial), negro servants, and a dra- 
goon escort, with whom the custom of the service permitted only formal 
communication. Hence he was thrown much upon his own resources, 
and passed many days without conversation ; but this was less weari- 
some to him than to most men, owing to a large capacity for enjoy- 
ment, to his habits of observation, and to a way he had of thinking over 
contingencies likely to happen. Without doubt, on these long and 
wellnigh solitary journeys, his meditation was fruitful. It was a study 
of probable, practical events, as close and compact as the solution of 
the difficult chess-problems for which he had so great a relish, and not 
at all resembling reverie, for which he felt a marked dislike. If he saw 
a child listlessly musing over a book, he would say : " Do not nurse 
your book ; study it, or put it by." It was often remarked that he 
was never taken by surprise, or unable to come to a prompt decision as 
to his course of action. Though this was undoubtedly due in part to the 



OPINIONS. 177 

even balance of liis mind and moral nature, General Johnston explained 
it by saying that " what was called his presence of mind was often 
merely putting into action a course of conduct long determined on." 
His forethought surely saved him many times from surprise and unex- 
pected situations. 

Long service on the frontier, individual aptitudes, and continued 
exercise of the faculty, had given General Johnston that sort of topo- 
graphical knowledge and insight which, when put in practice, seems 
almost like an instinct. He had ample woodcraft, but the habit of 
prairie-travel unquestionably helped to train his eye and imagination to 
take in at a glance the salient features of a country. An instance illus- 
trating this occurred during his service as paymaster. The road from 
Austin to Belknap followed the old Indian trail, as is usual on the fron- 
tier. As this route diverged much from a direct line, and crossed the 
breaks of the table-lands instead of following the water-sheds to advan- 
tage, it was thought best to establish a new wagon-road. General 
Johnston was consulted, and gave such accurate instructions that the 
road was shortened twenty or thirty miles, and avoided the chief diffi- 
culties of frontier travel ; yet in many parts he had never been over the 
ground, and in some not within ten or fifteen miles of it. He knew, 
however, what its profile and characteristics must be. 

Whatever concerned the honor or happiness of Texas interested 
General Johnston deeply. The rights of her old settlers and revolu- 
tionary patriots enlisted his warmest sympathies, and he lent his voice 
in behalf of those claimants for reimbursement who had suffered spolia- 
tion at the hands of their own Government and army. The productive 
capacity and material development of the State were constant themes 
in his letters. He had high hopes that the manifest superiority of the 
Southern route to the Pacific would secure the completion of a railroad 
along that line which would be the beginning of an era of wonderful 
progress and prosperity for the State. He predicted that its cotton, 
its wheat, and its beef, would then successfully compete, in New York 
and the markets of Europe, with the most favored rivals. 

General Johnston was drawn into warmer sympathy with the Demo- 
cratic party by his attitude of resistance to Know-Nothingism and to 
the antislavery crusade that was now beginning to become formidable. 
The allusions in his correspondence to these questions are few and brief, 
but explicit: "I am glad Kentucky came so near giving a good Demo- 
cratic vote. She will yet be saved." In another letter he alludes point- 
edly and with reprobation to the abolition movement. 

In a letter to the author, dated October 19, 1854, General Johnston 
says: 

Know-Nothingism will have its day, perhaps a brief triumph, and then will 
be denounced as an anti-republican heresy. The restriction of the right of suf- 



178 PAYMASTER IN UNITED STATES ARMY. 

frage to the present population and their descendants, and to the descendants of 
future immigrants, can now be effected without the intervention of a secret po- 
litical organization of unlcnown principles — perhaps menacing religious tolera- 
tion, and opposed by the secrecy of its proceedings to the genius of our institu- 
tions. If our leading men would have the boldness to meet the question openly 
and on the grounds of its utility alone, I do not doubt that the aid of most of 
our naturalized citizens could be obtained for the enactment of a law that would 
give every security. 

In 1853 General Johnston was relieved from the burden of indebted- 
ness he had so long borne, by the sale of his plantation on terms that 
paid off all incumbrances and left him a free man. But, by a cruel 
stroke of fortune, he had hardly got rid of the heavy load that had so 
long weighed down his spirits and wounded his sensibilities, when a 
new and more severe trial befell him from an unexpected source. He 
found, on counting the Government funds in his possession, a deficit of 
several hundred dollars; and on several other occasions in 1853 he dis- 
covered similar losses, amounting to $1,700. Such was the accuracy of 
his accounts and payments that robbery was the only solution. The 
money was kept in an iron strong-box, rarely from under the eye of 
himself or his clerk ; and, as no violence was used, access must have 
been had by false keys. Owing to various causes several persons suc- 
ceeded each other in his office as clerk, all reputable men, who united 
with General Johnston in trying to detect the thief, but in vain. In 
1854 about the same amount was abstracted by the same methods, but 
the utmost vigilance failed to furnish any sufficient clew. These mys- 
terious robberies, and his inability to frustrate them, were not only im- 
poverishing him, but so seriously threatened him with loss of property 
and reputation that he almost sunk under it, and determined to resign 
a position so perilous. In the mean time, being aware that to report 
these circumstances would be merely to undermine the confidence of 
his superiors and to draw unmerited suspicion iipon himself, he made 
good the losses from his private means by appropriating in that way 
some old debts that came in providentially just then, and by a frugality 
in his expenditure amounting to privation. 

When I accompanied him in March, 1855, he stated all the facts to 
me, and we counted the money just before starting. I asked him if he 
suspected no one, and he replied that he had " no rigJit to suspect any 
particular person, though he did; but he wished me to watch with him, 
and to consider the case unbiased by his prejudice, and therefore he- 
preferred not to state his suspicions." During the journey the strong- 
box was out of our sight for only a few hours at Fort McKavitt, when 
it was under guard. The most scrupulous exactness in payment had 
been observed, and yet, on the second day after our return, on counting 
the mone}^, $700 was missing. The cash had been taken as usual from 



A ROBBER DETECTED. 179 

different bags, and this time in half-eagles with some marked coins in- 
cluded. My own mind had been made up before, but now I was certain 
of the thief. I pointed out to General Johnston that by the principle 
of exclusion the guilt had been narrowed down to his negro servants, 
and that his driver John was the man. John was a family slave, an 
ugly, black fellow, but handy, who had been greatly indulged. About 
two years before he had man-ied a quadroon woman, whom he had sup- 
ported in considerable luxury. He explained his means of extrava- 
gance by the profits of barter with the soldiers. There were certain 
other subtile signs of guilt that convinced my mind. 

I proposed a prompt and thorough search of John's luggage, which 
was stowed at the house of his wife's master. General Johnston admit- 
ted that he had long suspected John, but had no proof; and he now 
hesitated to make the search, because, if the man was innocent, it 
would be a hard case indeed for such a blow to be dealt by the hand of 
his master, who was the one person in the world to whom he could look 
for protection. I insisted that where so much was at stake such extreme 
conscientiousness and tenderness were morbid. General Johnston yield- 
ed, and stated all the circumstances to three neighbors who made the 
search, the owner of the premises being one. Impunity had made the 
negro careless ; and six hundred of the seven hundred dollars, includ- 
ing some of the marked coin, were found in his trunk. He afterward 
told me that a white gambler had furnished him the false keys. 

Persons to whom the facts became known were eager to punish the 
crime by severely whipping the culprit, hoping thus to ascertain his ac- 
complices, if he had any; but General Johnston would not permit it. 
"Such evidence is worthless," said he. "Besides, the whipping will 
not restore what is lost ; and it will not benefit the negro, whom a life- 
time of kind treatment has failed to make honest. It would be a mere 
act of revenge, to which I cannot consent." He agreed with the views 
of his friends, who urged that the negro should be sold out of the com- 
munity, where, indeed, he was not safe. He was taken to Galveston, 
and allowed to select his own master. He was sold for 81,000, which 
went to make up in part what he had stolen from the United States 
Government. 

Soon after. General Johnston was appointed colonel of the Second 
Cavalry. The report of the Second Auditor in the settlement of his 
accounts to the 9th of April, when he resigned, stated : 

Balance dne him per ofBcial statement . . . . $4 22 
" " " his own " .... 00 



Diflference in his favor $4 22 

It is due to' General Johnston to say that not only were his trusts as 
paymaster executed with scrupulous fidelity, but his accounts were kept 



180 PAYMASTER IN UNITED STATES ARMY. 

with rare accuracy and beauty. The Second Auditor, construing stat- 
utes under a different light, of course often disallowed small sums paid 
by General Johnston ; but he had in him a strenuous and punctilious 
correspondent, who hardly ever failed to present an argument setting 
forth the grounds on which the payment had been made. When I 
asked him why he took so much trouble for so little, he said it was due 
to himself to justify himself from even the appearance of carelessness. 
The following was a playful reply to a letter of the author, written 
when he came of age, in 1853 : 

You have formally announced your majoi-ity, and your right to independent 
action. It only remains to me, as an act of comity, being convinced of your 
ability to maintain the attitude you have assumed, to recognize you as a man, de 
facto et dejure, and to invest you in good faith and with all solemnity with the 
toga virilis. You have, therefore, the right in your sovereign capacity to make 
treaties of alliance, coin money, regulate and control your own trade, and do 
whatever else it may seem best to you in the pursuit of happiness, always keep- 
ing in view the prohibitions of the law as to other sovereigns so situated. 

You are still willing to acknowledge an allegiance to me. I have no right to 
demand it; and, for your own good, would not accept it. Now that you are 
about to pass from the sham fights of life to its real battles, your security and 
success will depend upon a high degree of self-reliance. It is the momentum of 
great confidence, regulated by sound judgment, that crushes every obstacle. 

The following letter also was written during the period of his service 
as paymaster, and while he was under the shadow of doubt, loss, and 
privation, already mentioned. It is another illustration of his resolute 
trust and cheerfulness in trouble : 

Austin, Texas, December 28, 1S54. 

My dear Sojt: I send you and Kosa and Ilennie tbe best wishes of my heart 
for your health and happiness always ; but especially do I offer my wishes for a 
" happy Christmas " and a " happy New Year," which I am reminded to do by 
the happy little faces around me, impatient for the arrival of those days so 
delightful to the beneficiaries of that merry little friend of good children, St. 
Nicholas. Maggie implicitly believes in his advent and good works; but Sid and 
Hancock are disenchanted, though the little hypocrites, like taller ones, wisely 
affect a belief they do not entertain, for the accruing benefits. The children are 
in fine health, and improving in their studies; each has earned a reward for 
extra work. These little cheerful faces, happy in the hopes of the future, reflect 
their sunshine on us; and if Brother Willie, Sister Hennie, and Sister Eosa, as 
these prattlers call you, were here to throw their sunlight on us, the evening of 
our days would be as beautiful and as full of exquisite repose as the close of day 
in this delicious climate. 

You mentioned that you had not yet had any business to do in your profes- 
sion. I was glad to see that you feel no discouragement. You should feel 
none. Y^ou knew well beforehand the long probation of those who are now 
successful, and could not reasonably expect to be an exception.* Wait patiently, 
and prepare ; your time will come. Live with economy, spend nothing for 



MR. FONTAINE'S REMINISCENCES. 181 

appearance' sake, and you will be able to hold out till the harvest-time. The 
history of almost every successful lawyer of your State is one of hope deferred. 

J , one of your very best lawyers, sat, I am told, seven long years without a 

case, like a huge spider spread out on his web, and like that courageous insect, 
in expectant attitude, waited to throw the meshes of the law around some oppo- 
nent. His patience was crowned with success. Wait, but work. Do not reject 
business because it is not important. Be faithful over a few things, and you 
shall soon be steward over many. , . . 

Sebastopol may possibly fall, though the science of war has had little to do, 
thus far, in the work. The great master of the art of war would have made 
preparation commensurate with the object to be accomplished. He would have 
seized the neck of the Crimea with a good army, and carried on the siege of 
tlie place, according to well-approved principles, undisturbed by a relieving army, 
to a certain success, with due regard to economy of life. 

Affectionately your father, A. Sidney JonsrsTosr. 

The following reminiscence is from the pen of the Rev. Edward 
Fontaine, the Episcopal minister at Austin, a gentleman of eloquence 
and earnestness : 

I have said that he had at all times perfect self-control, I will mention some 
instances in wliich I saw his power of self-government severely tried ; but his 
temper stood the various tests admirably. 

I was once fishing with him in the Colorado River. A large bass seized his 
hook, and it required all his skill to reel him to the surface of the water with a 
small silk line. After a contest of several minutes with the powerful fish, he 
succeeded in bringing his fine proportions in full view ; but just as he was about 
landing him, with a sharp strain upon his rod, he gave an " indignant flounce," 
and disappeared in the clear depths of the stream, leaving the snapped line tan- 
gled fast to a willow-limb, high above the head of the disappointed general. 
He gave it a gentle pull ; but finding it hung fast, he walked up the bank and 
cut a pole with a hook to it, and pulled down the limb very cautiously ; and 
then set to work very deliberately to untangle the Gordian knot into wliich he, 
the bass, and the limb together had tied the line. 

After the patient labor of at least half an hour, he succeeded in righting his 
tackle, put on another hook and minnow, and " threw out " to tempt another 
bite. In the mean time, I watched his motions, very much amused at the mis- 
hap, but said nothing. He made no exclamation of impatience, and exhibited 
no emotion. I then remarked: "General, although you are not a member of 
the Church, I believe you are a better Christian than myself in one respect — 
you are more patient. If old Izaak Walton himself had lost that fish after 
such a tussle, and lost his hook with him, and tied up his tackle in that way, 
he might not have cursed the fish or his luck, but I think he would have said 
something spiteful, and have felt a little blasphemous." He replied : " I have 
long since learned, sir, by experience, that it is best never to get excited 
about anything ; for in a fit of excitement very sensible men are apt to do or 
say something rash or foolish, for which they may have to repent in a cooler 
moment. 

He had a valuable Newfoundland dog, which was a very great favorite with 



182 PAYMASTER IN UNITED STATES ARMY. 

the family. It guarded little Sidney, Hancock, and Maggie, his three youngest 
children, in their rambles about his premises, and I think it sometimes pulled 
the little girl in a toy carriage. But the dog one day went into the lot of a near 
neighbor to play with a " cur of low degree " — a proper dog for a master as 
mean and worthless as himself. This man, who had been kindly treated by the 
general and his family, but who envied and hated him with that sort of malice 
which the base and vulgar generally cherish toward the noble and refined, to 
distress the children, or show his spite against his distinguished neighbors, or 
from the promptings of some dirty motive which is only understood by the 
devils that got into the swine of Gennesaret, or by those who are instigated by 
them, threw a piece of meat poisoned with strychnine to the dog, which came 
home, and in a few minutes died with convulsions, in the presence of the chil- 
dren and their parents. The little children wept bitterly the loss of their favor- 
ite, and Mrs. Johnston shed tears. The general was deeply distressed, but said 
nothing in anger. Some one present declared that the villain who committed 
the deed ought to be prosecuted or shot. He replied that if he sued or killed 
him, it would make the man no better, and it would do himself and family no 
good ; that he would be compelled to endure the outrage, as there was no re- 
dress for it. The dog was dead, and nothing could restore him to life, and he 
hoped that his family would bear their loss with fortitude. 

It has been mentioned that, when General Johnston was appointed 
paymaster, his family spent the summer in Kentucky. On their 
return he met them in New Orleans, only to learn that his infant 
daughter had recently died. The following touching letter expresses 
exactly the spirit in which he habitually accepted afflictions, as well as 
other dispensations of Providence : 

New Orleans, Saturday, December 14, 1850. 

Dear Hancock : My family arrived here yesterday, and I only then learned 
from my wife the loss of our dear little Mary. Great as our distress is, I can 
still thank God that my wife and my other children are left to me. It is not 
right to judge of his dispensations, nor do I, but bow with humble submission 
to decrees the wisdom of which I cannot comprehend and the justice of which 
I must not question. 

I received Aunt Mary's letter. I cannot write to her now. I hope she will 
write to my poor wife as often as she can, for she needs her sympathy. 

Your friend, A. Sidney Johnston. 

To Mr. Geokge Hancock, Louiflville, Ky. 

He spoke little of his inner life ; but once in Austin he said to the 
writer that a minister had been urging upon him the benefits of prayer, 
and added : " I did not think it necessary to tell him, but it is many 
years since I have closed my eyes in sleep without prayer. Indeed, I 
feel that I cannot thank God enough for his goodness to me. Beyond 
that thanksgiving I almost dread to go ; his care is so great, and my 
views so narrow, that I do not know how to ask God for anything bet- 
ter for me and mine than that his will be done." On manj' other occa- 



THANKFULNESS AND FAITH. 1S3 

sions he said to me substantially the same thing. He delighted in the 
glories of the starry heavens, which led him, as they have so many 
other watchers in the desert, to contemplate the splendors and unfath- 
omable mysteries of the universe and its Creator. 



CHAPTER XH. 

THE SECOND CAVALRY.* 

When General Franklin Pierce was elected President, he appointed 
General Jefferson Davis Secretary of War. Pierce's gallantry, amia- 
bility, and address, had enabled him to avoid the blunders of the other 
" political generals " in the Mexican War ; while his actual service made 
him perceive clearly the necessity of positive qualifications at the head 
of the War Department. He had the good fortune to secure as secre- 
tary a man who combined political knowledge and administrative 
ability with a perfect experience in the details and requirements of 
the service. It is not too much to say that the department was 
never conducted with more intelligence and skill, or with more satis- 
faction to the army and the country. The secretary attempted and 
secured great improvements in the organization and efficiency of all 
branches of the service. In carrying out these plans he had to ask 
for an increase in the force, which resulted in a bill, passed March 3, 
1855, providing for four new regiments — two of cavalry and two of 
infantry. 

The necessity for this increase in the strength of the army will be 
at once apparent by reference to the President's message, and to the 
secretary's report of December 4, 1854. The secretary says : 

"We have a seaboard and foreign frontier of more than 10,000 miles ; an 
Indian frontier and routes through the Indian country requiring constant pro- 
tection of more than 8,000 miles; and an Indian population of more than 
400,000, of whom probably one-half, or 40,000 warriors, are inimical, and only 
wait the opportunity to become active enemies. If our army should be expanded 
to its greatest limits it would have a force of 14,731 officers and men; but as 
a large allowance must always be made for absentees, invalids, etc., the effective 
force would probably never exceed 11,000. 

The secretary also estimated the Indian frontier of Texas at nearly 
2,000 miles, the lines of communication through the Indian country 

* The Second Cavalry is now styled the Fifth Cavalry. 



184 THE SECOND CAVALRY. 

at more than 1,200 miles, and the nomadic and predatory Indians 
at 30,000; while the army in that department was onl}^ 2,886 offi- 
cers and men, a force entirely inadequate for its protection and de- 
fense. 

While the policy of the Administration was taking shape, the friends 
of different aspirants for appointment or promotion naturally urged their 
claims in the usual manner. General Johnston followed the same line 
of conduct which he had prescribed for himself during General Taylor's 
Administration, and abstained from presenting his claims. His patient 
performance of the duties of paymaster, however, incited the friends 
who witnessed it to move on his behalf. The Texas Legislature con- 
tained a number of those brave spirits who had formerly looked to him 
in the days of the republic as their leader in every martial enterprise ; 
and, under this guidance, the whole Legislature united in a recom- 
mendation for General Johnston's appointment to the command of 
one of the proposed regiments. This memorial, dated January 8, 
1854, in which the Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, and Speaker of 
the House united, was addressed to Senator Rusk, and urged the 
coSperation of himself and his colleagues in securing the object of the 
petition. 

When the bill was passed, in 1855, General Rusk, who needed no 
other prompting than his own feelings in the matter, used active efforts 
to secure the apjDointment for General Johnston. His position was 
somewhat embarrassing, as that gallant and popular partisan leader, 
Major Ben McCulloch, w^as vehemently pressed by influential friends 
for the same appointment. Hon. P. H. Bell, although an advocate of 
the claims of McCulloch, kindly offered a testimonial to the capacity 
and character of General Johnston. Hon. William Preston, member 
of Congress from Kentucky, was in the opposition, but was able, 
perhaps partly on that account, to smooth the way for General John- 
ston's promotion. But as it had been General Johnston's good fortune 
previously to be personally known and appreciated by President Tay- 
lor, so he chanced again to have in the Secretary of War a friend 
who had known him from boyhood and who esteemed him as highly 
as any man living. Mr. Preston wrote : " Johnston's merits should 
have given him a regiment years ago, but his pride and delicacy have 
always prevented him from pressing his claims. Davis was truly his 
friend." 

It had been a custom, almost passing into precedent, on the forma- 
tion of new regiments, for the existing Administration to reward its 
supporters with important commands, so that the army was in danger 
of degenerating into a retired list for decayed politicians. Nothing 
could be more fatal to honorable ambition. But now the Secretary of 
War, himself a soldier of distinguished merit, was able to present the 



APrOINTED COLONEL. 185 

subject so strongly to the President, that he was allowed to make his 
selections, for the most part, from the army. The political pressure 
brought to bear upon Mr. Davis was very great, but no man was ever 
less amenable to such considerations ; and that his appointments were 
made with sole reference to efficiency is best evinced by the subsequent 
careers of the men selected. 

To the Second Regiment of cavalry, which was intended for imme- 
diate service in Texas, General Johnston was appointed as colonel, 
with rank from March 3, 1855. Brevet Colonel Robert E. Lee was 
made lieutenant-colonel ; and Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel William J. 
Hardee and Major George H. Thomas, majors. Hardee was afterward 
a lieutenant-general in the Confederate army, and was always found 
equal to the occasion. Thomas is equally well known as a distinguished 
general on the Northern side. Among the captains were Earl Van 
Dorn, E. Kirby Smith, and N. G, Evans, who were generals in the Con- 
federate army ; and I. N. Palmer, George Stoneman, and R. W. John- 
son, who held the same rank in the Union army. Among the subal- 
terns, John B. Hood, Charles W. Field, Chambliss, and Phifer, became 
Southern generals ; and K. Garrard and others attained the same place 
in the Northern army. It is doubtful whether any other one regiment 
furnished an equal number of distinguished officers to the two contend- 
ing armies during the great civil war. 

McCulloch, in his disappointment at not receiving a colonel's com- 
mission, refused the position of major tendered him. He had been a 
gallant and enterprising leader of partisan troops, and deserved well of 
his country'. His nomination was a high compliment, as he was the 
only field-officer selected from civil life. Long before his untimely 
death in battle, he had the generosity to say that Mr. Davis had acted 
wisely in preferring General Johnston above him. 

General Scott said to Mr. Preston, who was on intimate terms with 
him, that the appointments were very good, but that the positions of 
Johnston and Lee should have been transposed. The acquaintance that 
had existed between these two officers ripened into mutual regard and 
esteem, of which some slight but decided evidences will appear in the 
course of this memoir. Indeed, the writer's admiration of General Lee, 
which has been expressed elsewhere under so many forms, had its ori- 
gin in General Johnston's commendations of that soldier subsequently 
so illustrious. From each he has heard in regard to the other senti- 
ments of respect and appreciation, delivered in terms of noble sin- 
cerity — an estimate that grew and strengthened to the close. Some 
years after, General Scott, in another conversation, with Mr. Pres- 
ton, referring to his former conversation took occasion to say that 
no better appointment than General Johnston could have been made ; 
that he was equal to any position, and he would not have it other- 



186 THE SECOND CAVALRY. 

wise. Captain Eaton informs the writer that General Scott told him 
in the winter of 1858 that he regarded General Johnston's ajDpoint- 
ment as " a Godsend to the army and to the country." His opinion 
of General Johnston's qualities had greatly improved on a better ac- 
quaintance. 

Thus while General Johnston was undergoing the combined hard- 
ships, drudgery, and mental torture, arising out of his duties and losses 
as paymaster, a kind Providence and zealous friends advanced him to 
the very position which he preferred to all others. It is true that he 
had never held a regular cavalry command, though he had served with 
the rangers in Texas ; but his professional knowledge was wide, and 
his special tastes inclined him to that arm of the service, so that he felt 
no difficulty in accepting the promotion. The writer was with him 
when he received, at Fort McKavitt, the notification of this fact ; and, 
though his heart's desire was gratified by it, he learned it with perfect 
composure, and delayed his acceptance until he had surveyed the case 
in every possible bearing. 

The citizens of Austin tendered him a public supper and ball, " as 
an unostentatious display of genuine feeling and respect for a distin- 
guished public servant." But a still more gratifying evidence of the 
public estimation was the confidence inspired on that whole frontier, 
that his presence in command there was a sufficient guarantee of its 
safety. On May 19th he was ordered to Louisville, Kentucky; and, by 
telegram, on June 29th, to report at Washington City. 

When General Johnston was ordered on, it was not expected that 
his regiment would be filled for some time ; and both he and Colonel 
Lee were directed to proceed to Fort Leavenworth, to sit on a general 
court-martial, to be held September 24th. Recruiting for the army had 
been slow, and often from an undesirable class of persons. But now, 
owing to the increase of pay, the prospect of a life of active adventure 
on the Plains, and other motives, the cavalry regiments were rapidly 
recruited with farmers' sons and other daring young men, making its 
complement of men (850) about the middle of August. The recruits 
were rendezvoused at Jefferson Barracks, Missouri, under the command 
of Major Hardee, with orders to march to the frontier of Texas in Oc- 
tober. General Johnston was troubled at being absent from his regi- 
ment at this critical period, and in a letter to the writer, dated Septem- 
ber 29th, says : " I am much annoyed at being absent from my regi- 
ment at a time when the presence of every officer is peculiarly needed. 
It is really bringing form out of chaos to organize a regiment of raw 
recruits and prepare them for a long march. They have suffered 
some from cholera and other diseases, which has caused a consid- 
erable number to desert. I do not expect desertion to cease while 
the regiment remains at Jefferson Barracks." He was relieved, how- 



A HARD MARCH. 187 

ever, early in October, and proceeded to assume the command of his 
regiment. 

Major Hardee, an ofBcer of tact, intelligence, and professional knowl- 
edge, had been in charge of the regiment, and had accomplished all that 
could be expected under the circumstances ; but ague, cholera, deser- 
tion, and tlie other discouragements incident to novitiates in garrison, 
kept the regiment in an unhappy and restless condition until it moved. 
General Johnston began by the application of a rigid discipline, and 
the letter of a witness mentions that six men were on the same day 
drummed out of the regiment with shaven heads and other marks of 
degradation. The preparations were urged with all possible dispatch; 
and, on the 27th of October, the column was put in motion for the fron- 
tier of Texas. 

It was a happy day for General Johnston when, mounting his splen- 
did gray charger, he led a regiment of United States regular cavalry, 
nearly 800 strong, on the road toward Texas. As Texas was to be their 
home for some years, the families of the married officers accompanied 
them. General Johnston's wife and family were packed into an ambu- 
lance-Avagon, and occupied a tent ten feet square during the halts. 
Tliey, with the other families accompanying the regiment, bore the 
hardships of a winter's march and a gypsy-life with uncomplaining 
fortitude. 

The march was not eventful. Though in the earlier part of the 
journey the progress was slow, on account of rain, high water, and bad 
roads, yet the change from garrison-life to the march and active work 
put new life into the men. Discontent vanished, and only one deser- 
tion, I believe, occurred. Some casualties happened, of course. A 
drunken soldier was killed by a fall from his horse. Another soldier 
was killed by a kick of his horse ; and a few men died in consequence 
of the extreme cold weather. The strictest discipline was enforced ; 
and though offenses were few, they were promptly and severely pun- 
ished. The rights of citizens were respected without qualification; 
and of this regard for law the colonel himself set a good example. In 
Mrs. Johnston's journal occurs the following entry : " Marched to-day 
eighteen miles through a well-cultivated country, but inhabited by a 
mean set of people. A man refused to sell me ifresh milk for my sick 
baby at any price ; * for,' said he, ' that milk has butter in it. After it 
is churned, if you will send for it, I will sell it to you.' " No further 
effort was made with him, not even a remonstrance. The supremacy of 
law over force was fully recognized. The incident is trifling in itself, 
but it has its value. 

The route from Jefferson Barracks lay through the Ozark Moun- 
tains, in Southwestern Missouri, and passed by the way of Springfield 
and Neosho into the Indian Territory. Reaching Talequah, November 



188 THE SECOND CAVALRY. 

28th, and traveling by Fort Gibson and Fort Washita, they entered 
Texas at Preston on the 15th of December. From Preston the column 
moved to Belknap, and thence to Fort Mason, its destination, where it 
arrived January 14, 1856. Four companies were left on the Clear Fork 
of the Brazos, under Major Hardee. In this march they forded many 
rivers, and suffered three weeks of the coldest weather ever felt in 
Texas. 

While still on the elevated table-lands, some sixty miles northeast of 
Fort Belknap, the regiment was caught by a terrible norther. General 
Johnston says in a letter to the writer, of January 17th : 

Norther! It makes me cold to write the word. I do not believe that any of 
the hyperborean explorers felt the cold more intensely than did my regiment. 
Noble fellows! Officers and men, they will always be found at their post, wher- 
ever duty calls them. Think of a northern blast, sixty miles an hour, unceasing, 
unrelenting (the mercury below zero, ice six inches thick), coming suddenly 
down on the highest table-lands of Texas, 2,000 feet above the sea, upon a regi- 
ment only a few moments before luxuriously enjoying the balmy, bland south 
breeze, and dissipating in a moment the sweet, illusive hope that, having trav- 
eled far into the sunny South, we had escaped the horrors of a Northern win- 
ter ! 

This wonderful change of temperature occurred on the night of December 
22d. I had just received and finished reading your letter, in which you men- 
tioned the delightful weather with which you were blessed in New York, I re- 
joiced that the rude blasts had not visited you all too roughly, but pitied you in 
the future. Blind mortals that we are! I could not know that what I so 
dreaded for you would in a moment be inflicted upon myself. From the 22d to 
this time it has been severely cold, but it is moderate now. On the 23d I did 
not march, as we had a ration of corn on hand for our poor, benumbed horses. 
On the 24th we were compelled to give up the little shelter afforded by a skirt 
of timber, and take our route over the prairie. This was a hard day for all. I 
do not go much into detail, because you have with me faced a Texas norther, 
and you will comprehend that it was fortunate that our course was southwest. 
I think we could not have marched northward. On the 25th, having overtaken 
our supply-train the evening before, and having a ration of corn for our horses, 
we remained in camp, the best sheltered by timber that we could find for so 
large a body of troops, but not good. This bright, clear, beautiful day was the 
coldest of all; the ground was covered with snow, and the small quantity of 
water to be found was nearly all congealed, so that with great difficulty an in- 
sufficient supply was obtained for our horses. On the 26th we were compelled 
to take the route again and go on to our depot of corn, and there encamped 
without water for our horses and with very little for our men. On the 27th we 
reached Belknap, and encamped near the post until the 2d of January, when we 
marched for this place. We are now comfortable, and begin to forget the past. 

During their march from Belknap they encountered hail, snow, and 
sleet ; and both men and animals suffered severely. A train on its way 
from the coast to meet them lost 113 oxen. At Fort Mason, as the ac- 



ABOLITIONISM. 189 

commodations were insufficient for the comfort of the officers' families, 
General Johnston reserved only one small room for his own family. 
Soon after his arrival there he was attacked by a violent remittent 
bilious fever, brought on by the exposure of the march. The disease 
nearly proved fatal, but he finally rallied and seemed to recover. 

Having been ordered, on the 2d of April, to proceed to San Antonio 
to take command of the department, he made the journey on horse- 
back while still convalescent. He had hardly secured comfortable 
quarters before he suffered a relapse, which brought him to the verge 
of the grave. His strong constitution at last brought him safely 
through. Writing about the middle of May, he says : " I try my 
physical powers a little every day. I have been so little accustomed 
to sickness that I can hardly realize it, and find myself inclined con- 
stantly to jump up and go right off to work." He was gradually re- 
stored to strength and health, but did not recover his robust appear- 
ance until braced by a winter in Utah. 

During the summer and fall of 1856 all other interests were subordi- 
nate to the political struggle which resulted in the election of Mr. Bu- 
chanan, the Democratic candidate, over Fremont, the nominee of the 
Antislavery party. The following letters are inserted, because they 
clearly define General Johnston's views on the subject of abolitionism 
and his apprehensions at that time. 

On the 21st of August, writing from San Antonio to the author, he 
says: 

The best friends of the Union begin to feel apprehensions for its permanency. 
A disruption is too horrid for contemplation. "War and its accompaniments 
would be a necessary consequence ; a peaceful separation is impossible. Let us 
make war against the world rather than against each other. Our compact of 
union seems to be drifting toward a lee-shore; already expectant, we stand to 
listen for the insolent shouts of the greedy wreckers. May Divine interposition 
prevent the shock ! 

San Antonio, Texas, September 12, 1S56. 

My DEA.E Son: We are all well, but good health is no novelty here; the 
beneficence of Providence has accorded this blessing to all the inhabitants of this 
beautiful region. The simplicity of our habits, from the necessity of practising 
a rigid economy, imposes upon us the fulfillment of tlie conditions which insure 
that blessing to us. After providing for our wants, though not many, there is 
nothing left for hospitality. This gives me no uneasiness. I prefer rather that 
my creditors (now very few) should regard me as an honest man than that the 
world should esteem me a generous fellow. My outfit and necessary expenses 
in bringing my family to this country on a long overland route will keep me 
nnder half-pay until March. 

I notice with sorrow the progress of fanaticism in the North. "What do they 
want? "We want the Union with the Constitution, "We want to share in its 
glorious, benevolent, civilizing mission, and its high and magnificent destiny. 



190 THE SECOND CAVALRY. 

Our whole hearts are devoted to its support and perpetuity. "We want the 
rights and independence of the States and the security to individuals guaran- 
teed by its Constitution; we claim immunity from intervention and interfer- 
ence. Do they want these things? Let them then cease to agitate a question 
which reaches our hearths and should be sacred, which disturbs our peace and 
produces a feeling of insecurity which is intolerable. With whatever sorrow, 
however heart-felt and agonizing, we will not hesitate to encounter separation 
with all its attendant horrors rather than bear the evils and degradation relent- 
lessly heaped upon us by the heartless folly of fanaticism. 

Hypochondriac persons, without a single cause of unhappiness, by cherishing 
insane ideas, contrive to make themselves truly miserable. So with our people 
of the North. A merciful and beneficent God has placed within our grasp every 
source of human happiness. He has given us the finest country on earth, em- 
bracing every variety of climate, soil, and production, affording the means of a 
perfect independence of the rest of the world; a government more free than 
any other, and laws whose extreme benevolence hardly restrains individual ac- 
tion sufficiently for public safety ; and the right to worship even according to 
our fancy. Yet with all these gifts — surely divine — they cannot be happy un- 
less their Southern brothers will consent to lie upon the Procrustean bed they 
have constructed for them. They must adopt some other basis for the settle- 
ment of the question in agitation than passion. Why not let reason again re- 
sume its sway ? 

Yours, affectionately, A. S. Johnston. 

"Writing on the 23d of November, be says, in allusion to the same 
topic, and the election of Mr. Buchanan as President : 

My deab Will: We are all well, and contented with the result of the elec- 
tion. If our Northern brethren will give up their fanatical, idolatrous negro- 
worship, we can go on harmoniously, happily, and prosperously, and also 
gloriously, as a nation. We liope this, although we fear it is asking too much of 
poor human nature. It is more in accordance with human experience to believe 
that they will cherish their unhappy delusion. What a people ! what a destiny ! 
Great, almost without limit we would be, if they would employ all the energy, 
all the talents, all the genius, and all the resolution, to build up, beautify, adorn, 
and strengthen our Government, which they have used from the beginning to 
cripple and destroy it. 

General Johnston's administration of the Department of Texas was 
eminently satisfactory, not only to the Government, but to the people of 
the frontier — a state of affairs very rare indeed. He was keenly alive 
to the duty intrusted to him — the defense of the frontier. It was a 
subject that had engaged his interest and sympathy for twenty years, 
and the field of operations was perfectly familiar to him. His command 
was a force more suitable for service than had formerly been employed, 
and his orders were carried out by as able and enterprising a body of 
officers and men as has ever been collected into one regiment in Amer- 
ica. Enjoying, too, very fully, the confidence of the people, he received 



GUARDING THE FRONTIER. 191 

that justice at their hands which is not always accorded to commanders, 
even when deserving. 

When General Johnston reached Fort Mason, the border was full of 
terror. The year 1855 had been one of unusual disaster and suflFering. 
The Indians had murdered and pillaged as far down as the Blanco, 
within twenty miles of Austin, and even below San Antonio, in Sep- 
tember. The arrival of the Second Cavalry changed the aspect of affairs ; 
and a vigorous warfare upon the Comanches, illustrated by many suc- 
cessful combats, gave an unwonted security to the settlers. 

General Johnston, in allusion to this improvement in the condition 
of the department, says in a letter to the writer, dated August 21st : 

So far, since my administration of the affairs of this department, our fron- 
tiers have been free from Indian incursions. Our troops have driven them far 
into the interior, and I hope they will not soon venture in again. This is, of 
course, only a hope ; for there is nothing in the nature of the country offering 
any obstacle to their movements. The country, as you know, is as open as the 
ocean. They can come when they like, taking the chance of chastisement. If 
they choose, therefore, it need only be a question of legs. 

In General Orders No, 14, dated November 13, 1857, the commander- 
in-chief compliments no less than eleven exploits of the Second Cavalry. 
Although these exhibit the actual conflicts of the regiment, they afford 
no rheasure of the activity, the toil, the suffering, and the useful results 
of its employment. In their rapid pursuit of the flying marauders, the 
troops were exposed to severe cold and rains in winter, and to the still 
more trying heat of a semi-tropical sun in summer; they endured the 
extremities of thirst, were often compelled to subsist on the flesh of 
broken-down horses, or even, in some cases, to go without food for 
several days ; and yet the marches performed under these circumstances 
were sometimes surprising ; in one case, as much as 160 miles in two 
days and a half. These expeditions, conducted with energy, judgment, 
and courage, inflicted serious loss on the enemy, and made the frontier 
of Texas a safe residence in comparison to what it is now. 

One of their newspapers, in speaking of General Johnston, said : 

We believe we express the common sentiment of our frontier people, that 
no predecessor has given more satisfaction to them, or inspired them with more 
confidence in the United States Army, than this gallant oflBcer and well-known 
citizen. 

And another says : 

Colonel Johnston's regiment has been quite successful in operating against 
the Indians. They have acquired considerable character as Indian lighters. The 
colonel has for many years enjoyed the confidence of the Texans. They ex- 
pected much from him, and he has not disappointed them. His conduct, since 
14 



192 THE SECOND CAVALRY. 

he has been in command of the Texas frontier, challenges the admiration and 
esteem of his fellow-citizens. He has shown himself an able and energetic com- 
mander." 

These notices might be multiplied, but it is unnecessary. A vacancy 
occurring in the rank of brigadier-general, a great many of the Texas 
journals testified their good-will by expressing the hope that General 
Johnston would be appointed to it ; a fact which is now mentioned 
merely to show their satisfaction with his administration on their 
frontier. 

The following instance is given as an illustration of General John- 
ston's mode of dealing with the people of the frontier. The citizens 
of Hays and Comal Counties joined in a petition to General Johnston, 
requesting him to station a force to j^rotect their settlements. To their 
spokesman, Judge William E. Jones, General Johnston sent the follow- 
ing reply : 

San Antonio, Texas, Decetnherl, 1856. 

Dear Sir : Your letter in relation to the exposed condition of the settle- 
ments between the Guadalupe and Pedernalis Elvers, embracing those of the 
Blanco, has been received. 

Captain Bradfute, Second Cavalry, with the effective strength of his company, 
has been ordered to encamp at some suitable position between five and ten 
miles to the northward of Sisterdale, to keep the country up the Guadalupe, on 
the Pedernalis, and intermediate, constantly under observation by means of 
scouting parties, and also to examine the country in the direction of the Blanco. 

While all that activity and zeal can accomplish may be expected from the 
officers and men of this company, a hearty cooperation of the people of the 
settlements, in the way of communicating prompt intelligence of the presence of 
Indians to the troops, and furnishing the latter with reliable guides, will greatly 
contribute to their security. 

The frontier has been unremittingly watched over by the small force sta- 
tioned on it ; but on a frontier of such extent, presenting so many facilities of 
approach and concealment, small parties can elude the vigilance of their scouts, 
and penetrate into the settlements. 

With great respect, your obedient servant, 

A. S. JonNSTOH. 
Hon. W. E. Jones. 

Commenting upon this in grateful terras, a local journal says : 

This is one of the few efforts made by regular officers to conciliate the people 
and secure their services. It is the first step toward producing the harmony and 
good feeling which ought to exist between the Texans and the United States 
Array. Colonel Johnston, notwithstanding he is an officer of the army, does 
notforgethe is at the same time a citizen of the United States. This is a senti- 
ment, it is to be feared, some officers do not entertain, or cannot sufficiently ap- 
preciate. 

The people of this State were much gratified when they learned Colonel 
Johnston had charge of this department. His course, and the successes of his 



THE FRIEND OF YOUin. 193 

officer;!, have fully met their expectations, and, sliould he be continued, there is 
an abiding trust reposed in Lis ability to give protection to the frontier. 

In a letter to the author, dated December 24, 1856, inclosing the 
foregoing, General Johnston remarks : 

They praise or condemn on grounds equally untenable. In this case they 
totally misapprehend me. They believe I have a desire to conciliate, and con- 
sider it the motive of my action. The truth is, they felt unsafe. A feeling of 
security was due to them. According it to them was a simple act of duty, noth- 



General Johnston's influence with young and ardent men was very 
great. Two illustrations of this are given by a devoted friend and 
admirer, whose terms of laudation I have sometimes omitted, though I 
have naturally accepted them as genuine and just. He was the son of 
a friend of General Johnston, and, having settled at San Antonio as a 
lawyer while the latter had his headquarters there, was at once put upon 
familiar terms with him and his family. He says : 

I regard the hours spent with them as among the happiest and best improved 
of my life. I have long since recognized that his interest was purely the result 
of a desire to guard the son of an old friend against the temptations of youth 
incident to a frontier town. During the two years that I was a constant visitor 
under his roof, he could not have been kinder or more considerate if I had been 
his own son, as the incidents alluded to will go to show. 

The writer goes on to narrate how, a personal altercation having 
arisen between an officer of the Second Cavalry and another person, he 
was engaged to act as the friend of the former. Unfortunately, the 
correspondence passed to such a point that he felt constrained to advise 
his principal that, in the event of an anticipated contingency, he must 
kill his antagonist on sight, pledging himself to do the same to any 
other man wdio should interfere. 

That night between ten and twelve o'clock. General Johnston entered 
his room, and inquired whether he had given such advice. Before an- 
swering, my informant asked General Johnston whether he proposed 
to take official action in the premises. On his replying that he did not 
propose to avail himself of his position to interfere officiously in the 
affair, he was told that such had been the advice given. General John- 
ston then asked whether he had counted the cost and weighed the pos- 
sible consequences ; and was told that he had, and that he had advised 
the course that he himself would have adopted if principal, though he 
knew it must lead to a bloody street-brawl. To General Johnston's 
expressed hope that he might con\dnce him that his action was, to say 
the least, precipitate, he replied that he feared the task was hopeless. 
" But," to use the language of my informant, " he did, at length, sue- 



194 THE SECOND CAVALKY. 

ceed, by the mathematical argument of honor and the inexorable logic 
of ' the code,' in inducing me to withdraw my counsel and leave my 
friend free to act after a plan which he (General Johnston) suggested. 
I now know that it was the wisest and best that could have been 
adopted, and that by its substitution for mine I have been saved a life- 
long term of remorse and self-reproach. . . . Not for worlds, now^ would 
I have had my advice followed. General Johnston was probably the one 
man in the world who could have prevented it, and his arguments were 
the only ones that could have proved effectual." Both of these young 
men attained high rank and distinction in the civil war ; the writer of 
the above in the Confederate Army, and his principal in the Federal 
Army. 

The other incident occurred at the crisis of the Nicaragua filibuster- 
ing fever, and is narrated as follows by my informant : 

A battalion was raised iu and around San Antonio to go to General Walker's 
assistance, and I was waited upon by a committee to know whether I would ac- 
cept a command. Nothing could have been more consonant to my feelings at 
the time; but, for some reason, I demanded until the next day before returning 
an answer, suggesting, in the mean time, to swell the numbers by additional re- 
cruits. "While that was going on that night quite briskly in the plaza, General 
Johnston came along, and, taking me by the arm, asked me to accompany him 
out of the crowd. Then, turning to me, he desired to know whether it was true 
that I purposed going on such a wild-goose chase. On being told that such was 
my intention, he replied: "My young friend, think twice, and think seriously, 
before taking this step; because, in all likelihood, it is the turning-point in your 
life." 

Admitting that in youth the impulse was natural, and referring to analogous 
cases in his own career, he continued: "The days of Quixotism are past, and 
with them the cliance for name and fame in all such enterprises as this. The 
age is materialistic, and he who goes about in search of windmills and giants is 
apt to be considered a fit candidate for Bedlam. The question, however, wears 
a moral aspect, which should be duly weighed and considered. Is tliere any 
material difference between the filibuster and the buccaneer? Tell me not of 
philantliropy as a plea. I say of it as Roland's wife said of liberty : ' Alas ! how 
many crimes are committed in thy name ! ' Besides, if you are pining for advent- 
ure, you will not have long to wait. Liberty and philanthropy are at work, 
and on a broader field than yours. Fanaticism will soon bring on a sectional 
collision between the States of the Union, in which every man will have to 
choose his side. When it comes there will be no lack of blows, and may God 
help the right ! Then give up your present project, and wait. Go to Austin and 
enter on your profession there. I will give you letters which will insure you an 
advantageous business connection there." By these arguments, here given al- 
most in his very words, and similar ones, he again induced me to defer my wishes 
to his judgment, and I have never regretted the decision. The letters I have 
now. 

Permit me to say, in conclusion, that I have never known the man who held 
in such nice equipoise qualities akin and yet in a measure antagonistic — the 



A FRIENDLY PORTRAITURE. 195 

gonial and reserved, the gentle and tbe grand, the humane and the heroic. He 
would have gone a day's journey to reclaim an erring brother, and would have 
turned out of his path to avoid crushing a worm ; and yet he would have sacri- 
ficed his life and all he held dear in it rather than deviate one hair's breadth 
from the strictest line of right and duty. 

There was no cant in his composition, for he was a cavalier of the straitest 
sect ; but I have never met the man who combined in himself more of the ele- 
ments of a follower of the Unerring Teacher. In his company the humblest felt 
at ease, and yet a crowned head would not have ventured upon a freedom with 
him. In the course of an eventful life and extensive travel, I have come in con- 
tact with many of the historic personages of the day; and yet I scruple not to 
say that of them all, but three., to my thinking, would stand the test of the most 
rigid scrutiny. Of these, by a singular coincidence, the colonel and lieutenant- 
colonel of a cavalry regiment in the United States Army, afterward respectively 
the ranking officers of a hostile army, Albert Sidney Johnston and Eobert E. 
Lee, were two; the third was Mr. Calhoun. No time-serving or self-seeking 
entered into their calculations. Self-abnegation at the bidding of duty was the 
rule of their lives. Could our much-maligned section lay no further claim to 
the consideration of mankind, the fact that it produced, almost in the same gen- 
eration, such a triumvirate, typical of their people, is enough to place it among 
the foremost nations of the earth in tlie realms of thought, honor, patriotism, 
and knightly grace. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

THE MORMOX REBELLIOJT. 



Gexeeal Johxstox, as commander of the United States troops 
employed to enforce the Federal authority in Utah, was for more than 
two years placed in relations of either direct or indirect antagonism 
with the Mormon chiefs ; and, as his position was peculiarly dangerous 
and difBcult, it is impossible clearly to understand it without some 
knowledge of the situation of this people and of the abnormal develop- 
ment of religious ideas which led to their separation into a distinct com- 
munit}'. 

The rise and spread of the Mormons, or Latter-Day Saints, is one of 
the most remarkable facts of this century. Observers recognize the 
existence in civilized society of a barbarous element, sometimes charac- 
terized as " the dangerous classes." Its manifestation is usually political 
and communistic, or predatory. Under the influence of religious fanati- 
cism, it gave birth to Mormonism. Joseph Smith, an ignorant and cun- 
ning charlatan, with the aid of certain confederates animated by similar 
sordid motives, deliberately framed and preached and organized a system 
of religious imposture, which was to establish him as the prophet and 



196 THE MOEMON EEBELLION. 

vicegerent of the Most High. He pretended to announce his mission 
by divine revelation, and to attest it by miracles. Secretly he made it 
the instrument of unbounded license, and of a perfect despotism, spir- 
itual and temporal, over his deluded followers. 

Joseph Smith was a native of Vermont, where he was born in 1805. 
His father removed during his boyhood to near Palmyra, New York. 
His family was of the vagabond class, thriftless and superstitious. 
They were people of the lowest social grade, subsisting on the proceeds 
of irregular labor — hunting, trapping, well-digging, and peddling beer 
and cakes, together with some shiftless and ill-directed work on the 
farm on which they had " squatted." Their neighbors testified that 
they were idle, thriftless, and suspected of pilfering. The family were 
very ignorant and superstitious, dreaming dreams, seeing visions, and 
catching eagerly at all the marvels current in their circle. In the 
camp-meetings and revivals that formed the chief recreation of their 
community, they picked up an extensive Scriptural vocabulary and 
some ill-defined views of theologj', but no impulse, apparently, to carry 
the word of God into the practical conduct of life. Their spiritual 
life was passed in that sediment of fanaticism which consists chiefly of 
credulity, self-deception, and imposture. Such was the school of morals 
in which Joseph Smith was educated in all the points of charlatanism. 

Joseph Smith was himself accounted in 3routh a worthless, idle, 
lying, immoral vagabond ; though both he and his mother testified that 
it was religious meditation which occupied his thoughts. " He was," 
according to his father, " the genus of the family." His neighbors 
assert that he professed to discover hidden treasures by the use of 
" a peep-stone " — a large crystal through which he looked — and that 
he was also "a Avater-witch," who found wells with the hazel-rod. 
According to his own account, at the age of fifteen, he had a vision in 
which Christ appeared to him and warned him against all existing creeds 
and sects. He received his call as a prophet on the 23d of September, 
1823, when " Nephi, a messenger of God," appeared to him in a vision, 
and told him that " God had a work for him to do," etc. 

It is not necessary to recapitulate here the steps by which a bold 
imposture rose to a formidable fanaticism. Smith began his practices 
in 1823, at the age of eighteen, but it was seven years later before Mor- 
monism began to take shape as a sect. His shallow pretenses of the 
discovery of " the book of Mormon," and of miraculous spectacles to 
read it with, and his other tricks, have all been laid bare. Nevertheless, 
he drew around him a band in which craftiness, audacity, and supersti- 
tion, accompanied by an American aptitude for organization, were the 
marked characteristics. A sect was founded. 

Converts were made rapidly, and colonies were established at Kirt- 
land, Ohio, and Independence, Missouri. Great missionary enterprises 



A PAIR OF TROrnETS. 197 

were ■undertaken, and the sect was separated into a distinct body, 
oro-anized for political and ecclesiastical ends, and literally, not figura- 
tively, " at war with the world." Horse-stealing and counterfeiting 
were charged as effective means by which they " spoiled the Egyp- 
tians ; " and so deep-seated was this belief that they were expelled 
from Ohio and Missouri by popular uprisings. In 1839 the exiles took 
refuge in Illinois, and built a handsome city on the banks of the Missis- 
sippi, named Nauvoo, which in two years contained two thousand 
houses. Though warmly welcomed at first, their ill name followed 
them, and a war seemed imminent between them and the people of the 
country. In the half-hostile, half-legal phases of the contest, Smith fell 
into the hands of his enemies, and, while in the custody of the law, was 
murdered in jail by a mob in June, 1844. The martyrdom of its founder 
gave a seal to the church. His place as " seer " and " revelator of 
God," after a brief contest, was usurped by a man of real ability, grasp, 
and steady purpose. Brigham Young, one of his earliest converts and 
chief counselors, a man of rude, native strength and cunning and excel- 
lent administrative power, came to the front as successor. Holding 
with firm hand the reins of power, he guided the destiny of the Latter- 
Day Saints until his death in 1877. 

Brigham Young was born in Vermont, June 1, 1801, whence he was 
removed while an infant to New York by his father, who was a small 
farmer. Though brought up to farm-labor, he became a painter and 
glazier. He was an early proselyte in 1832, and joined Smith at Kirt- 
land. He soon attained a high place in Smith's confidence, and in rank 
in the church. In 1835 he was made an apostle, and in 1836, president 
of the twelve apostles. He was absent in England two years on a 
successful mission ; but, except during this absence, followed Smith's 
■fortunes closely, and was his most trusted counselor. He owed his po- 
sition to qualities of which his chief felt the need — business sense, per- 
sistence, and self-control. He had shrewdness and insight, and cloaked 
an imperious will under a profession of blind obedience. He is said 
to have managed Smith, and to have ruled as vizier before he became 
sultan. At first he was a poor preacher, only affecting " the gift of 
tongues," or talking gibberish to be translated by another. The habit 
of command and long practice at length made him a strong though 
rude speaker. Such was the successor of Joseph. 

Prophecy required the completion of the temple at Nauvoo ; and 
Brigham finished it after a fashion. In the mean time, foreseeing the 
conflict impending with the Gentiles, he cautiously paved the way to a 
removal of his people to the Rocky Mountains, and at last declared a 
revelation to that effect. In February, 1846, the advance-guard crossed 
the Mississippi, Nauvoo was abandoned, and that toilsome pilgrimage 
began, which ended in the valley of Salt Lake. Nauvoo was said to 



198 THE MORMON REBELLION. 

contain 15,000 inhabitants, and it Avas entirely deserted. The sudden 
exodus of such a population from the midst of enraged neighbors was 
marked by every form of hardship, privation, and affliction, and their 
migration across the Plains vs^as at a heavy cost in human life. The 
United States Government, in order to relieve the distress of the Mor- 
mons, authorized the enlistment of a battalion of volunteers, who re- 
ceived 120,000 pay in advance, were marched to their destination, and 
dismissed with their arms. This act of sympathy, gratefully acknowl- 
edged at the time, was afterward basely misrepresented as a cruel and 
malignant persecution. 

Brigham Young arrived at the site of Salt Lake City with a small 
detachment, July 24, 1847 ; and, leaving a colony, returned to lead for- 
ward the main body from their winter-quarters near Council Bluffs, Iowa. 

On the 24th of December, 1847, by a second coup d^etat, he had him- 
self chosen first president of the church, and thus succeeded to the 
place and power of Joseph Smith. Henceforth, as prophet, priest, 
and king, he ruled as absolute monarch of the Mormons — a Grand 
Lama, or incarnate deity.' In 1848 he led his people to the valley of 
Salt Lake. The city he built there he proclaimed the Zion of the 
Mountains. In his explorations, and as the pioneer leader of a mixed 
multitude in their passage over the desert, Brigham Young appears at 
his best. He showed great energy, skill, and decision, and, when he had 
fairly crossed the boundary into Mexican territory, he set up his standard. 

The Mormons from the origin of their sect have tried to preserve 
every possible analogy to the Hebrews; and this memorable migration 
out of Egypt to the promised land has enabled them to indulge it. 
Utah reproduced to their imaginations a new and enlarged type of 
Canaan. As they emerged from the defiles of the Rocky Mountains 
they beheld a vast basin, in which lay a Dead Sea, with a shore-line of 
290 miles, in a frame of treeless mountains, its sullen waves lapping a 
snow-white beach. From a second sea of Galilee — the beautiful Utah 
Lake — another Jordan poured down, along whose green banks the Mor- 
mon, in his mind's eye, saw set the cities of the Lord. 

Brigham Young looked beyond these types, and perceived himself 
posted in a stronghold where he thought he could bid defiance to the 
armies of the world. Lofty and inaccessible mountains girdled it, to 
whose few and narrow gateways he would hold the key. His new city 
would be a Tadmor of the desert, a city of refuge, a holy place, and a 
prison whose door he would keep — a city of which the world had not 
seen the like, at once a new Rome and a new Jerusalem. 

At first the Mormon colony suflfered for food ; but judicious manage- 
ment and fortitude tided them over the danger of starvati "" "~. 
1849 an abundant harvest relieved them. In 1850 and tl 
great emigration passed over the continent to California ; ; 



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QUARRELS WITH FEDERAL OFFICIALS. 199 

owners of the half-way station, the Mormons were enriched by legiti- 
mate commerce. Brigham showed administrative talent; and, with full 
command of the resources of his people, he was able to combine co- 
operative effectiveness with the individual energy and spontaneous 
industrj- of the population in such a way as to work marvels of achieve- 
ment. 

Utah was transferred, by the treaty of 1848, from Mexico to the 
United States. The question was thus revived, whether it were better 
to pursue their pilgrimage still farther, encountering Apache cruelty 
and Mexican bigotry, or to trust to their isolation, and " build up the 
kingdom " on United States territory. The Mormons chose the latter 
course. Early in 1849 they organized the State of " Deseret ; " but Con- 
gress ignored it, and, in September, 1850, created instead the Territory 
of Utah. President Fillmore appointed Brigham Young Governor ; and 
he took the oath of office Februarys, 1851. Stenhouse says,* " Presi- 
dent Fillmore appointed Brigham on the recommendation of Colo- 
nel Thomas L. Kane, and upon the assurance of that gentleman that 
the charges against Brigham Young's Christian morality were unfound- 
ed." A judge, the attorney, and the marshal of the district court, 
were also Mormons. Two of the judges were " Gentiles." Thus was 
impressed a Mormon policy upon the Federal relations of the Territory. 

The Federal officers arrived in July, and were soon involved in 
trouble. Judge Brocchus reprobated polygamy in a public assembly, 
and was told by the Governor, " I will kick you or any other Gentile 
judge from this stand, if you or they again attempt to interfere with 
the affairs of our Zion ! " He afterward said, " If I had crooked my 
finger, the women would have torn him to pieces." Dislikino- such 
tenure of office and life, the Gentile Federal officers retreated from the 
Territory, and left affairs in the hands of their Mormon colleao-ues. 
Judge Shaver, who succeeded Brocchus, died, with some suspicion of 
foul play ; and Judge Reed, his associate, returned to New York. A 
third set of officials was sent out in 1854, whose relations with the 
Mormon chiefs became still more unpleasant. A bitter controversy 
sprang up between Judge Drummond and the Saints, with mutual accu- 
sations of crime. The former charged the massacre of Lieutenant Gun- 
nison's party on the Mormons, together with many other outrages ; 
while the latter retorted with allegations of gross immorality. Judge 
Drummond, having got to Carson's Valley, took care not to return. 

The Secretary of State, Almon W. Babbitt, having offended Brigham 
Young, started across the Plains, but was murdered on the road by In- 
dians " who spoke good English ; " or, in other words, by Mormons. 
Brigham's comment was : " There was Almon W. Babbitt. He under- 
took to quarrel with me, and soon after was killed by the Indians. He 
' " Rocky Mountain Saints," p. 275. 



200 THE MORMON REBELLION. 

lived like a fool, and died like a fool." This unrelenting vindictiveness 
of Brigham seems the worst feature of his character. 

Judge Styles was a Mormon who had outgrown his faith ; and, hav- 
ing offended the Saints by his decision of a question of jurisdiction ad- 
versely to their wishes, he was set upon, insulted, and threatened by 
the Mormon bar. His records and books were stolen, and, as he sup- 
posed, burned ; though, in fact, they were hidden for subsequent use by 
Clawson, Brigham's son-in-law and confidential clerk. Styles escaped 
to complain at Washington City ; but his intimate friend, a lawyer 
named Williams, was murdered. 

Whether the immoralities charged against the Federal ofiicials were 
true or not, their chief sin was the effort to punish the crimes of certain 
violent men, who in the name of religion had instituted a reign of ter- 
ror over the Mormons themselves. The Danites, or Destroying Angels, 
were a secret organization, said to have originated with one Dr. Avard, 
in the Missouri troubles of 1838. They had their grips and passwords; 
and blind obedience to the Prophet was the sole article of their creed. 
They have had their prototypes under every aspect of despotism, such 
as the Kruptoi of Sparta, the stabbers of Dr. Francia, and the assassins 
of the Old Man of the Mountain. This secret police executed the 
bloody decrees of the church and the will of its president with merciless 
rigor, and hunted down Gentiles and apostate Saints under the com- 
bined influence of fanaticism, greed, and private vengeance. 

Elder Stenhouse, in the thirty-sixth chapter of his " Rocky Mountain 
Saints," gives a terrible picture of the outburst of fanaticism in the 
"Reformation" of 1856. This was "a revival" begun by Jedediah 
M. Grant, in which the most dangerous dogmas of their church were 
pressed to their extremest consequences, and the whole population was 
in a ferment of religious frenzy. It has already been stated that what- 
ever was plausible in doctrine or popular in ritual had been adopted 
into the Mormon Church, so that its creed was a seething mass of in- 
congruous heresies and monstrous errors. Humanity recoiled 4,000 
years with the growth of this bastard dispensation, which seemed to 
have exuded from the slime of the Nile, instead of drawing living 
waters from " Siloa's brook, that flowed fast by the oracle of God." 
The Godhead was dragged down to the likeness of the created, and 
pictured with all the appetites of humanity, while a brutal peasantry 
were taught that each one should become " a god " to create, populate, 
and reign over a new earth as his peculiar domain. This procreation, 
transmigration, and exaltation of souls, was to be secured by obedience 
and the practice of polygamy. All the worst possible phases of polyg- 
amy were practised, including incest. Heber C. Kimball, Young's 
associate in the first presidency, " declared to the people that Young 
was his God and their God." Grant said, " If President Young wants 



A HIDEOUS FANATICISM. 201 

my wives, I ■will give them to him without a grumble, and he can take 
them whenever he likes." Confession was insisted on ; those who 
hesitated were excommunicated, and those who confessed were pub- 
lished and punished. Rebaptism for the remission of sins was en- 
joined. The wavering, the dovibtful, the suspected, were seized by 
night, whipped, ducked, or even worse maltreated. Brigham Young 
taught that " to love thy neighbor as thyself " meant to prevent his 
apostasy by shedding his blood. Many murders and other outrages 
were the consequence ; and the hatred and fury against the Gentiles, 
engendered in these heated imaginations, had much to do with the re- 
sistance to the United States Government, and the acts of open hostility 
in 1857. 

After the inauguration of Mr. Buchanan, he determined to put an 
end to the conflict of authority in Utah by the removal from office of 
Brigham Young, and the appointment of an entire body of Federal 
officers in no wise affiliated with Mormonism. Alfred Gumming, of 
Georgia, was made Governor; D. R. Eckles, Chief-Justice; John 
Cradlebaugh and Charles E. Sinclair, Associate Justices ; John Hart- 
nett, Secretary ; and Peter K. Dotson, Marshal. A detachment of the 
army, under Brigadier-General Harney, was ordered to accompany the 
Federal appointees, to protect them from the violence shown their pre- 
decessors, and to act as a posse comitatiis in the execution of the laws. 

Brigham is said to have received this news on the 24th of July, 
1857, when celebrating the tenth anniversary of his arrival in Salt Lake 
City. Two thousand persons were present in a camp-meeting at Big 
Cottonwood Lake, and their leader fired all hearts by his denunciation 
of the Gentiles, and his resolve to resist the authority of the United 
States. " God was with them, and the devil had taken him at his 
word. He had said ten years before, and he could but repeat it, he 
would ask no odds of Uncle Sam or the devil." He had said in 1853, 
"Zam a7id loill he Governor^ and no power can hinder it, until the 
Lord Almighty says, * Brigham, you need not beGovemor any longer.'" 

When the Mormons had found that the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidal- 
•go, in 1848, made them American instead of Mexican citizens, they had 
submitted patiently in the belief that they would be able to build up a 
sovereign state on the basis of their peculiar ideas. They were satisfied 
with their allegiance when they only felt it in the payment of salaries 
by the Federal Government to officials of their own faith. The Cali- 
fornia immigration proved so lucrative to the Saints that, at first, it 
gave little discontent ; but when it left a residuum of Gentiles in 
Utah, whose criticism or obduracy provoked the enmity of the Mormon 
leaders, the old rancor was quickly revived, and the Destroying Angels 
were summoned to their bloody work. Assassination was very common, 
and other outrages frequent, traceable to this cause. But to place 



202 THE MORMON REBELLION. 

the civil government in Gentile hands would, it was feared, prove the 
downfall of the "kingdom;" Gentiles would be protected, Danites 
punished, and the machinery of the church dislocated. Resistance was 
resolved upon. 

Stenhouse says (page 353) : 

The Saints had no time now to lose ; the enemy was approaching their homes. 
The leaders preaclied war, prayed war, taught war; while saintly poets scribbled 
war, and the people sang their ditties. The ' God of battles ' was the deity of 
the hour, and his influence was everywhere seen and felt. Public works and 
private enterprise were alike suspended, while every artist who had sufficient 
genius for the manufacture of revolvers, repairing old guns, or burnishing and 
sharpening rusty sabres and bayonets, was pressed into the service of Zion. 
The sisters, too, were seized with the war-fever, and their weaving and knitting 
talents were fully exercised in preparation for the coming campaign. It was a 
great time for rejoicing in the Lord, cursing Uncle Sam, and keeping powder 
dry. 

The Mormon outlying colonies, at San Bernardino, Carson's, Wa- 
shoe, and Jack's Valleys, and elsewhere, were called in ; and these Saints 
sold for a song property soon after worth millions. Missionaries re- 
turned in disguise. Preparations for desperate revolt were made ; and 
the people were taught that war to the knife, even to the desolation of 
the land, was to be the measure of their resistance. Major Van Vliet, 
the quartermaster, sent to purchase lumber for quarters, forage, and 
subsistence, arrived on September 3d, and found to his surprise that he 
could buy nothing for the Government, and that the troops were to be 
treated as enemies. He was told by Brigham Young that " the troops 
now on the march for Utah should not enter Salt Lake Valley." 

Major Van Vliet explained that the action in regard to Utah was 
exactly that taken in regard to all the other Territories, and that no hos- 
tile demonstration against the inhabitants was contemplated. But he 
found the president, leaders, and people, unanimous in their determina- 
tion to prevent United States troops from entering the valley. 

Major Van Vliet left on the 14th of September ; and, on the next 
day, Brigham Young issued a proclamation of the most inflammatory' 
character, beginning — 

Citizens of UxAn : We are invaded by a hostile force who are evidently assail- 
ing us to accomplish our overthrow and destruction. 

After reciting the various supposed grounds of grievance against 
the United States, and declaring, " Our duty to ourselves, to our fami- 
lies, requires us not tamely to be driven and slain without an attempt to 
preserve ourselves," he concludes : 

Therefore, I, Brigham Young, Governor, etc. — 1. Forbid all forces of every 
description from coming into this Territory, under any pretense whatever. 



MORM^\ ORATORY. 203 

2. That all the forces in said Territory hold themselves in readiness to march 
at a moment's notice to repel any and all such invasion. 

3. Martial law is hereby declared to exist in this Territory from and after 
the publication of this proclamation, and no person shall be allowed to pass or 
repass into or through or from the Territory without a permit from the proper 
officers. 

On the next day, at the Tabernacle, the spirit of enthusiasm was in- 
creased by war speeches from the leaders. Brigham broke into the 
following strain of denunciation and vigorous metaphor : 

"We have borne enough of their oppression and hellish abuse, and we will not 
bear any more of it, for there is no just law requiring further forbearance on 
our part. And I am not going to have troops here to protect the priests and 
hellish rabble in efforts to drive us from the land we possess; for the Lord does 
not want us to be driven, and has said, " If you will assert your rights, and keep 
my commandments, you shall never again be brought into bondage by your 
enemies." . . . They say that their army is legal ; and I say that such a state- 
ment is as false as hell, and that they are as rotten as an old pumpkin that has 
been frozen seven times and melted in a harvest sun. Come on with your 
thousands of illegally-ordered troops, and I will promise you, in the name of 
Israel's God, that you shall melt away as the snow before a July sun. . . . You 
might as well tell me you can make hell into a powder-house as to tell me you 
could let an array in here and have peace ; and I intend to tell them and show 
them this if they do not stay away. . . . And I say our enemies shall not slip 
the bow on old Bright's neck again. God bless you ! Amen. 

This declaration of independence by the Mormon Prophet was reit- 
erated from every pulpit. It is a curious illustration of the power of 
fanaticism that the refutation of his fallacious revelations and the 
speedy failure of his prophecies did not shake the faith of his disciples. 

At the same meeting of September 16th, Heber Kimball, Brig- 
ham's first councilor, abject sycophant, and a blasphemous old buffoon, 
preached thus : 

Is there a collision between us and the United States ? No ; we have not 
collashed ; that is the word that sounds nearest to what I mean. But now the 
thread is cut between them and us, and we will never gybe again — no, never, 
worlds without end (voices, " Amen! "). ... Do as you are told, and Brigham 
Young will never leave the governorship of this Territory, from this time hence- 
forth and forever. No, never. . . . The spirit that is upon me this morning is 
the Spirit of the Lord, that is, the Holy Ghost— though some of you may think 
the Holy Ghost is never cheerful. Well, let me tell you, the Holy Ghost is a 
man ; he is one of the sons of onr Father and our God, and he is that man that 
stood next to Jesus Christ— just as I stand by Brother Brigham. . . . You think 
our Father and our God is not a lively, sociable, and cheerful man ; he is one of 
the most lively men that ever lived. . . . Brother Brigham is my leader, he is 
my prophet and my seer, my revelator: and whatever he says, that is for me to 
do, and it is not for me to question him one word, nor to question God a minute. 

Such were the teachings of the heads of the church. 



204 THE MOEMOX REBELLIOX. 

In the mean time the Saints were organized and drilled ; and rough 
defenses were built in Echo Canon, and other approaches to the vallej. 

The Territory of Utah, as at present constituted, extends from 109° 
to 114° west longitude, and from 37° to 42° north latitude, with an area 
of 84,476 square miles. But the kingdom which Brigham tried to set 
up claimed wider and undefined limits. The Wahsatch Range bisects 
the Territory for 400 miles in a southwesterly direction, including in its 
eastern section table-lands 5,000 feet above the sea-level, and on its 
western slopes a series of valleys of half that altitude. The air has the 
dryness of the desert, and the sandy, porous soil drinks up the mountain- 
torrents. Wherever irrigation is possible, the earth yields abundantly ; 
and coal, iron, gold, silver, and lead, are found in the mountains ; but 
the largest part of the country must always be devoted to pastoral pur- 
poses. Its cloudless skies, lofty mountains, and green intervales, offer 
grand and varied scenery to the eye and imagination. The population has 
generally been over-estimated. In 1870 the census reported it at 88,374; 
and in 1857 it may be safely computed at about 35,000 or 40,000. 

When Brigham looked up at his Alpine walls and their warders, he 
believed his stronghold impregnable. Its defiles were guarded by hardy 
mountaineers, trained to blind obedience and pitiless zeal by ten years 
in the wilderness ; and the Indian tribes, the intervening desert, and 
an almost arctic winter, were counted on as sure and cruel allies. He 
had seen the unopposed emigrant fall their victim -; and the prophecy 
seemed safe that, great as were the odds, he could foil an invading 
army. In spite of his undoubted ability, and well-organized people, he 
was without intelligent military advice, and but repeating the policy of 
Schamyl and other barbarian chiefs, to whom he was little superior in 
information. He therefore indulged himself in the dream of successful 
revolt and complete independence. 

The following are his orders, issued through Daniel H. Wells, his 
commander-in-chief, on the 4th of October, 1856 : 

On ascertaining the locality or route of the troops, proceed at once to annoy 
them in every possible way. Use every exertion to stampede their animals and 
set fire to their trains. Burn the whole country before them and on their flanks. 
Keep them from sleeping by night- surprises. Blockade the road by feUiiig trees, 
or destroying the fords when you can. Watch for opportunities to set fire to 
the grass on their windward, so as, if possible, to envelop their trains. Leave 
no grass before them that can be burned. Keep your men concealed as much as 
possible, and guard against surprise. Keep scouts out at all times, and com- 
munication open with Colonel Burton, Major McAllister, and O. P. Eockwell, 
who are operating in the same way. Keep me advised daily of your move- 
ments, and every step the troops take, and in which direction. 

God bless you, and give you success. 

Your brother in Christ, 
(Signed) Daniel H. Weixs. 



MOUNTAIN MEADOWS MASSACRE. 205 

These judicious instructions for partisan warfare, though not exe- 
cuted with much vigor, met some success, as will appear hereafter. It 
were well for humanity and the Mormon name had their hostility been 
restricted to legitimate war ; but who shall set bounds to religious 
hate ? The chronic rancor against the Gentiles had been envenomed 
by the delirious " reformation " of the year before, and by the killing of 
the apostle Perley Pratt, in Arkansas. Pratt had seduced the wife 
and abducted the children of a man named McLean, who followed him 
from San Francisco to Arkansas, where he overtook and slew him in 
combat. Though Mormon "common law" justifies homicide as the 
penalty of adultery, the Gentile has not the benefit of the rule, and ven- 
geance was denounced against the people of Arkansas. The new access 
of fury, stimulated by the approach of the troops, culminated in Sep- 
tember, 1857, in an unparalleled atrocity. Robbery, outrage, and mur- 
der, had been the ordinary fate of the alien and the waverer, but the 
climax of religious rage was reached in the massacre at Mountain 
Meadows. 

A band of emigrants, about 135 in number, quietly traveling from 
Arkansas to Southern California, arrived in Utah. This company was 
made up of farmers' families, allied by blood or friendship, and far above 
the average in wealth, intelligence, and orderly conduct. They were 
Methodists, and had religious service regularly morning and evening. 
They expected, according to custom, to refit their teams in Utah, and 
buy food and forage sufficient to pass the California Desert ; but, to 
their horror, this reasonable traffic was everywhere refused. "When they 
stopped at the Jordan to rest, they were ordered to move on ; and 
Brigham sent a courier ahead to forbid all intercourse with the weary 
and terror-stricken band. Pity orcovetousness evaded the decree so far 
as to permit the purchase of thirty bushels of corn at Fillmore, and 
fifty bushels of flour at Cedar City. But so exhausted did the emi- 
grants become, that they made but thirty-five miles in their last four 
daj's of travel. 

As they were thus crawling along, " the decree was passed, devot- 
ing said company to destruction ; " and the militia was regularly called 
out under orders from a military council at Parowan. The authorities 
were Colonel W. H. Dame, Lieutenant-Colonel Isaac C. Haight, Presi- 
dent and High-Priest of Southern Utah, and Major John D. Lee, a 
bishop of the church. Their orders were to "kill the entire company, 
except the little children," The Mormon regiment, with some Indian 
auxiliaries, attacked the emigrants soon after they broke up camp on 
September 12th. The travelers quickly rallied, corraled their wagons, 
and kept up such a fire that the assailants were afraid to come to close 
quarters. Reenforcements were sent for, and arrived; but still the 
Mormons did not venture to assault the desperate men, who were fight- 



206 THE MORMON REBELLION. 

ing for their wives and little ones. At last, on the 15th, the fourth day 
of the siege, Lee sent in a flag of truce, offering, " if the emigrants 
would lay down their arms, to protect them." They complied, laid 
down their arms, and half an hour afterward the massacre began. All 
were killed except seventeen little children. Every atrocity accom- 
panied the slaughter, and the corpses were mutilated and left naked on 
the ground. " Three men got out of the valle}', two of whom were 
soon overtaken and killed ; the other reached Muddy Creek, fifty miles 
ofF, and was overtaken and killed by several white men and one In- 
dian." Eighteen months afterward the surviving children were rescued 
and restored to their friends in Arkansas, by Jacob Forney, Superin- 
tendent of Indian Afi"airs. Thirty thousand dollars' worth of plunder 
was distributed ; and Beadle, in his "Life in Utah," says: " Much of it 
was sold in Cedar City at public auction y it was there facetiously styled 
' property taken at the siege of Sebastopol.' " But, it is needless to 
dwell upon the details of this foul crime ; though at first denied by the 
Mormons, proofs of their guilt accumulated as the years rolled on, and 
the evidence that it was a cold-blooded affair of state is now complete. 
It was asserted, at the time, that the order of extermination came from 
headquarters ; Lee was a son by adoption of Brigham Young, and was 
always protected by him. Brigham's word was law in church and 
state, and such a deed would not have been done without his appro- 
bation, and scarcely except by his orders. It was in accordance with 
the letter and spirit of his teaching at the time ; and his subsequent 
conduct proving him an accessory after the fact also implicates him 
with the perpetration of the crime. He availed himself of his oflficial 
position, as Governor and Superintendent of Indian Afiairs, to bury in 
oblivion this dreadful crime, and throw the mantle' of the Prophet 
around the shedders of innocent blood. According to his works let him 
be judged. 

John D, Lee enjoyed twenty years of impunity, but he was at 
last brought to justice, convicted of and executed for this crime in 1877. 
Soon afterward the hand which had shielded him so long yielded the 
reins of power to the conqueror Death. 

The words and deeds of the Mormons, which have been given, are 
illustrations of the temper of that people and their chief toward the 
United States, in 1857. A violent revolt was in motion, and we shall 
now see how this hostile population M^as brought back to its allegiance. 



FEDERAL POLICY TOWARD UTAH. 207 

CHAPTER XIY. 

UTAH CAMPAIGN'. 

Though the troubles in Utah had been so long brewing, their nature 
seems to have been imperfectly understood by the people and Govern- 
ment of the United States. The Mormons made occasional public and 
formal professions of loyalty to the Government and of adhesion to the 
principles of American liberty; and their complaints were nominally 
against particular acts and persons. Hence it was not unreasonable to 
suppose that the remedy of particular grievances and the punishment 
of particular oflPenders would insure the peace of the Territory. This 
inference, though natural, was a mistake; because the grounds of vari- 
ance were general and radical, and not special, as pretended. 

The Mormons alleged national persecution, when, in fact, the reli- 
gious freedom of the country had allowed them to preach a pagan doc- 
trine and a barbarous code of ethics, to proselytize, and to develop 
their heresy into a system. Where the strong hand of an arbitrary gov- 
ernment would have repressed their extravagances, American faith in 
the power of truth to triumph over error by moral forces permitted 
them to occupy an almost impregnable stronghold on the established 
road across the continent for commerce and immigration, where they 
were encouraged to levy a peaceful tribute as farmers and traders. But 
the Government went even beyond this; and, in the spirit of concilia- 
tion, aided the union of church and state in the hands of the Prophet 
by making him Governor and Superintendent of Indian Affairs, and by 
giving him the virtual control of the Territory. This policy had worked 
badly ; Brigham Young and his coadjutors had abused the trust reposed 
in them ; life, liberty, and property, were all made unsafe by his machi- 
nations. It was, therefore, found necessary to supersede him ; but this 
was done in no hostile spirit. 

The general conduct of our Government toward all dependencies 
had been fostering; and this could not be otherwise with the Adminis- 
tration of Mr. Buchanan, which, moulded by the character of its chief, 
was essentially bureaucratic, conservative, and pacific. The Secretary 
of War, Mr. Floyd, expresses this sentiment in his report for 1857-58: 
"It has always been the policy and desire of the Federal Government 
to avoid collision with the Mormon community. It has borne with the 
insubordination they have exhibited under circumstances where respect 
for its own authority has frequently counseled harsh measures of dis- 
cipline." The Secretary adds that this forbearance might have been 
]5 



208 UTAH CAMPAIGN. 

prolonged but for their attitude — " a lion in the path " — across the line 
of commerce and emigration, defying the Federal authority, and ex- 
citing the Indians to pillage and massacre. 

To sustain the newly-appointed civil functionaries, and protect the 
line of travel, it was determined to send a small force of troops to Utah 
and establish a military department there similar to others on the fron- 
tier; but every measure was taken to avoid offense to the self-love and 
prejudices of the people. The force sent was small, and the orders given 
were strict. Though the intended commander. General Harney, was in- 
formed that he must not be unprepared for general, organized, and 
formidable obstruction, still it was not really expected that the local 
authorities, or Mormon Church as such, would array themselves in open 
opposition to the United States; but that embarrassments from popular 
disorder, mob violence, and secret combinations, fomented by priest- 
craft, would require management and a show of force. Indeed, the 
state of affairs in Utah was entirely unforeseen at Washington. The 
Government expected turbulence — it found armed and open hostility ; 
it provided against sedition, and had to meet a rebellion ; it sent a 
posse comitatus where it needed an army of occupation. 

When the expedition to Utah was determined on General Harney 
was selected to command it. In his orders of May 28th the Fifth and 
Tenth Regiments of Infantry, the Second Regiment of Dragoons, and 
Phelps's light artillery, were designated as the force to be sent forward, 
with supplies for 2,500 men. Reno's battery was afterward added. As 
no active opposition was expected, and the season w^s already advanced, 
the troops and supply-trains marched as soon as they could be put in 
motion, in July, in a somewhat irregular manner. General Scott sug- 
gested to General Harney, on the 26th of June, to send part of his 
horse in advance to Fort Laramie to recruit in strength before the main 
body came up ; but, unfortunately, this was not done. The Second 
Dragoons were detained in Kansas in consequence of the political trou- 
bles there ; and, finally, at the request of Governor Walker, and proba- 
bly ill accordance with his own wishes. General Harney was himself re- 
tained in command of that department. 

From information received, it began to be feared that the dissension 
might end in a rupture with the Mormons, and apprehensions were 
awakened that, owing to the lateness of the season and the desultory 
character of the movement, some disaster might ensue. As cold weather 
approached these fears increased, and the public shared with the Gov- 
ernment in the most painful surmises as to the result. Finally, General 
Johnston was selected to succeed General Harney, and, on the 28th of 
August, received orders to repair to Fort Leavenworth and assume com- 
mand, governing himself by the orders and instructions already issued 
to General Harney. The following extract contains the most important 



ARMY ORDERS. 209 

points in these, and is inserted to show the scope of the intended move- 
ment, and also the nature of General Johnston's duties, which subse- 
quently became matter of controversy between Governor Gumming and 
himself: 

Headquarters of the Army, June 29, 1S57. 

.... The community and, in part, the civil government of Utah Territory- 
are in a state of substantial rebellion against the laws and authority of the United 
States. A new civil Governor is about to be designated, and to be charged with 
the establishment and maintenance of law and order. Your able and energetic 
aid, with that of the troops to be placed under your command, is relied upon to 
insvn-e the success of his mission. The principles by which you should be guided 
have been already indicated in a somewhat similar case, and are here substan- 
tially repeated. 

If the Governor of the Territory, finding the ordinary course of judicial pro- 
ceedings, and the power vested in the United States marshals and other proper 
officers, inadequate for the preservation of the pubhc peace and the due execu- 
tion of the laws, should make requisition upon you for a military force to aid 
him as a posse comitatus in the performance of that official duty, you are hereby 
directed to employ for that purpose the whole or such part of your conJbiand as 
may be required; or should the Governor, the judges, or marshals of the Terri- 
tory find it necessary directly to summon a part of your troops to aid either in 
the performance of his duties, you will take care that the summons be prompt- 
ly obeyed ; and in no case will you, your officers, or men, attack any body of 
citizens whatever except on such requisition or summons, or in sheer self-de- 
fense. In executing this delicate function of the military power of the United 
States the civil responsibility will be upon the Governor, the judges, and mar- 
shals of the Territory. "While you are not to be, and cannot be, subjected to the 
orders, strictly speaking, of the Governor, you will be responsible for a zealous, 
harmonious, and thorough cooperation with him, on frequent and full consulta- 
tion, and will conform your action to his request and views in all cases where 
your military judgment and prudence do not forbid, nor compel you to modify 
in execution the movements he may suggest. No doubt is entertained that your 
conduct will fully meet the moral and professional responsibilities of your trust, 
and justify the high confidence already reposed in you by the Government. 

The lateness of the season, the dispersed condition of the troops, and the 
smallness of the numbers available, have seemed to present elements of difficul- 
ty, if not hazard, in this expedition. But it is believed that these may be com- 
pensated by unusual care in its outfit and great prudence in its conduct. . . . 

Geobge W. Lay, 
Liexitcnant- Colonel 1 Aide-de-Camp to General Scott. 

General Johnston arrived at Fort Leavenworth, September 11th, 
and remained one week to complete arrangements for the expedition. 
The Second Dragoons were called in, and, such was the diligence of 
preparation, were on the road to Salt Lake on the 17th. Six companies 
of this cavalry were assigned as an escort to Governor Gumming and 
the civil officers of Utah ; but General Johnston in person waited on 



210 UTAH CAMPAIGN. 

the Governor, and offered him his choice between the escort and accom- 
panying himself to Utah. The Governor chose the former. General 
Johnston allowed great discretion in the movements of the escort to 
the commander, Lieutenant-Colonel Philip St. George Cooke, whom he 
mentions as " a cavalry-officer of great experience, and well acquainted 
with frontier service." 

So much was General Johnston impressed with the necessity of ce- 
lerity that, leaving Fort Leavenworth on the 18th of September, with 
an escort of forty dragoons, he made the journey to camp, near South 
Pass, 920 miles, over bad and muddy roads in twenty-seven days, arriv- 
ing there October 15th. But this speed was not at the expense of any 
important interest, as he availed himself of CA^ery opportunity on the 
route to further the ends of the expedition, by providing for the safe 
and rapid movement of mails, trains, and troops. Learning that the 
grass ahead was bad, he arranged to have thirty-one extra wagons of 
corn with strong teams waiting for Colonel Cooke at Fort Kearnj', and 
attended to many details not necessary to specify here. The journey 
across the Plains has been so often and so well described that its inci- 
dents are familiar to all who take an interest in the subject. There was 
nothing unusual in General Johnston's progress, except its speed, which 
was great, considering the absence of relays, and the condition of the 
roads, softened by the fall rains. 

General Fitz-John Porter, then major and assistant-adjutant-general, 
who accompanied General Johnston on this expedition, rendering him 
valuable aid, has placed the writer under great obligations by memo- 
randa, of which he has freely availed himself. General Porter says : 



Colonel Johnston entered upon no ordinary task. Ilis command and their 
subsistence, clothing, and means of erecting shelter, were stretched over nearly 
1,000 miles of almost desert road between Fort Kearny and Salt Lake. So late 
in the season had the troops started on their march that fears were entertained 
that, if they succeeded in reaching their destination, it would be only by aban- 
doning the greater part of their supphes and endangering the hves of many men 
amid the snows of the Eocky Mountains. Colonel Johnston felt and accepted 
the responsibility, determined, if possible, to reach his destination and to secure 
the expedition against disaster and perhaps destruction, which the rapidly-ap- 
proaching winter threatened. So much was a terrible disaster feared by those 
well acquainted with the rigors of a winter life in the Rocky Mountains, that Gen- 
eral Harney was said to have predicted it, and to have induced Governor Walker 
(of Kansas) to ask for his retention. The route Avas not then, as now, lined with 
settlements and ranches, which would afford some comfort to man and beast. 

The narrow valleys, already grazed over by thousands of animals, yielded a 
scanty subsistence for his horses ; yet he pushed on at the rate of from thirty 
to sixty miles a day, stopping at Forts Kearny and Laramie only tune enough 
to rest his teams — a day at each. v 



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MORMON HOSTILITIES. 211 

On the 29th of September, on the South Fork of the Platte, General 
Johnston received Captain Van Vliet's report of his journey to Salt 
Lake City, which was his first authentic information that actual organ- 
ized resistance by the Mormons might be expected. General Johnston 
gathered some 200 mounted men on the route, with whom he reenforced 
Lieutenant-Colonel C. F. Smith, and gave support to the supply-trains. 
General Porter says : 

Beyond Fort Laramie, rumors of trains destroyed and troops attacked reached 
Colonel Johnston. Van Vhet's return with ill reports only tended to increase 
the alarm along the route. Conductors of trains hesitated, and teamsters shirked 
duty and delayed progress. Colonel Johnston's anxiety increased, yet his speed 
could be no greater ; but, experienced on the Plains and of established reputa- 
tion for energy, courage, and resources, his presence restored confidence at all 
points, and encouraged the weak-hearted and panic-stricken multitude. The 
long chain of wagons, kinked, tangled, and hard to move, uncoiled and went 
forward smoothly. Near the Rocky Mountains snow-storms began to overtake us, 
but Bridger, the faithful and experienced guide, ever on the alert, would point 
in time to the "snow-boats," which, like balloons, sailing from the snow- 
capped mountains, warned us of storms, and would hasten to a good and early 
camp in time for shelter before the tempest broke upon us. At the South Pass 
a cold and driving snow-storm barred progress for a few days, but permitted the 
gathering of trains, which, assured of protection and of intelligent control, and 
encouraged by the cheerful words and bearing of our commander, moved on 
with renewed life. 

When General Johnston arrived in the neighborhood of the South 
Pass, October 15th, his first endeavor was to concentrate his trains at Pa- 
cific Springs, five miles beyond, and to assemble and organize a sufficient 
force for their protection. To this end he hastened the march of Lieu- 
tenant Smith and Colonel Cooke by all means possible, and enrolled in 
military companies all unemployed teamsters and camp-followers. He 
also interdicted all communication with the Mormons, and took meas- 
ures for the arrest of spies and unknown persons approaching the camps. 
On the 2d of October the Mormons had moved to the rear of Colonel 
Alexander's command and burned three trains, including seventy-five 
wagons loaded with provisions and quartermaster's stores, and driven 
off the draught-animals to Salt Lake Valley. This occurred on Green 
River, near the Sandy, before General Johnston arrived at Laramie. 
They were greatly elated with this successful stroke; but it is evidence 
of great want of enterprise, or of intelligence, that they did not pursue 
their advantage and burn all the trains, which they might easily have 
done without risk, as they were well mounted, and the infantry too far 
off to interfere, while the cavalry was 700 miles in the rear. 

The infantry and artillery of the expedition, about 1,100 men, were 
assembled on October 4th, on Ham's Fork, at a camp some thirty miles 



212 ^'TAH CAMPAIGN. 

from Fort Bridger and 130 miles from South Pass. Next day Colonel 
Alexander, having assumed command, determined, after counsel with 
his senior officers, that the Fort Bridger route to Salt Lake Valley was 
impracticable on account of the defenses in Echo Canon, and that the 
more circuitous route by the most northern bend of Bear River Valley 
offered the best chance of safely wintering the troops. This movement 
was begun without knowledge of the mishap to the supply-trains in 
his rear. 

General Johnston, having satisfied himself by those mental processes 
so much like intuition to the observer that Bear River Valley was im- 
practicable, and Fort Bridger the only point of concentration where the 
army could be wintered, acted with his usual decision. He took every 
means to this end, and ordered Colonel Alexander to withdraw his 
command, so as to effect a junction, and " to treat as enemies all who 
might appear in arms or in any way anno}' him." In the mean time he 
advanced the trains as fast as he could under escort. 

But General Johnston found his efforts to concentrate opposed by a 
foe more potent than the Mormons. Winter fell suddenly upon his un- 
prepared men and animals. On the night of the 17th there was a snow- 
storm, and the thermometer fell to 16°. Colonel Smith lost eleven 
mules by cold, and as many more in the next few days, and the trains 
suffered severely. General Johnston had passed about 200' wagons, 
belonging to contractors and merchant-trains, near the Three Crossings 
of the Sweetwater, on the 13th. It was nine days before the rear of 
these trains came up with Lieutenant Smith's command, so much were 
the draught-animals reduced by want of grass. These trains were neces- 
sary to the march of the troops, as they contained the winter clothing 
and Sibley tents, besides subsistence, ordnance, and medical stores, to 
a large amount, indispensable to the comfort and efficiency of the men. 
Without them no advance could be made, except with great suffering, 
and perhaps loss of life. Still, go forward they must, in order to effect 
the junction with Colonel Alexander on Ham's Fork, ninety miles dis- 
tant. Colonel Alexander in the mean time, on account of the heavy 
snows and to secure supplies, had fortunately begun to retrace his steps 
before receiving General Johnston's orders. A few days of delay would 
have rendered a junction impossible. General Johnston, convinced by 
the destruction of the armj'-trains, and by their hostile language and 
attitude, of the Avarlike purpose of the Mormon leaders and people, 
wrote to the adjutant-general on November 5th, reciting the facts. He 
adds : 

The state of things now existing: has not been brought about by the move- 
ment of troops in this direction, for these people understand the relation of the 
military to the civil power of the Government as well as any other portion of 
the inhabitants of the Union, and that the arms of our soldiers are designed for 



IN THE SNOW-DRIFTS. ' 213 

the preservation of the peaceful condition of societ j, and not for its disturbance. 
Their conduct, as I have before stated as my opinion, results from a settled de- 
termination on their part not to submit to the authority of the United States, or 
any other outside of their church. 

These views of General Johnston, though sustained theoretically 
by the Administration, Congress, and the country, were the subject of 
severe animadversion by some members of Congress, who perliaps mis- 
understood and certainly misapplied his language, representing him as 
breathing slaughter and vengeance against the Saints. The following 
is from a reply made to these strictures, in the Senate, by the Hon. 
JeflFerson Davis : 

Moreover, I would say, as the question of the expedition to Utah has been 
touched, that I hold that the country is indebted to the Administration for hav- 
ing selected the man who is at tlie head of the expedition; who, as a soldier, 
has not his superior in the array nor out of it, and whose judgment, whose art, 
whose knowledge are equal to this or any other emergency ; a man of such de- 
cision, such resolution, that his country's honor can never be tarnished in his 
hands ; a man of such calmness, such kindness, that a deluded people can never 
suffer by harshness from him. 

General Johnston, writing February 5, 1858, from Fort Bridger, to 
Captain N. J. Eaton, of St. Louis, gives an account of the progress and 
extrication of the army, as follows : 

The country over the distance to be traversed, and, in fact, to this place — 125 
miles — presents the appearance of a great desert, including tlie whole space be- 
tween the Rocky Mountains and the range in front of us. There is neither tree 
nor bush anywhere, except in the water-courses. They are sparsely fringed 
with stunted willows, cottonwood, and aspen. The upland is everywhere cov- 
ered with wild-sage and its varieties and with grass in bunches in season. Grass 
is found on all the w'ater-courses in abundance in summer. The bad condition 
of our animals, and the country before us almost destitute of subsistence, offered 
but little encouragement to the hope of reaching our destination this winter, 
and I had already had under consideration the most suitable position to pass the 
winter. On our march from the South Pass we had fine roads and fine weather, 
and effected the march in eight days, uniting tlie troops and supplies on the 3d 
of November, with the exception of Cooke's command. Two days were occupied 
in distributing clothing and making arrangements to resume our march. 

On the 6th of November it was resumed, and then commenced the storm and 
wintry cold, racking the bones of our men and starving our oxen, and mules, 
and horses, already half starved. They died on the road and at our camps by 
hundreds, and so diminished were their numbers that from camp to camp, only 
four or five miles, as many days were required to bring them all up, as it was 
necessary to give time to rest the animals, now inca])able of protracted efforts, 
and to hunt for food. In this way fifteen days were consumed in making thirty- 
five miles to this place, the nearest and best place for shelter and fuel for the 
troops, and for shelter and grass for the animals. The struggle then amid snow 



214 UTAH CAMPAIGN. 

and arctic cold (the thermometer 16° below zero) was for a place of safety. 
If any doubt existed before this storm of the propriety of risking the troops on 
the mountains before us before spring, or of the ability to accomplish the march, 
the destruction among our draught-animals, the necessity of saving all the oxen 
left for food, even if capable of further exertion, now dispelled that doubt and 
solved the question. 

Colonel Cooke's command arrived here with the rear of the main body on 
the 19th of November. The storm which he encountered on the Sweetwater, 
and on through the South Pass, destroyed more than half of his horses and a 
large number of his mules, although he had corn for them. In that high region, 
much higher than where we were, the cold must have been much more intense 
than experienced by us, and his animals, I presume, perished mainly from cold. 
I have the satisfaction to say that the privations of the march were endured by 
officers and men without complaint, or, perhaps, I might more justly say, with 
cheerfulness. The troops are in fine health and condition. The winter, thus 
far, has not been so rigorous as to prevent often the daily instruction of the 
troops. They have proved themselves to be hardy enough for any service ; a 
few only — as many as thirty or less — have been frost-bitten, but now our scouts 
bivouac, when necessary, in the passes without suffering. 

The horses and mules, and the cattle left, after slaughtering as many as would 
serve until April, have been distributed on Smith's and Henry's Forks, and most 
of them will get through the winter. We have, of course, a large number yet, 
and hope many of them will be fit for service after they have the spring grass a 
while. I have not, however, trusted to that, but, soon after I established my 
camp here, I dispatched Captain Marcy to New Mexico for draught-mules, and 
a remount for dragoons and batteries, and expect him to return before the 1st 
of May. If I get the spring supplies from Laramie in time I will be able to ad- 
vance as soon as the route is practicable, in May, with an effective force, much 
improved by drilling the recruits. 

The Mormons have declared, as fully as words and actions can manifest in- 
tentions, that they will no longer submit to the Government, or to any govern- 
ment but their own. The people of the Union must now submit to a usurpation 
of their territory — to have a government erected in their midst, not loyal to, or 
rather not acknowledging any dependence upon, or allegiance to the Federal 
Government — and what is not less impolitic and entirely incompatible with our 
institutions, must allow them to ingraft their social organization upon ours and 
make it a part of our system, or they must act with the vigor and force to com- 
pel them to submit. Tliis is due to the dignity and honor of the Government. 

In a subsequent explanatory letter, be says : 

The march was resumed on the 6th of November, amid snow, intense cold, 
and every circumstance of privation to men and animals, and with enormous 
mortality to the latter, as long as it was possible to take another step, and long 
after any one believed a passage of the mountains at all possible for an army, 
encumbered with a train. This continued effort to advance was a struggle for 
fuel, and grass, and shelter, which we knew were near Fort Bridger. The army 
under my command took the last possible step forward at Bridger, in the condi- 
tion of the animals then alive. These dying and half-dead animals were my 



RESCUE OF THE ARMY. 215 

only dependence for meat six days out of seven ; and every day's work reduced 
fearfully the probability of my being able to feed the troops — a terrible risk 
with a six months' winter before us. The country being covered witii snow, 
there was no subsistence for animals to be found in the mountains. I do not, 
of course, speak of small parties ; a few men can go anywhere generally. 

Describing tliis march, General Porter says : 

"* That night (November 5th) a great storm covered the ground with six inches 
of snow, and the next day the march was for thirteen miles against a driving 
snow, threatening every hour to arrest the march. Many trains did not break 
camp for several days, and some, whose animals had been killed by intense cold 
and starvation, were not moved for weeks. Maintaining a cheerful and confi- 
dent bearing, Colonel Johnston footed along at the head of the command, setting 
an example of endurance that checked complaint, and turned these trials into 
matter for jest and good-humor. The following day (iSTovember 7th) was one 
of a series of stormy days for nearly a month, and few can appreciate it who 
have not experienced a Rocky Mountain winter. All remained in the tem- 
porary shelter obtained the previous night. A driving snow-storm and intense 
cold prevailed all day. Sage-brush and " grease-wood " were the only fuel, and 
that very scarce. The burden was to be borne; the question was one of self- 
preservation; there must be no confusion, no grumbling, no demoralization. 
Officers and men were accommodated alike, and the former, taking their cue 
from the bearing of their commander, maintained a cheerful tone and assured 
their men. The snow covered the ground to about a foot in depth ; there was 
no food for animals, and the streams were frozen by cold 16° below zero. Un- 
shod, the oxen slipped to rise no more ; hundreds died, and the mules would 
cluster around the abandoned night-fires to waste away with hunger and cold. 
Whenever the weather would permit, the troops would march, going three to 
five miles a day, till they reached Fort Bridger, near which camp was pitched 
for the winter. The trains were about twenty days making the last fifteen 
miles. The great loss and weakened condition of the animals required many 
trips to bring up each train. 

Colonel Cooke, in his report, says : 

The assurances you gave me of confidence in my commander have been more 
than realized, and he now has, I believe, the unbounded confidence of the army. 
You will see from his letters and orders how he grappled with the difficulties in 
his path, and I hope the spring will see him the conqueror. This little army is 
in fine health and cheerful spirits. The men have borne their trials without a 
murmur. Duty is severe upon the men, but not a word of complaint have I 
heard. "We have all endured alike, and the fact that Colonel Johnston has on the 
march " footed it," as did the men, suffers the same exposure, and will not per- 
mit the officer to receive more than the soldier, has endeared him to all. " 

The arrival at Fort Bridger marked one distinct phase of the ex- 
pedition. It was rescue from sudden and impending death under the 
pitiless pelting of the winter storms. It was present safety. 



216 UTAH CAMPAIGN. 

It is hardly necessary to point out the severe tests of soldiership to 
which General Johnston was subjected in this extraordinary march. He 
had, in the face of an unexpected enemy and of an unprecedented sea- 
son, gathered the disjointed fragments of his army into a compact body, 
and, in the midst of the snow-clad and mountain-girdled desert, had se- 
cured it in a place of shelter and safety. In a Moscow campaign he 
had won a victory over the elements ; and his little command rose from 
its frozen couch in the desert, not only without demoralization, but fully 
inspired with confidence in themselves and their commander. A great 
result had been achieved ; but the arrival at Fort Bridger was but the 
beginning of new cares and responsibilities. If, in carrying out his 
plans, he was untrammeled by Government, he was likewise unassisted. 
He did not receive one word of orders or advice from headquarters from 
the middle of September to the middle of March. The problem was so to 
apply existing resources as to maintain the army without suffering until 
the next May, when belated trains at Fort Laramie could bring up sup- 
plies, and then have it in condition to force the passes to Salt Lake 
City. This hope and intention he expressed in decided terms to the 
Government ; but, at the same time, he pointed out that, in case of 
vigorous resistance by the Mormons, a cooperating force sent from the 
side of California would prove the most effective means of crushing re- 
sistance with the least delay, expense, and loss of life. Arrangements 
were made to carry this plan into effect, but were subsequently aban- 
doned. 

General Johnston mustered into service for nine months, at Fort 
Bridger, a battalion of four full companies of volunteers, 325 men, the 
discharged employes of army contractors and others, of whom he says : 
" They are young, active, and hardy men, generally good shots ; and, 
with such instruction as they will receive, will make most excellent 
lio-ht troops." These auxiliaries, with the cavalry, raised the force to 
about 2,000 men. 

The Mormons, before retiring, had burned "the buildings at Fort 
Bridger and Fort Supply, twelve miles distant, and had destroyed the 
grain and crops round about. Fort Bridger was situated on Black's 
Fork of Green River, near the foot of the Uintah Mountains, in lati- 
tude 41° 20', and longitude 110° 30', at an altitude said to be 7,254 feet 
above the sea. The basin, in the southwest corner of which it is placed, 
is bounded f:ir away to the east by the Black Hills and other flanking 
ranges of the Rocky Mountains, on the northeast by the Wind River 
Mountains, on the south by the Uintah Mountains, and on the west by 
the mighty Wahsatch range. These mountain-ranges toAver with a 
crest-line of from 10,000 to 12,000 feet in height, broken by peaks that 
are often over 13,000 feet high, sometimes snow-clad in August, In 
the valleys and caiions, whose narrow bottoms are threaded by Alpine 



THE CITY OF REFUGE. 217 

torrents, the precipitous walls rise from 800 to 1,000 feet perpendicular; 
and here gather the winter snows to the depth, sometimes, of fifty feet, 
forming', too, in favorable sites, avalanches and land-slides of great ex- 
tent. The Uintah Mountains break down in terraces to the foot-hills ; 
and they, to the wide, arid, sterile plateau, over which the troops had 
toiled from the South Pass. The soil of this table-land, like that of many 
other deserts, contains the elements of fertility, but is unproductive 
from want of water. 

From the ravines of the mountains pour down the streams that form 
Henry's, Black's, Smith's, Muddy, and Sandy Fork, and other tributaries 
of Green River. These small rivers, bordered by sunken valleys, rich, 
alluvial, and teeming, traverse the Desert Basin. The valley of Henry's 
Fork is from one to five miles wide, and thirty miles long, abounding in 
luxuriant grass ; that of Black's Fork is nearly a mile wide, and com- 
posed of rich, black mould ; and others have similar characteristics. 
These valleys were, in the summer-time, oases, where wood, water, and 
fine pasturage, invited and rejoiced the first pioneers. But it was only 
by comparison with the surrounding region that such a nook as Fort 
Bridger could be considered a favored spot. In their dire need, how- 
ever, the storm-pressed wayfarers looked toward it as a city of refuge 
in a solitude of snow. 

Fort Bridger itself was only the ruins of a trading-post, belonging 
to the adventurous and large-hearted James Bridger. " Major " Bridger, 
as he was called, was a fine specimen of his class, the early pioneer, 
who was at once hunter, trapper, herdsman, and trader. It was located 
in the comparatively warm, wooded, and well-watered valley of Black's 
Fork, and consisted of a high, well-built, strong stone-wall, inclosing 
a square of 100 feet. General Johnston fortified it by the addition of 
two lunettes, which made it defensible by a small force, and a safe place 
for the storage of supplies and for a guarded depot when the army 
should advance. The army was put into winter quarters close by, at 
Camp Scott. 

The diary of Major Porter, assistant adjutant-general, kindly put at 
the disposal of the writer, has this entry : 

November lltJi. — Marched and camped on Black's Fork, about one mile and 
three-quarters above Fort Bridger, and estabhslied winter-quarters. The arrange- 
ments for a permanent camp were entered upon immediately. Nothing seems 
to have been neglected by our chief for the health and comfort of our men, the 
security of the camp, provisions, animals for the winter, and to insure move- 
ment as early as spring will permit. 

General Porter, in a letter to the writer, says : 

Horses and mules, followed by such oxen as would survive the trip, were 
sent to the neighboring valleys where the grazing was ample. The starving 



218 UTAH CAMPAIGN. 

oxen, now almost skeletons, were butchered to prevent dying, and their meat 
smoked, or dried, or packed in ice. The provision was carefully estimated, and 
the ration so proportioned that there should he no suffering. Officers and men 
fared alike, and there was no deviation from the rule for any one's benefit. The 
bulk of the ration was poor beef six days in the week, and bacon one day, and 
thirteen ounces of flour daily, made into bread; but the other component parts 
of the ration were served out in quantity sufficient for health. 

General Porter continues : 

No idleness was permitted in camp. There was no time or mercy for gam- 
blers. The hundreds of citizen teamsters were not permitted to become an ele- 
ment of trouble. They had either to enroll as volunteers in the United States 
service, or return to the States. No permission to remain would be given them 
otherwise. Every one had an occupation ; and an effective police, under a pro- 
vost-marshal, responsible to the colonel, was established. 

Captain Randolph B. Marey, an accomplished, energetic officer and experienced 
explorer, was selected, with a small body of volunteering soldiers, to make their 
way across the Uintah Mountains into New Mexico, make known to General Gar- 
land our dangers and wants, and bring relief by way of Bridger's Pass early in the 
spring. Dispatches via Fort Laramie went to the Government, and an expedi- 
tion through Bridger's Pass and along Lodge-Pole Creek was also sent with 
letters, with the view of testing the practicability and utility of this route, which 
was some seventy miles shorter. An expedition was also sent into the Snake 
Indian country to quiet the Indians, and prevent their employment by the Mor- 
mons, and to induce traders to bring cattle and horses to camp. These expedi- 
tions were all fruitful in good results. Captain Marcy's command, deemed a 
forlorn hope when it started, after many struggles against storms and starvation 
in the mountains, finally reached Fort Union, New Mexico, safe, but greatly 
weakened. Early in the spring Captain Marcy returned with numerous head of 
sheep and horses, escorted by cavalry under Colonel Loring, to guard against a 
threatened movement of the Mormons. The success of these expeditions through 
Bridger's Pass led in the spring to the opening by the Sixth Infantry of the 
route up Lodge-Pole Creek, through Bridger's Pass and down Bitter Creek ; and 
that summer, as the road was shorter, easier, and better for grass, the Overland 
Stage Line and Pony Express were transferred to it from the Laramie route. 
Thus was opened the route afterward adopted by the Union Pacific Railroad. 
General Johnston made constant representations and strenuous efforts to have 
this route opened, feeling sure that it must be the route for a railroad, if one was 
ever made through the Salt Lake region. 

As the army was bound to Salt Lake Valley, the Government regarded send- 
ing salt for rations as unnecessary — " coals to Newcastle." General Johnston 
took prompt steps to get a supply from Laramie; but, when none was to be had 
at Fort Bridger, grumbling began at the insipid food, and maledictions were 
hurled on the Subsistence Department at Washington. In the midst of one of 
the heaviest snow-storms of the season the picket-guard brought in three men 
bearing letters from Mormon officials to General Johnston. "When admitted to 
his presence they stated that they bore letters from Adjutant-General Wells and 
were messengers from Governor Young, bringing several mule-loads of salt, 
which "he understood the army had none of, and that there was enough to last 



REPLY TO BRIGHAM YOUNG. 219 

until spring, v)7ien the army should retrace its steps to the United States, as enter 
the Mormon settlement it should not." 

After carefully reading the letter, and reexamining parts of it, General John- 
ston, in an impressive manner, said : 

"I will not accept of this salt sent by Brigham Young, not for the reason 
hinted in his letter, but I can accept of nothing from him so long as he and his 
people maintain a hostile position to my Govei'nment. I regret he has insinuated 
the probability of its refusal on account of its deleterious property. There 
is no portion of the American people who would be guilty of so base an act, 
and none to suspect it. So far as poison is concerned, I would freely partake of 
Brigham Young's hospitality, but I can accept of no present, nor interchange 
courtesies so long as he continues his present course. I have no answer to send. 
I can hold no intercourse with Brigham Young and his people. I have nothing 
to do with him or them. The Governor of the Territoiy is here, and his procla- 
mation you have seen. To him Brigham Y'oung must send his communications. 
"When he returns to his allegiance I will be happy to interchange courtesies with 
him. I have been sent here by my Government, and I shall advance. His in- 
sinuation of this army returning in the spring, I assure you, is not to be relied 
upon; an American army never retrogrades, and I intend to advance in the 
spring. If he and his people oppose me with an army, I shall meet it and offer 
the sa^me resistance. Peace or war is in their hands, and if they have war it 
will be of their own making. 

Your people must. know that an army entering this Territory comes to it in 
the same manner as to any other, and I tell you I have no more to do with your 
people than I would with the inhabitants of New Y'ork if going there. All per- 
sons who stay at home, when I advance, and mind their own business, will be 
undisturbed ; but all who oppose my march I shall treat as enemies. Those who 
have been molesting my trains and cattle I shall regard and treat as robbers; 
and I wish Brigham Young, if he has anything to send to me (but I cannot 
imagine the occasion), I wish him to send it by a flag, that I may know who to 
treat as messengers as distinct from robbers. I wish to hold no intercourse with 
him now, but when he and his people express their willingness to return to their 
allegiance— and that must be done through the proper channel— I will be pleased 
to acknowledge his courtesies. Till then I must treat them as enemies if they 
offer resistance to my advance. I hope you will remember what I have said. I 
have no written answer to this letter. It requires none from my hands, as I tell 
you I cannot recognize him in any manner. Your salt you will take back with 
you ; not, as I tell you, because I suspect its purity, but I will not accept a pres- 
ent from an enemy of my Government." 

The mission of these men was soon known in camp, and much rejoicing was 
expressed at the prospect of a little salt ; so that the disappointment was griev- 
ous when it became known that they were to return with their burden. When 
the stand the general had taken and his reply were also learned, they were not 
merely approved, but applauded. The course he had taken gave the array an 
insight into the character of the man, whose every step increased their confi- 
dence and respect. The salt soon arrived from Fort Laramie. 

General Johnston found in the rigors and necessities of the situa- 
tion the means to enforce a more exact instead of laxer discipline. The 



220 UTAH CAMPAIGN. 

volunteers, instead of constituting a disorderly element, when organized 
vied with the regulars in all the duties of the soldier. Drill and instruc- 
tion brought the troops to a high state of military efficiency, and the 
monotony of camp-life was relieved and the health of the men improved 
by the character of the tasks imposed. The vigilance requisite for an 
active campaign in the presence of an enemy was observed by pickets 
and outposts ; and, owing to the weakness of the draught-animals, the 
men had to haul by hand from the mountains all the fire-wood used. 
These toilsome tasks were cheerfully performed, because the men knew 
that they were necessary to safety and comfort, and not imposed simply 
to occupy time. Very few and slight punishments were inflicted, and 
there has rarely been a military force where less harshness was exer- 
cised toward the soldier. 

Nor did the pressure of large cares and heavy responsibilities pre- 
vent him from forwarding those scientific researches to which he at- 
tached so much importance. Mr. C. Drexler, the ornithologist, who 
started in 1857 with Magraw's wagon-train, but did not reach Fort 
Bridger before March, was enabled, through the assistance afforded 
him by General Johnston, to catalogue 106 species of birds near Fort 
Bridger in the next three months, as is mentioned in his report pub- 
lished in the Pacific Railroad explorations. If space allowed, it could 
be shown from the order-books that in the minutest details the safety 
and comfort of the soldier were provided for by the same mind which, 
grasping the important features of the campaign in its large strategic 
generalizations, waited calmly and sternly the proper moment to close 
with the enemy.' General Johnston's view of the policy to be pursued 
toward the Mormons, as already shown, was to hold no terms with armed 
resistance, and to do all for law and obedience to the Federal authority, 
nothing for vengeance. 

In a letter to army headquarters, January 20, 1858, General Johnston 
says : 

Major: I have nothing material to report since my last commxmication. Ac- 
companying that I sent a file of the Deseret N'etrs, containing the message of Brig- 
ham Young to the Legislature of Utah. You have in that message and the res- 
olutions of the Legislature a full confirmation of the cliarge of tlieir disloyalty 
to the Union heretofore made against this people. My information respecting 
their conduct since is that their troops are organized to resist the establishment 
of a Territorial government by the United States, and, in furtherance of that ob- 
ject, they have erected works of defense in the mountain-passes and near Salt 
Lake City. 

' The reader who desires to know in fuller and more detailed form the interesting par- 
ticulars of this winter's work will find the most of them in "Executive Documents," first 
session, Thirty-fifth Congress, vol. ii., part ii., and in second session, Thirty-fifth Congress, 
vol. ii., part ii. 



CONFLICTING TOLICIES. 221 

Knowing how repugnant it would be to tlie policy and interest of the Gov- 
ernment to do any act that would force these people into unpleasant relations 
with the Federal Government, I would, in conformity with the views also of 
the commanding general, on all proper occasions have manifested in my inter- 
course with them a spirit of conciliation ; but I do not believe that such consid- 
eration for them would be proi)erly appreciated now, or rather it would be 
wrongly interpreted : and, in view of the treasonable temper and feeling now 
pervading the leaders and a great portion of the Mormons, I think that neither 
the honor nor the dignity of the Government will allow of the slightest conces- 
sion being made to them. They should be made to submit to the constitutional 
and legal demands of the Government unconditionally. An adjustment of ex- 
isting differences on any other basis would be nugatory. 

Their threat to oppose the march of the troops in the spring will not have 
the slightest influence in delaying it ; and, if they desire to join issue, I believe 
that it is for the interest of the Government that they should have the oppor- 
tunity. 

President Buchanan, by temperament and education, and from all 
liis habits of life and thought, a diplomatist, naturally took a different 
view of the situation. The prospect of civil strife and a large budget 
for war expenditure during his chief magistracy was utterly repugnant 
to his notions of a successful Administration, and he cast about to post- 
pone the present trouble. There is a wisdom in avoiding dangers, and 
a wisdom in meeting them; no general rule can be established to fit 
every case, and the result alone can decide where lay the true line of 
action. The decided policy proposed by General Johnston would have 
definitively settled the Mormon question, which remains unsettled to the 
present day. Brigham Young must have submitted unconditionall}'-, 
with a loss of prestige and power among his people ; or he must have 
fought and been subdued, with the disorganization and new arrange- 
ments consequent upon reconstruction; or he must have fled the coun- 
try with his followers, and thus relieved the United States from further 
consideration of the embarrassing question. Mr. Buchanan, on the con- 
trary, finding that the mere show of force had irritated instead of sub- 
duing the Mormons, was quite willing to return to the statu quo, nomi- 
nal submission and real independence, in which the Federal Govern- 
ment should be represented by an array of civil and military functiona- 
ries with hands tied — a pageant not unlike that B^^zantine supremacy 
which commanded and trembled before its Gothic vassals. 

Most opportunely for the inauguration of this policy, an agent pre- 
sented himself in every way fitted for the office of such negotiation. 
Colonel Thomas L. Kane was a son of Judge Kane, of Philadelphia, and 
a brother of the arctic explorer — of a family connected with the Presi- 
dent by ties of friendship. He was a man of talents and restless en- 
ergy, but of an intriguing and erratic temper. He was supposed to 
have been baptized into the Mormon Church ; but, however that may 



222 UTAH CAMPAIGN. 

be, he always manifested the deepest interest in carrying out their 
policy. When they were expelled from Nauvoo he had delivered lect- 
ures to excite popular sympathy on their behalf; he is said to have 
procured Brigham Young's first appointment as Governor from Mr. Fill- 
more on the representation that he was not a polygamist, and he now 
offered himself as a volunteer agent to secure the submission of the 
Mormons. The President gave him a guarded letter of recommenda- 
tion, sufficient, however, to accredit him unofficially to both Brigham 
Young and the United States officers. Armed with this he started 
about New Year, and made his way through California to Salt Lake 
City, where he arrived early in March. 

When Colonel Kane arrived, Brigham Young was already virtually 
conquered. The army, which his prophecies had doomed to certain de- 
struction, had neither been overwhelmed by avalanches, nor starved with 
hunger and cold, nor entrapped in the canons and scattered by the sword 
of Gideon. On the contrary, it lay in its mountain-lair silent, stern, and 
collected. The enthusiasm of the saints had cooled, and their courage 
had waned in the long season of inaction, and in the presence of a power 
that made no mistakes. Brigham Young, for the first time, felt himself 
opposed by moral forces with which he could not cope. He was already 
suggesting flight as a possible contingency. Colonel Kane's arrival, 
therefore, was a godsend to him as a means to abate his high preten- 
sions, and to avail himself of some decent pretext for submission. So 
far it may have been fortunate for both the Government and the Mor- 
mons; but it was not a happy conception in Mr. Buchanan to intrust, 
in any manner, the interests or honor of the United States to the hands 
of a person so closely identified with the enemy. 

Colonel Kane, after receiving the inspiration for his mission in a 
full consultation with the Prophet, appeared suddenly in camp. He 
affected a certain mystery in his movements, and left his escort of Mor- 
mons in such an equivocal position that he was under apprehensions, 
unfounded but not unreasonable, that they had been fired on by the 
picket. 

Brigham Young, whether as a measure of diplomacy and concil- 
iation or as an act of insolence, having "just learned," as he said, 
"through the southern Indians that the troops are very destitute of 
provisions," offered through Colonel Kane to send in 200 head of cat- 
tle and 15,000 or 20,000 pounds of flour, " to which they will be made 
perfectly welcome, or pay for, just as they choose." General Johnston 
replied to Colonel Kane, March 15th : 

SiE : President Toung is not correctly informed with regard to the state of 
the supply of provisions of this army. There has been no deficiency, nor is 
there any now. We have abundance to last until the Government can renew 



MORMOX DIPLOMACY. 223 

the supply. Whatever might be the need of the army under my command for 
food, we would neither ask nor receive from President Young and his confeder- 
ates any supplies while they continue to be the enemies of the Government. . . 
, However unfortunate the position now occupied by that portion of the citi- 
zens of Utah belonging to the sect of Mormons, it is of their own seeking, and 
it is one from which they can be relieved by the mere act of obedience to the 
proclamation of Governor Gumming. Having the question of peace or war 
under his own control, President Young would, should he choose the latter, be 
responsible for all the consequences. 

Colonel Kane tried to induce General Johnston to change this ac- 
tion. He wrote : 

SiE : At the request of his Excellency Governor Camming, I consent to bear 
the reply which you request me to communicate to President Brigham Young. 
I fear it must greatly prejudice the public interest to refuse Mr. Young's propo- 
sal in such a manner at the present time. Permit me, therefore, to entreat you, 
most respectfully, to reconsider it. 

This diplomatic trick failed. Had any part of the provisions been 
received, it would have been claimed by the Mormons that the army was 
rescued by them from starvation, and yet was ready to smite the hand 
that fed it. 

Colonel Kane, having asked an interview, had a conference with 
General Johnston, in which he urged a modification of General John- 
ston's reply to him. He said his object was peace; that in Utah there 
was a war party and a peace party, and that Brigham Young belonged 
to the latter. General Johnston then said to him : 

I have nothing whatever to do with the political question between the Gov- 
ernment and the Mormons. I am here in the fuUfillment of special instructions 
from the Government, and I have on another occasion informed Brigham Young 
of that fact, and that peace or war is in his hands. I told Mr. Earle (the man 
who brought the salt) to inform him that I had nothing to do with him or his 
people, and that when I advance, if the people stay at home and behave them- 
selves, and do not molest me, they will not be troubled. The army is to pro- 
tect, not oppress; but if my advance is opposed with force I shall meet it with 
force. It becomes Brigham Young to consider before he so acts as to bring on 
the horrors of war. The officers under me do not want war, but fear not its 
results if forced upon them. Brigham Young should consider the calamities he 
is bringing upon his people in pursuing a course of open opposition. 

No new result was arrived at, nor was Brig-ham Younj? without 

friends and allies at Washington. While General Johnston lay hemmed 

in by the avalanches of the Rocky Mountains, and nearly all Americans 

were anxious as to his fate, the ancient animosity of General Houston 

16 



224 UTAH CAMPAIGN. 

still pursued him. That veteran politician, from his place in the Unit- 
ed States Senate, on the 25th of February,* made the following remarks 
in allusion to the "salt" embassy, declaring at the same time that the 
Mormons expected extermination at the hands of the army. 

An act of civility was tendered by Brigham Young, and you might, if you 
please, construe it under the circumstances rather as an act of submission. He 
sent salt to the troops, understanding it was scarce there, and was selling at 
seven dollars a pint. As an act of humanity, thinking at least that it could not 
be regarded as discourteous, he sent a supply of salt for the relief of the en- 
campment, intimating to the commander that he could pay for it, if he would 
not accept it as a present. What was the message the military officer sent him 
back ? I believe that the substance of it was, that he would have no intercourse 
with a rebel, and that when they met they would fight. They will fight ; and, 
if they fight, he will get miserably whipped. 

That was a time to make peace with Brigham Young; because there is some- 
thing potent in salt. With the Turk, who has similar habits and religion with 
the Mormons, it is the sacrament of perpetual friendship. Why may not the 
Mormons have incorporated that into their creed ? But, instead of that, he sent 
him a taunt and a defiance. 

But this fine spurt of senatorial rhetoric, for a wonder, culminated 
in cabals that merely hampered without overthrowing the officer as- 
sailed. 

Brigham Young renewed his effort to patronize the army by making 
his offer anew through Governor Gumming, after a month's interval, but 
without effect. Though unsuccessful in his diplomacy with General 
Johnston, the Prophet accomplished more through his friend Colonel 
Kane with Governor Gumming than he had a right to hope. 

But let General Porter tell the story, of which he had personal 
knowledge in all its details : 

The presence of Governor Gumming and some of the judiciary in camp re- 
lieved Colonel Johnston of all concern in regard to civil affairs. His command 
was, of course, independent of the civil authorities, except to fill a requisition to 
suppress insurrection, and to support the United States marshal in executing the 
decrees of the court. 

Governor Gumming was a guest in his camp, and dependent for everything 
upon the courtesy of Colonel Johnston, who made him as independent and com- 
fortable as was possible under the forlorn circumstances, without the shghtest 
indication of obligation. His dependence, however, seemed to annoy him ; and 
being a Governor without anything to govern, he showed a continual irritation 
and petulance, which Colonel Johnston forbore to notice. 

The arrival of Colonel Kane, a self-imposed embassador, caused a slight 
breach in the intercourse between the Governor and the colonel. Kane's ante- 

' Congressional Globe, vol. xxxvi., part i., p. 8*74. 



COLONEL KANE AND GOVERNOR GUMMING. 225 

cedents, liis mode of proceeding, and his uncivil behavior on entering camp, con- 
firmed the belief that he was connected with the Mormons. Yet he was at once 
taken to his heart by Governor Gumming, and no emissary to foment trouble 
and stir up Governor Gumming against Colonel Johnston could have been better 
chosen. Fortunately, Golonel Johnston was above petty quarrels; and such were 
his dignity and bearing in all matters as to force Governor Gumming and every 
one else to respect him and his position. Ilis staff entered into his feelings, and 
bore themselves so as not to compromise him by act or word. 

Colonel Johnston's orderly, happening to be in personal attendance upon 
Colonel Kane for a short time, said, of his own motion, to another sent to re- 
lieve him, to '• keep an eye on the d d Mormon." Colonel Kane, though 

in-doors, and the orderly outside, overheard the remark, and fired Governor Cum- 
ming's heart. The Governor chose to construe it as an intentional insult by 
Colonel Johnston to his guest, and hence to himself, and proposed to resort to a 
challenge. As Colonel Johnston had nothing to do with the instructions given 
the orderly, his adjutant-general assumed whatever responsibility existed, and 
the absurdity of the Governor's position was finally made plain to him, and the 
matter ended. 

Conduct so captious, however, put Colonel Johnston on his guard, and de- 
stroyed all possibility of any cordial or confidential relations between himself 
and the Governor. While it did not diminish the courtesy that he practised as 
due the Executive of the Territory, yet the Governor, on his part, retained 
and exhibited a rankling irritation and jealousy that proved injurious to the 
public interests. 

The army was well drilled and thoroughly disciplined during the winter, at 
Fort Bridger, and was prepared in every respect to carry out whatever might be 
required to secure an entrance into Salt Lake Valley. The idea of open resist- 
ance by the Mormons now became absurd. The chief anxiety was so to maintain 
discipline that it should not be broken by the insults of an ignorant community, 
excited by its leaders to acts and expressions of hostility. 

The advance of spring in this ice-bound desert was very slow. Major 
Porter's diary says, on March 19th : 

Stormed all day severely. This is the wdrst storm we have had since we have 
been here ; snowing and blowing hard ; no wood, no fire, except for the cooks, 
and very cold. 

April Is^.— Clear and warm. Thermometer 64° at 12 m. 

2(Z. — About 3 A. M. a violent storm of wind arose, threatening to carry away 
tents and all habitations. So violent a storm I never felt. At reveille, snow 
mixed with hail in large quantities fell, covering the ground till noon. Squalls 
of snow were passing over all day. The storm is severe upon the animals; 
but the moisture is good for the grass. If our animals do not improve sliortly, 
I fear we will have to resort to mule-meat, though the ration of beef is dimin- 
ished to avoid such a contingency. 

Zd. — Still blowing, and very cold. Streams were frozen last night. Ther- 
mometer, at sunrise, 20°. 

*Ith and 8th. — Snow and hail, and very cold. 

9th. — Snow about two inches deep fell last night. 



226 UTAH CAMPAIGN. 

18th. — Stormed again last night, covering the mountains with as white a man- 
tle as as they have had the past winter. 
29th. — Commenced snowing after dark. 
SOth. — Cold and severe storm of snow from the east. 
May 1st. — Cold and storming. 

These extracts are sufficient to show why no earlier advance could 
be made in these mountains, as well as to illustrate the hardships of 
the command. It is difficult for the resident of a city or favored rural 
community to appreciate the intense interest of the frontiersman in the 
phases of the weather. General Johnston used to praise his rather frail 
cabin in Brazoria to the writer. " Civilization," he would say, *' de- 
stroys our habits of observation. What does a man care for the 
weather who has brick walls and a tight shelter overhead ? Your true 
meteorologist is the man with a leaky roof." 

The arrival of Governor Powell and Colonel McCulloch, as embas- 
sadors of peace from Mr. Buchanan, with power to declare a general 
amnesty for all offenses, etc., soon led to a semblance of peace. In all 
their deliberations for the settlement of troubles with Brigham, General 
Johnston was fully consulted, and the decisions were generally founded 
on his counsel. General Johnston, feeling that any check or delay to 
the army after it was ready to move would diminish its future utility, 
insisted that no promise or agreement should be made that would in 
the slightest trammel his movements. It is true that Governor Gum- 
ming tried in his correspondence to produce an opposite impression ; 
but the commissioners sustained General Johnston in his view that he 
was left free to move when and where he chose. General Porter says : 

Governor dimming was placed in his chair, and became Governor without 
power and without the respect or obedience of the community he presided 
over. The semblance of peace thus restored was really due not to negotiation, 
but to the moral effect of the presence of the army, commanded by an honest, 
brave, and accomplished soldier and statesman. 

Colonel Kane had in some manner satisfied Governor Cumming that 
not only would he be personally welcomed, as the Executive of the Ter- 
ritory, at Salt Lake, but that such submission would satisfy every re- 
quirement of the situation, without the advance of the army into Salt 
Lake Valley. Governor Cumming left camp on the 5th of April, and 
arrived at Salt Lake City on the 12th, after having been fully impressed 
with the formidable nature of the warlike preparations on the route, and 
also of the respect felt for himself. He seemed to fall at once into the 
views of the Mormon leaders; and, although the populace were danger- 
ously excited, and could scarcely be restrained by the leaders who had 
aroused them, he regarded his reception as the " auspicious issue of our 



SUBMISSION AND PROCLAMATION. 227 

difficulties." The Mormon troops, in the mean time, continued to occupy 
the approaches to the valley, and it was not until the 21st of May that 
General Johnston was notified that they were disbanded. In accord- 
ance with the command of Brigham Young, the people of Utah, most 
of them reluctantly, abandoned their homes, and began another exodus, 
destined, it was said, to Sonora. After the people had been congre- 
gated at Provo, they were allowed to return to their homes. Neither 
the motives for the removal, nor for the return, have been satisfactorily 
explained. 

The commissioners from the President arrived in camp June 2d, and 
in Salt Lake City on the 7th. They accepted the submission of Brig- 
ham and the Mormons, and issued the President's proclamation of par- 
don. The army, having received its reenforcements and supplies, ad- 
vanced June 13th, and arrived without opposition, June 2Gth, near Salt 
Lake City. The commissioners suggested that a proclamation would 
relieve the inhabitants from fear of injury by the army. General John- 
ston's reply and proclamation were as follows : 

GENEEAL JOHNSTON's REPLY TO THE PEACE COMMISSIONERS. 

HEADQrAKTEKS DEPARTMENT OP UtAH, 1 

Camp on Bear Kiveu, June 14, 1S5S. j 

Gextlemen : Your communication from Salt Lake City was received to-day. 
The accomplishment of the object of your mission entirely in accordance with 
the instructions of the President, and the wisdom and forbearance which you 
have so ably displayed to the people of the Territoiy, will, I hope, lead to a more 
just appreciation of their relations to the General Government and the establish- 
ment of the supremacy of the laws. I learn with surprise that uneasiness is 
felt by the people as to the treatment that they may receive from the army. 
Acting under the twofold obligations of citizens and soldiers, we may be sup- 
posed to comprehend the rights of the people and to be sufficiently mindful of 
the obligations of our oaths not to disregard the laws which govern us as a mili- 
tary body. A reference to them will show with what jealous care the General 
Government has guarded the rights of citizens against any encroachment. The 
army has duties to perform here in execution of orders of the Department of 
War, which, from the nature of tliera, cannot lead to interference with the peo- 
ple in their various pursuits ; and, if no obstruction is presented to the discharge 
of those duties, there need not be the slightest apprehension that any person 
whatever will have cause of complaint against it. 

The army will continue its march from this position on Thursday, 17th inst., 
and reach the valley in five days. I desire to encamp beyond the Jordan on the 
day of arrival in the valley. 

With great respect, your obedient servant, 

A. S. JOHXSTOX, 

Colonel Second Cavalry and Brevet Brigadier- General United States Army, com- 
manding. 
To the Hon. L. W. Powell and Major Ben McCclloch, United States Commissioners to Utah. ■ 



228 UTAH CAMPAIGN. 

GENEEAL JOHNSTON's PROCLAMATION TO THE PEOPLE OF TTTAH. 

The commissioners of the United States, deputed by the President to urge 
upon the people of this Territory the necessity of obedience to the Constitution 
and laws, as enjoined by his proclamation, have this day informed me that there 
will be no obstruction to the administration and execution of the laws of the 
Federal Government, nor any opposition on the part of the people of this Terri- 
tory to the military force of the Government in the execution of their orders. 
I therefore feel it incumbent on me, and have great satisfaction in doing so, to 
assure those citizens of the Territory who, I learn, apprehend from the army ill- 
treatment, that no person whatever will be in anywise interfered with or mo- 
lested in his person or rights, or in the peaceful pursuit of his avocation ; and, 
should protection be needed, that they will find the army (always faitliful to the 
obligations of duty) as ready now to assist and protect them as it was to oppose 
them while it was believed they were resisting the laws of their Government. 

A. S. Johnston, 
Colonel Second Cavalry and Brevet Brigadier- General, commanding. 

Such utterances from a calm, intelligent, and patriotic soldier would, 
in these days of loose construction, form a better guide, to the young 
officer than more recent precedents drawn from Cossack rule in Poland 
and the dragonnades of Louis XIV. Nor were they mere words ; such 
was the rule of conduct for officers and men, and no people ever had 
less right to complain of injuries to person and property. 

The commissioners in all their reports to the Secretary of War men- 
tion General Johnston's hearty aid in furtherance of their mission, and 
in their letter of July 3d say : " Brevet Brigadier-General Johnston has 
continued cordially to cooperate with us in carrying out the wishes of 
the President. He has discharged the important and delicate duties in- 
trusted to him with eminent prudence and distinguished ability." 

It may be remembered that Ben McCulloch, one of the commission- 
ers, had been disappointed in not receiving the colonelcy of the Second 
Cavalry when General Johnston was appointed to it. His magnanimi- 
ty was evinced not only in his correspondence with General Johnston, 
but in his conversation with others. Colonel Love, writing to General 
Johnston from Washington City, June 11, 1860, says: 

Ben McCulloch told me yesterday that he was rejoiced that you had been ap- 
pointed, instead of himself, colonel of the regiment, as, from close observation 
in Utah, he believed you were the best man that could have been sent there, 
and that he yielded to you in everything in the line of your duty, as you had 
nobly performed it. 

As the army approached Salt Lake City, Governor Cumming wrote 
to General Johnston, June 17th : 

The present excited condition of the public mind demands the utmost cau- 
tion on your part. ... It is my duty to protest against your occupancy of posi- 



|i:jaiii!li!ll!lllil!!!fllilllllllfi!!H 



liiiiiiiii 



iii'h.i lira I '! '■' 
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■ill 



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\mr\ i 




ARMY ORDERS. 229 

tions in the immediate vicinity of this city or other dense settlements of the 
population. Should you resolve to act in opposition to my solemn protest, you 
may rest assured that it will result in disastrous consequences, such as cannot be 
approved by our Government. 

General Johnston had no intention of fixing his headquarters in any 
such location; and, for the obvious advantages of commanding situation, 
isolation, grass, water, wood, and shelter, had selected the north end of 
Cedar Valley as a proper site. Nevertheless, it was evident that the 
Mormons ought to feel that the Federal authority extended everywhere; 
and, therefore, General Johnston marched his command in perfect order 
through the chief streets of the sacred city. After thus formally assert- 
ing the Federal authority, he moved his troops to Cedar Valley, and 
made his headquarters at Camp Floyd. 

Early in January, while the Government and the country alike were 
in suspense and anxiety as to the fate of the expedition, it was deter- 
mined that reenforcements to the number of 4,000 soldiers should be 
sent to the aid of the little command of 1,700 regulars, buried in the 
snows of the Wahsatch range. General Scott at first intended to pro- 
ceed to the Pacific coast to direct the movements of the cooperating 
force, but gave up that part of the movement in February. "When the 
public mind had been relieved in regard to the safety of the army. Gen- 
eral Johnston's conduct was the subject of general commendation, and 
the military authorities gave him every assurance of approval. General 
Scott wrote, on the 23d of January : 

Your conduct in command, as set forth in the reports, meets with full and 
hearty approval, united with sympathy for those difficulties you have so manfully 
conquered, and which it is clearly perceived no act or omission of yours had any 
part in creating. 

Early in April General Scott sent- renewed assurances of his confi- 
dence, and on the 10th of April General Johnston was notified by the 
adjutant-general of his appointment as brevet brigadier-general. A 
few days later, April loth, it was announced, in General Orders No. 8, 
that Brevet Major-General Persifer F. Smith and Brevet Brigadier-Gen- 
eral William S. Harney were assigned to the Department of Utah, thus 
superseding General Johnston and placing him third in command. Not- 
withstanding the compliments paid him, this was a practical way of say- 
ing that, though he was good enough for a winter campaign, the Gov- 
ernment preferred some one else to do its summer fighting. 

General Johnston, on the 8th of July, having placed the army in a 
commanding position at Camp Floyd, addressed a communication to 
headquarters, which closes thus, without any allusion to what he might 
naturally have considered a grievance : 



230 UTAH CAMPAIGN. 

On the arrival of General Harnej or Colonel Sumner I desire to be ordered 
to join my regiment. If that cannot be granted, I request that the general will 
grant me a fui-lough for four months, with leave to apply for an extension. I 
have had no relaxation from duty — not for a day — for more than nine years. 

His request was refused; but, as there was no longer danger of war 
in Utah, and a general was not needed there, he was retained to ad- 
minister the duties of the department nearly two years longer. 

The adjutant-general, however, after declining his request, and in- 
forming him that he was not to be superseded, writes, August 28, 1858: 

I am further instructed to add that General Johnston's measures in the man- 
agement of affairs in Utah, from time to time reported by him, are fully ap- 
proved by the War Department. 

The commanding general was kind enough to issue the following 
order, summing up the conduct and character of the expedition: 

Headqitarteks of the Aemt, 1 
(General Orders No. 19.) West Point, New York, August 10, 1858. J 

The general-in- chief, learning of the arrival of the troops under Brevet Brig- 
adier-General Johnston at their destination in the Salt Lake country, after their 
detention in the valley of Green Eiver during the last winter, takes occasion to 
commend them in general orders — as he has already done through their com- 
mander — for their exemplary conduct uuder the trying circumstances in which 
they have been placed. 

Detained, after a long and wearisome march of over a thousand miles, by 
causes over which their commander had no control, in a most barren and inhos- 
pitable region ; subjected — by the rigors of the season, which destroyed or par- 
alyzed their draught-animals — to toils of no ordinary nature ', and, on account 
of the destruction of part of their supplies, obliged to labor with insuflScient 
clothing ; indifferent, and often restricted, rations of food — this fine body of 
men, instead of giving way to insubordination, irregularities, or murmurs even, 
went on improving in discipline and instruction, and discharging their accumu- 
lating duties with the utmost alacrity and cheerfulness; and, at the order of 
their commander, not showing the inhabitants of Salt Lake Valley, as they 
passed through their settlements, either by act, word, or gesture, that they had 
recently stood toward them in a liostile attitude. 

The march — in the depths of winter — of Lieutenant-Colonel (now Colonel) 
P. St. George Cooke, commanding tlie Second Dragoons, from Fort Laramie 
through tlie South Pass to Green River ; and that of Captain R. B. Marcy, Fifth 
Infantry, from Camp Scott over the mountains to New Mexico, deserve, as they 
have already received, special commendation. 

C> Brevet Brigadier-General Johnston has had the honor to be supported by 
officers of great intelligence, zeal, and experience. Yet it is not to be doubted 
that to his own high soldierly qualities, untiring exertions, tact, and sound judg- 
ment, the credit for the condition and high tone of his army is preeminently due.** 

By command of Brevet Lieutenant-General Scott : 

Ievin McDowell, 
Assistant Adjutant- General, 



COMMENDATION AND CRITICISM. 231 

The Secretary of War in his report, December G, 1858, made the 
following mention of the conduct of General Johnston, after discussing 
the causes that led to the expedition : 

The conduct of both ofBcers and men has been worthy of all praise. The 
commander, Brevet Brigadier-General A. S. Johnston, who joined liis command 
at a time of great trial and embarrassment, with a calm and lofty bearing, with 
a true and manly sympathy for all around him, infused into his command a spirit 
of serenity and contentment which amounted to cheerfulness, amid uncommon 
hardships and privations which were unabated throughout the tedious and in- 
clement season of the winter. 

The correspondent of the Neio York Thnes, Mr. Simonton, I be- 
lieve, writing from Camp Scott, under date of May 28th, says : 

I called on General Johnston to-day. He is, apparently, something over fifty 
years of age, and a plain, frank, whole-hearted soldier, equal to any emergency, 
and always prepared for it. In simple, honest directness of manner, coolness of 
purpose, readiness of action, and practical common-sense, he reminds me much 
of the lamented General Taylor. During the time I spent in his tent I had no 
difficulty in understanding the magnetism wliich attracts to him the respect and 
love of his command. I am told that amid all the privations of winter the men 
never thought of complaining, even among themselves, of their commander, 
whom they saw sharing equally with themselves in the inconvenience of short 
rations, and struggling, with the aid of an excellent commissary department, to 
defeat the Mormon design of starving the army — a design which the destruction 
of the supply-trains in October Inst would have rendered easy of accomplish- 
ment except for General Johnston's efforts. 

It is not to be supposed, however, that in the general applause which 
greeted General Johnston's conduct of the Utah campaign he altogether 
escaped criticism. By whatever motive actuated, a writer in the St. 
Louis Democrat, in August, 1858, made a violent assault upon him, 
which elicited a full and conclusive answer from the friendly pen of 
Captain N. J. Eaton. These articles are not here inserted, because it is 
believed that the events of the campaign as narrated are a sufficient re- 
ply to cavil. It is, indeed, alluded to only because it drew from Gen- 
eral Johnston a letter to Captain Eaton, already quoted, of October 11, 
1858, from which it is thought proper to make further extracts in re- 
sponse to the following charge by his critic : 

We propose directing attention to the claims of an individual who has won 
rank and, perhaps, reputation by the exhibition of unparalleled inactivity. Gen- 
eral Johnston has gained his brevet by no deed of heroism or display of general- 
ship, but by obstinate immobility for eight or nine months. 

General Johnston contented himself with a simple statement of the 
circumstances as the best refutation of the strictures of the letter- 
writer. The rest of bis letter is as follows : 



232 UTAH CAMPAIGN. 

My dear Eaton : I received your letter of the 3d inst., and have now the 
pleasure to acknowledge the great obligations under which you have placed me, 
and to express nay grateful sense of your generous conduct in defending an absent 
friend from an unjust and unfair attack by a person wholly unknown to him, 
but I hope not so prejudiced as to condemn upon an ex parte hearing. 

Connecting as he does a criticism of my course as a commander with an as- 
sault upon the Administration, he evidently imagines that I am the recipient of 
political favor, and that the patronage of the Government placed me in com- 
mand of the Utah army. On this point it is easy to disabuse the minds of any 
who entertain such a notion. 

If I were much of a favorite it would very naturally be supposed that I was 
personally known to the party whose patronage I am supposed to enjoy. It so 
happens that I have never had the opportunity to be introduced to the Presi- 
dent, and- of course have never spoken to him, and am personally unknown to 
him. I was called to the command of this department, I understand, at the re- 
quest of the commander-in-chief. The command was unsolicited by me, and not 
desirable on account of the inconvenience to my family and the unprotected sit- 
uation in which I was obliged to leave them. The notice was sudden and unex- 
pected ; and, moreover, I was sick and in need of surgical aid: the notice, how- 
ever, was promptly responded to. I am sure the service was repugnant to the 
wishes of every one, as it must always be where it involves the enforcement of 
the laws upon any portion of our citizens, be they good or bad. No one so em- 
ployed can escape censure ; though to the honor of the army be it said that, 
with this foreknowledge, there has never been a want of zeal in the execution of 
such, or any, orders. . . . 

Tlie brevet rank conferred upon me was not at my solicitation ; it was volun- 
tarily offered, and of course accepted. I did not consider whether I deserved 
it or not ; and I know I would be unable to determine that question. "With re- 
gard to the service performed by me, I felt that it was done with a loyal, hearty 
good-will, and regretted that more could not be done. 

It is, of course, painful to any gentleman to speak of himself; but I think I 
can say without vanity that the brevet rank conferred upon me was the dis- 
charge of a debt of twelve years' standing, during nearly ten of which, as a pub- 
lic servant, I have not had one day's relaxation from duty, and more than half of 
which time, from the nature of my duties, I have not slept in a house. I say it 
was an old debt in this wise. At the storming of Monterey I was a volunteer, 
acting as inspector-general with the rank of colonel. By reference to official 
reports you will see that favorable mention was made of my name with others. 
Those belonging to the regular army were brevetted for this notice. I could 
not be, but received in lieu, what was very precious to me, the thanks of Gen- 
eral Taylor in special orders. This being so, is it too much to say that the brevet 
was won twelve years since, and for the same grade as that now given? 

It is quite ridiculous, especially as connected with a person so obscure, with- 
out political influence, and unsustained by the patronage of any party, to attrib- 
ute a motive of interest to our venerated Chief Magistrate or commander-in- 
chief, standing, as they do, each in his own sphere the first man of his day. 

I am by some pointed out as a novus homo — a person but a short time in the 
service. My experience in the service runs back more than thirty years. I 
claim that my life and my means (not small) have been devoted to the service of 




DUTIES AT GAMP FLOYD 



ray country. It is true that I was out of the army for some years, bot 
not idle, I was laboring on another field ; the benefits, not less than an em^ 
in extent, enured to the Government. To this result I contributed my Lumlu. 
aid. It was not my good fortune to be present at the battle at which was won 
the independence of Texas by a band of heroic men ; but I served long and 
faithfully, assisting to maintain that independence, and, in so doing, I think, the 
interest of the United States was well subserved. . . . 

Your friend and obedient servant, 

A. S. Johnston. 



CHAPTER XV. 



CAMP FLOYD. 



Camp Floyd, the headquarters of the Army of Utah, was situated at 
the north end of Cedar Valley, midway between Salt Lake City and 
Provo, about thirty-six miles distant from each. The valley was about 
eight miles wide and twenty-five miles long, and situated three miles 
west of Utah Lake, vi'ith a low range of mountains intervening. The 
population of the Territory was located chiefly at the western base of 
the Wahsatch range, and along the eastern rim of the Great Salt Lake 
Basin. The position selected for the camp was a commanding one, as 
the valley debouched in the direction of Salt Lake City by two routes, 
toward Provo by two, and also into Tintic Valley in the direction of 
Fillmore City. The grass of Cedar Valley, and of Tintic and Rush 
Valleys, which communicated with it, was the main reliance for the sub- 
sistence of the horses, mules, and beef-cattle. The grass, though nu- 
tritious, was bunchy and sparse, so that a large space of country was 
required to support the animals, about 8,000 head in number. To guard 
this stock from both Indians and white robbers was an important and 
troublesome duty, but successfully performed. 

"When the army had been established at Camp Floyd, three duties 
devolved upon General Johnston : first, to secure the troops under his 
command against the hardships and privations of the preceding winter; 
second, to control the Indians, at least so far as to prevent or punish 
depredations upon the inhabitants ; and third, to aid the civil authori- 
ties in executing the laws, by furnishing troops to act as a 2)osse, on 
the requisition of the Executive or judicial officers of the Territory. To 
these might be added the auxiliary work of exploration and road-mak- 
ing. 

His first care was so to disband the volunteers as to avoid turning 
loose a large body of strangers " who might," as he remarks, " produce 



4 




CAMP FLOYD. 

-bance in the communities, although it may be truly said of them 
xt the Government never had a better regiment of volunteers." The 
oattalion was ordered to Leavenworth to be disbanded, so as to afford 
them transportation and subsistence home, except where they preferred 
to take employment in Utah or go to California. Similar precautions 
were taken with the employes discharged by the quartermaster's de- 
partment and contractors, some 500 in number. Those who would emi- 
grate to California or return home were allowed to purchase arms and 
outfits from the Government, and those who wished employment in 
Utah were hired as wood-choppers and herdsmen. No confusion or 
trouble ensued. 

General Porter says : 

General Johnston's attention was now successfully turned to establishing his 
command in comfort for the coming winter, to securing the necessary supplies 
for the support of men and animals, and to protecting provisions from the effects 
of the climate. Before winter set in, the men were all comfortably housed, the 
provisions under shelter, and the mules and cattle distributed to proper grazing- 
grounds. 

Quarters were built of adohe, and covered with plank and earth ; 
and, with such comforts as could be added, the troops were wintered 
in health and contentment. 

In a letter to the writer, September 23, 1858, General Johnston says : 

Although nothing has been changed in the Mormon polity, quiet prevails. 
The people take employment at our camp, when they are needed. Large num- 
bers are employed making adohes and in the various mechanical pursuits. They 
bring in freely their surplus grain and vegetables. Our winter-quarters will be 
comfortable; we are building a great many houses to shelter the men, and large 
storehouses for our supplies. The walls of our houses are eight feet high ; the 
roofs are covered with plank, which is again covered with three or four inches 
of clay. Small windows, rough doors, and well-pounded clay floors complete 
the building. To put up buildings, even of rude structure, for 3,000 or 4,000 
men, is a work of immense labor, where the materials are to be brought from a 
distance. 

Congress has made no appropriations for sheltering the troops here, and all 
this considerable outlay of money is on my own responsibility. Congress, I do 
not doubt, will make the appropriation ; yet it is not pleasant to have to incur 
weighty responsibilities. At this distance from the seat of government much 
responsibility has at all times to be assumed, and I shall not shrink from it. As 
I will do no one thing which my conscience does not approve as beneficial to my 
country, I shall always be without fear, and, I hope, without reproach. 

The arrival, in October, of Colonel Crosman, who had been assigned 
as his chief quartermaster, was a source of great relief to General 
Johnston. His predecessor had done his part well, but Crosman was 



INDLVN AFFAIRS. 235 

an old and tried friend, in -whose experience, good sense, and loyalty of 
heart, lie placed an unbounded trust, which was never impaired. 

It is sufficient to say that this well-administered army passed the 
winter not only contentedly but cheerfully, bringing to their aid the 
recreations and amusements of civilized life without relaxation of dis- 
cipline, or of the vigilance necessary to a strict performance of their 
duties. General Johnston applied again for a leave of absence, to take 
efiFect in the spring, but without success. 

In regard to the relations established by General Johnston with the 
Indians, General Porter makes these remarks : 

While journeying to Utah, and while at Fort Bridger, Colonel Johnston took 
every occasion to bring the Indians within knowledge and influence of tiie army, 
and induced numerous chiefs to come to his camp. There is nothing so civilizing 
to an Indian as the display of power, and the appearance of the troops insured 
respect and quietude. Colonel Johnston was ever kind, but firm and dignified, 
to them; and he was respected and feared as the " Great Chief." 

Washki, the chief of the Snakes, the white man's friend, was invited by the 
colonel, when near South Pass, into camp, and feasted and smoked for a talk. 
This resulted in the disclosure that Brigham Young had sent to him and his 
young men, to induce them to make war on the United States army ; and that 
he (Wasbki) had turned the Mormons from his country, telling them that his 
tribe did not meddle in white men's quarrels, and never against the United 
States; that they knew no difference between white men, and were as apt in 
war to slay Mormons as Americans. How much Colonel Johnston's impressive 
presence and the manifestations of power had to do with "Washki's attitude can- 
not be known ; but it is to his credit that he maintained it, holding his men 
under control on trying occasions, when unworthy white men had deservedly 
earned the enmity of the Snake tribe. 

The Utes, Pi-Utes, Bannocks, and other tribes, visited Colonel Johnston, 
and all went away expressing themselves pleased, assuring him that so long as 
he remained they would prove his friends, which the colonel told them would 
be best for them. Thus he eflfectually destroyed all influence of the Mormons 
over them, and insured friendly treatment to travelers to and from California 
and Oregon. 

General Johnston, while using every means to secure the friendship 
of the Indians, was most careful to warn them to keep clear of the im- 
pending conflict. This did not, however, prevent malicious attacks by 
those who had often found unscrupulous detraction a powerful engine 
against opponents. Governor Cumming's first communication from Salt 
Lake City to General Johnston, written within three days after his ar- 
rival, while the Mormons were yet confronting the troops in arms, was 
to apprise him of charges made by William H. Hooper, the Mormon 
Secretary of State, against United States officers, as advising the Indi- 
ans to murder and pillage, and of insinuations against General John- 
ston himself. The Deseret JVews also made similar statements. These 



236 CAMP FLOYD. 

were fit fabrications to emanate from the conclave which had instigated 
the Mountain Meadows massacre. As General Johnston's " talks " with 
the Indians had been in the presence of others, he had no difficulty in 
placing on record the false and slanderous character of these state- 
ments ; and those who are curious in such matters will find them set 
forth in " Executive Documents," second session. Thirty-fifth Congress, 
vol. ii., part ii., 1858-'59, pp. 71-87. 

During General Johnston's administration of that military depart- 
ment, the Indians behaved very well. A few outrages only were per- 
petrated by bands of "vagabond" Indians, who were promptly pun- 
ished ; and California and Oregon emigrants will remember that their 
wagon-trains received escorts of dragoons over the dangerous parts of 
the route. 

In the spring of 1859 an isstfe arose between General Johnston and 
Governor Gumming, in which the latter was evidently misled by his 
feelings. The documents and correspondence will be found in the ex- 
ecutive document just quoted above, and may be summarized as fol- 
lows : Governor Gumming, from the time of his association with Colonel 
Kane, imagined that his civil functions were to protect the Mormons 
from the militar}'^, who were seeking their destruction ; a very praise- 
worthy and magnanimous state of mind, if it had been founded upon 
facts. His error was, I presume, of the head rather than of the heart ; 
and it is not probable that he could have so misconceived General John- 
ston, if he had allowed himself to become better acquainted with him. 
He indulged another fancv, that his office, somehow, clothed him with 
military authority ; while, in fact, his sole function in this direction was 
to obtain, by requisition upon the commander, troops who should act as 
& 2^osse to enforce the laws or protect citizens in their rights of person or 
property. It will be remembered that General Johnston's orders (page 
209) directed him to obey the requisition of the judges, as well as of the 
Governor ; but this fact the Governor did not choose to recognize. 

Judge Cradlebaugh, who had charge of the southern district of 
Utah, determined, if possible, to bring to justice the leaders in the 
Mountain Meadows massacre, and, on proper information, had John D. 
Lee, Isaac Haight, and six others, committed for trial at a term of the 
district court, held on the 8th of March at Provo. In accordance with 
his authority, he made a requisition for troops to protect the court and 
witnesses, and hold the prisoners securely, there being no jail. A com- 
pan}' was sent to Provo, and later a regiment put within supporting 
distance ; and an examination of all the facts will show that the in- 
structions from the commanding general, and their execution by his 
subordinate, were clearly within the letter and the spirit of the law, 
and scrupulous in their conformity to technical observances as well as 
to the necessities of the case. Not only were the officers firm and dis- 



CONFLICTS OF AUTHORITY. 

creet, but the soldiers avoided even the appearance of incivilit}'. Nev- 
ertheless, the mayor and council protested ag-ainst " the military occu- 
pation " of their town, to " the annoyance and intimidation " of citizens. 
Judge Cradlebaugh replied politely, pointing out the necessity of his 
action ; and a controversy ensued in which the Mormons dwelt upon 
the dangers of military despotism, and offered to provide for the se- 
curity of the prisoners. This, of course, would have been a mere mock- 
ery of justice. 

At this juncture, March 20th, Governor Gumming appeared upon 
the scene, and requested General Johnston promptly to withdraw the 
guard from Provo, adding, " I am satisfied that the presence of the 
military force in this vicinity is unnecessary, and for this and other 
reasons I desire to impress upon you the propriety of the immediate 
disposition of the troops as above indicated." He also complained that 
the detachment commander. Captain Heth, had not reported to him. 

General Johnston returned a courteous reply to this letter, declining 
to obey the Governor's commands, and reciting his own orders. Judge 
Cradlebaugh's requisition, the want of a jail or any other means of 
detaining the prisoners, except by the guard, and his care to avoid giv- 
ing just offense to well-disposed persons. He says, also : 

I beg most respectfully to suggest that, under the circumstances, there would 
have been a manifest impropriety in Captain Heth's reporting to you ; such an 
act would be an acknowledgment of military supremacy on your part, which 
does not exist. To prevent any misunderstanding hereafter, I desire to say to 
your excellency that I am under no obligations whatever to conform to your 
suggestions with regard to the military disposition of the troops of this depart- 
ment, except only when it may be expedient to employ them in their civil ca- 
pacity as a posse ; in which case, should the emergency arise, your requisition 
for any portion of the troops under my command will be complied with, and 
they will be instructed to discharge the duty pointed out. 

In transmitting the correspondence to the general-in-chief, March 
2-i, 1859, General Johnston writes : 

I regret that his instructions should have impressed upon him (Governor 
Gumming) a view of his powers so inconsistent with the well-understood the- 
ory of military organization ; and so much the more do I regret it, because this 
discrepancy of view between the Executive of the Territory and the commander 
of the department cannot fail to entail all the evil consequences of want of har- 
mony and of unity of purpose. . . . 

By my instructions I am equally bound to respond to tlie call of the Judiciary 
as of the Executive ; and, if I had complied with his command, to make any 
other disposition of the force acting in aid of the administration of justice than 
as requested by the judge, without his consent, I should have been accessory to 
an executive interference with a coordinate branch of the Territorial govern- 
ment. 



CAMP FLOYD. 

Governor Gumming issued tlie following proclamation, denouncing 
the action of General Johnston, and placing him before the people of 
the Territory in an entirely false light : 

JBy Alfred Cumming, Governor of Utah Territory. 

A PKOCLAMATION. 

Whereas^ One company of the United States Infantry, under the command 
of Captain Heth, is now stationed around the court-house at Provo, where the 
Hon. Judge Cradlebaugh is now holding court, and eight additional companies 
of infantry, one of artillery, and one of cavalry, under the command of Major 
Paul, are stationed within sight of the court-house; and — 

Whereas, The presence of soldiers has a tendency not only to terrify the in- 
habitants and disturb the peace of the Territory, but also to subvert the ends of 
justice, by causing the intimidation of witnesses and jurors; and — 

Whereas, This movement of troops has been made without consultation with 
me, and, as I believe, is in opposition to both the letter and spirit of my instruc- 
tions; and — 

Whereas, General Johnston, commander of the military department of Utah, 
has refused my request, that he would issue the necessary orders for the removal 
of the above-mentioned troops : 

Now, therefore, I, Alfred Gumming, Governor of the Territory of Utah, do 
hereby publish this my solemn protest against this present military movement, 
and also against all movements of troops, incompatible with the letter and spirit 
of the annexed extract from the instruction received by me from Government, 
for my guidance while Governor of the Territory of Utah. 

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused 

the seal of the Territory to be aflSxed. Done at Great Salt Lake City, 

• I-- 8. : this twenty-seventh day of March, a. d. eighteen hundred and fifty- 
nine, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-third. 

Alfeed Gumming. 

By the Governor : (Signed) John Hartnett, 

Secretary of State. 

With whatever accuracy Governor Gumming may have interpreted 
his instructions from the State Department, it was manifestly unrea- 
sonable in him to expect General Johnston to conform to them in dis- 
obedience of his own orders. But, however that might be, the issue 
having been made and referred to competent authority for decision, 
should have rested there. His proclamation was erroneous in law and 
in fact, and calculated to exasperate an already excited people, unless 
they had been restrained by leaders who now felt the folly of open war. 

In the mean time the Mormon county court impaneled a grand- 
jury, in which sat some of the men implicated in the massacre and in 
other murders which were to be investigated. Nevertheless, a consid- 
erable number of witnesses appeared before them, testified to the most 



AMBIGUOUS POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 239 

conclusive facts, and then sought the protection of the military from an 
" intimidated " people. The grand-jury having sat two weeks, and failed 
to make a presentment, was finally discharged by the judge. It was 
evident that the local authorities and the people, with the countenance 
of the Territorial Executive, were able to arrest the course of justice, so 
that the functions of the judiciary were virtually at an end, unless other 
modes of trial were adopted by Congress. Judge Cradlebaugh was able, 
however, as a committing magistrate, to place on record a mass of testi- 
mony that fixes on the Mormon leaders the indelible stigma of atrocious 
deeds, which will cling to the church until it perishes. 

Closer contact with the Mormons, and continued observation of their 
system, gave General Johnston no better opinion of them than he had 
held at Fort Bridger. In commenting upon his own official reports, he 
wrote to General Scott, March 31, 1859: 

I have refrained from speaking of the horrible crimes that have been perpe- 
trated in this Territory — crimes of a magnitude and of an apparently studied re- 
finement in atrocity hardly to be conceived of, and -which have gone unwhipped 
of justice. These, if the judges are sustained, they -will endeavor to bring to 
light. 

General Johnston was not at all satisfied with the measure of sup- 
port he received from the Administration, which, for many obvious rea- 
sons, was anxious simply to tide over the troubles in Utah. He had 
obeyed his orders scrupulously in letter and in spirit, and yet he found 
himself left in a somewhat ambiguous attitude before the country. 
Moreover, he had become convinced that proper laws should regulate 
the Territorial relations to the General Government ; yet he found that 
these were drifting at the mercy of events. 

The Government could not disapprove of General Johnston's course, 
but tried to obviate the difficulty by modifying his orders, as will be 
seen by the following letter from the Secretary of War. The letter is 
the key to the subsequent policy at Washington. It ties the hands of 
the judiciary, and leaves Utah to ferment into whatever it may — living 
waters or a hell-broth, as the case may be: 

Wab Department, Wasuington, May 6, 1859. 

Sir : The change which seems to have taken place in the condition of things 
in Utah Territory since the date of your former instructions renders some modi- 
fication of these instructions necessary. 

Peace being now restored to the Territory, the judicial administration of tht 
laws will require no help from the army under your command. If the services 
of the United States troops should be needed under any circumstances it could 
only be to assist the executive authority in executing the sentence of law or the 
judicial decrees of the court; and that necessity could only arise when the ser- 
vices of a civil posse were found to be insufficient. You will therefore only 
17 



210 CAMP FLOYD. 

order the troops under your command to assist as a 2'>osse comitatus in the exe- 
cution of the laws, upon the written application of the Governor of the Territory, 
and not otherwise. 

The fidelity with which you have oheyed the instructions of this department 
heretofore given you is the fullest guarantee that you will with the same zeal 
and efficiency conform to these. 

I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

(Signed) John B. Floyd, 

Secretary of War. 

Brevet Brigadier-General A. S. Johnston, commanding' Department of Utah, Camp Floyd, U. T. 

General Johnston, in a letter to the author, June 10th, comments 
upon the modification of his orders thus : 

This, in view of the premises assumed by the Secretary, is rightly done ; but 
these are not the law-abiding people the Administration believes them to be, 
and he will find that henceforward the law here is a nullity. 

I suppose the Secretary found it difficult to sustain me at all, so I ought to be 
satisfied with him, for I do not doubt that he had to combat the foregone con- 
clusion of the President and most of the cabinet that this question is finally set- 
tled, or their predetermination so to view it. I have conscientiously discharged 
my duty in sustaining the judiciary, and the people will applaud me for it; for 
the time is not far distant when they will know the utter incompatibility of 
Mormon institutions and those that our own people are pledged by every obli- 
gation of duty and honor to establish and cherish in every part of our broad 
territory. 

During the remainder of my sojourn here I shall not be called upon in the 
discharge of my duty to make any comment upon events transpiring here not 
purely of a military character. I now hope I may be granted a leave of absence. 

It would seem proper, in view of the want of harmony in sentiment 
and personal relations between the Governor and the militarj'^ command- 
er, that the Government should have removed one of them. The Admin- 
istration thought otherwise ; and, although General Johnston requested 
to be relieved, he was obliged to retain his unpleasant post another 
year. The motive for adopting this sort of middle ground, so charac- 
teristic of Mr. Buchanan, was not an unkind one. To relieve General 
Johnston, under the circumstances, might have the semblance of con- 
demning him for obedience to orders; to appoint another Governor 
would look like an intent to pursue a decisive pohcy instead of the 
laissez-faire course represented by Governor Camming. So he let 
things drift. 

Though the transaction of business with a population trained to an- 
noy and pillage the Government was always disagreeable to its repre- 
sentatives, yet such were General Johnston's exact justice and circum- 
spection of conduct that no commander has held this department with 
less detraction. 



ADMINISTRATION OF UTAH. 241 

General Porter says in his letter to the writer : 

The army had now nothing to do hut to maintain discipline and efficiency, 
and he ready for any emergency. Yet General Johnston availed himself of 
every occasion to display force where its presence would have a good in- 
fluence. 

He sent Colonel Loring to New Mexico hy a new route directly across the 
mountains, through the Ute tribes. He dispatched a force to the southern part 
of the Territory to the scene of the Mountain Meadows massacre, that the guilty 
might feel that a power was close at hand to prevent or punish such crimes in 
future. He sent a large and well-provided force to Oregon, and another to Cali- 
fornia, taking care they should pass through the regions least frequented by 
troops. He had the country south of Salt Lake explored to Carson's Valley, and 
opened a mail route and emigrant trail to Califoroia, 300 miles shorter than the 
old road. He opened the route up Prove River to Fort Bridger, which, with 
the route through Bridger's Pass to the east, and to California west, established 
the easiest, best, and shortest route across the continent. 

These explorations had in view not only the display of force and the opening 
of as many avenues as possible into the country so as to counteract as far as pos- 
sible the policy of isolation on which the priesthood relied for its absolute con- 
trol, but information which would render easier the location of a railroad route 
to the Pacific. 

The Union Pacific Railroad now runs some distance east and west of Fort 
Bridger over the route laid down, and much of it opened, by Colonel Johnston ; 
and, had not the local interests of Brigham Young prevailed over the interests of 
the road and of the Government, its better location would have carried it down 
the Provo River to the bench-lands of the valley, and thence with the main 
trunk flouth of the lake, and with a branch to Salt Lake City. 

General Johnston bore with some impatience the political arrange- 
ments that kept him in Utah. He found the climate healthful but dis- 
agreeable, and the separation from his family and social isolation very- 
irksome. Though he could not express these feelings to his superiors, 
he did to the writer occasionally. Writing August 5, 1858, he says : " I 
shall be obliged to remain here another winter, at least. We cannot 
avoid our destiny; so I will try to be contented, and hope always. This 
is the most sterile country I have ever seen or imagined." Again, Sep- 
tember 15th, he says: "I bear my exile here badly. My philosophy 
sometimes gives way. I try to be content, and hope for better times." 
Finally his request to be relieved was granted, and on February 29, 
1860, he turned over his command to Colonel Smith. Gladly obeying 
bis orders, he proceeded to San Francisco, and thence by sea to New 
York. 

The army of Utah was, for the most part, withdrawn from the 
Territory, and the Saints were left to their own devices. As soon as the 
pressure of the troops was removed, the voice of the Prophet resumed 
its earlier tone of truculent defiance, blackguardism, and blasphemy. 



242 CAMP FLOYD. 

The following from an officer at Camp Floyd, August 11, 1860, gives 
the changed aspect of aflfairs : 

The same game has commenced on the part of the Mormons that was played 
before the army came here as regards the Gentiles. Brigham preached a very 
inflammatory sermon last Sunday. He cursed the Government, the President, 
and the Gentiles. He said " he would wipe them all — every one — out, d — n them ! 
that he would let the Government know that he was still here; that he would 
send every Gentile to hell tcith wooden legs, and that they had better be supply- 
ing themselves now while lumber was cheap." 

With the further history of events in Utah this memoir has no con- 
cern, and hence it may be dismissed with the remark that the vexed 
question is still an open one, under the changed conditions, however, 
that eighteen years make in all human affairs. 

The following letter will not be without interest to those who feel a 
concern about the United States army : 

Camp Floyd, Utah, June 22, 1859. 

My deae Son: Your letter of May 14th, ult., concerning the nephew of Dr. 

L B , has been received. I have made inquiry respecting him, and am 

glad to learn that he is regarded as a worthy soldier. I have the power by the 
articles of war to discharge soldiers from the service, but it is an authority never 
exercised for private reasons. Great length of service, disability from physical 
or mental causes, etc., are some of the motives which would justify a depart- 
ment commander in exercising this power. If B is ambitious he can be gi-ati- 

fied ; the door is open to all in the ranks. Having the prerequisite of a good 
moral character, the other qualifications can be obtained by proper industry. If 
he prepares himself for the examinations which must be gone through, I feel 
sure he will find no difficulty in procuring the recommendations of his company 
and regimental commanders to be allowed to be examined. The quality of the 
enlisted men of the army, morally and physically, is not well understood by the 
citizens. There exists so deep-rooted a prejudice against the soldiery that I 
must beheve tliat, some time or other in our history as a nation or as provin- 
cials, they must have been intolerably bad. I think this is likely. Within my 
own knowledge of the reputation of this class of men, which runs back more 
than thirty years, they were very objectionable. I am glad to say that since my 
first acquaintance with them there has been a vast improvement, morally and 
physically. They were then said to be broken-down drunkards; now, physical- 
ly, they are literally without blemish. After several minute inspections of the 
naked corpus by surgeons, they, if found perfect in ih^u pTiysique, are accepted ; 
and, all being very young men, very few, if any, of them can have been injured 
by previous habits. A large majority of them write their names ; so that there 
can be claimed for them, /or their class, a high degree of intelligence. It is said 
many of them are foreigners ; this is true, and in that they represent very per- 
fectly tlie population of the country. Their pay, though nominally less than 
laborers', with all the advantages of clothing and food and physicians' bills free, 
with good care in the hospitals when they are sick, makes it appreciated by 
many as more desirable than the precarious wages of the laborer who may lose 



FAMILY AFFECTIONS. 243 

all his earnings tlirongli the grasping cupidity of the doctors. Soldiers cannot 
be associates for refined persons ; but they ought now to be as much respected 
as it is the custom to despise them. When called upon for duty they do not 
count the cost. 

Numerous illustrations might be given of General Johnston's deep 
and tender feeling for his family — an affection that never failed in any 
act of self-sacrifice, and was manifested rather by a constant course of 
gracious and forbearing conduct than by extravagant demonstration. 
These are for the most part omitted, as no public end would be served 
by their introduction ; but the following extract from one of his letters 
to his daughters, with its personal allusions, is given because it truly 
represents his relations to his children : 

The thermometer has fallen once to 22° below zero, and often to 10° below. 
I do not mind the cold now. I ride on horseback or walk every day without 
an overcoat. My mustache soon becomes an icicle; yet I do not suffer from 
cold, or have the dread of it that every one feels for a Texas norther. I am in 
robust health. Every symptom of liver-complaint has vanished, and I am now 
as active and strong as I have ever been. You may know that my fare is not 
meagre when I tell you I weigh 194 pounds. 

Will has a charming family, and I am delighted with your account of my 
dear little granddaughters. I am sure he deserves all the blessings with which 
he is surrounded, and that your presence gives additional sunlight to the happy 
scene. I wish I could be with you more, that I might manifest the love I bear 
for you and him and all my children, and the pride I feel in the high tone and 
honorable principles of each. Destiny has otherwise decreed. I do not repine, 
for in a great measure we make our own destiny, and ought to submit without 
murmuring ; but I hope the future has many good gifts in store for us. / trust 
in God; in that consists the sum of my religion. No hour passes without my 
thoughts reverting to you and each one of my family. 

When General Johnston relinquished his command in Utah, it was 
with that mingled feeling of regret and relief that accompanies the 
severance of ties binding us to comrades with whom we have shared 
arduous duties, to enter on a more attractive field. IMutual confidence, 
affection, and esteem, bound together the army and its commander. 
General Henry Heth told the writer that the most touching scene he 
ever witnessed, except the surrender at Appomattox Court-House, was 
General Johnston's departure from the army of Utah. As he rode along 
the line of soldiers, drawn up to bid him farewell, there was not a dry 
eye. 

During General Johnston's oflScial career in Utah, as elsewhere, it 
was his wish so to conduct the affairs of his command that every citizen 
might feel that the Government he represented was read}' to accord him 
the most generous treatment. When the snow-storms broke upon him 
in the valleys of the Wahsatch, he made common cause with the army 



244 CAMP FLOYD. 

contractors against the elements, and, in serving the Government and 
providing for his army, he was able to place the army contractors and 
merchants with trains for Utah under heavy obligations. One of the 
wealthiest and most powerful of these merchant princes of the desert 
sent General Johnston a New-Year's gift that gave rise to the following 
correspondence : 

Camp Scott, January 1, 1958. 

Dear Sir : Accept the articles sent you on the inclosed memorandum as a 
New-Year's gift from your humble servant, 

General Johnston sent a polite note of thanks, but on opening the 
package next day discovered the character of the present, and at once 
returned it with the following note : 

Camp Scott, January 2, 1853. 
To , Esq. 

Dear Sir: In my note to you yesterday evening, accepting your New-Year's 
gift, I thought it was some trifle in value, offered in a spirit of kindness, which 
I might properly receive ; but, on examination of the packages, finding that it 
is a splendid and costly service of plate, I feel constrained by our official rela- 
tions to decline the acceptance of it, which I do with the utmost respect for 
you, and with grateful acknowledgment of the friendly sentiment which dic- 
tated the offer. 

I beg that you will believe that, in declining to receive this token of your 
regard (but which will also be considered as an evidence of your approbation of 
my conduct as commander), I am actuated by no other feeling than a sense of 
military propriety. 

In the turmoil of parties preceding a presidential election, promi- 
nent citizens not unfrequently endeavor to find some new man, with 
such elements of popularity and usefulness as will render his name ac- 
ceptable to the people. Polk and Taylor, Pierce and Lincoln, have all 
been selections of this sort. While General Johnston was in Utah, 
some leading gentlemen in the West, of conservative views, and doubt- 
less moved by a friendship that overlooked all obstacles, fixed on his 
name in conference as a proper one to be introduced into the canvass 
for the presidency. They believed that he combined certain popular 
features that would make him strong before the people in an uprising 
against faction and fanaticism, and with this view they communicated 
with him to learn his feelings on the subject. 

General Johnston made the following reply to one of them, who 
united in himself a warm and loyal friendship with an ardent patriotism : 

" I have no ambition for the high place you mention in your letter ; or, I 
might better say, I have no taste for political life. You describe a state of things 
for which there is no cure, and which it would be wholly beyond the power of 
any man, no matter how honest or how able, to remedy. It must run its course. 
"When the moral basis of political action has become corrupt, it is a disease 



KNOW TEYSELF. 245 

which cannot be arrested. It is like some diseases of the human body, which 
men wise and learned in medicine abstain from treating. We must imitate 
them. "We must watch and sustain the patient when he sinks, and trust to the 
medicinal power of Nature. Time will, I trust, restore to us a sound and healthy 
basis of moral action, such as we set out with as a people in the days of Wash- 
ington and the elder Adams. 

In another letter, to the same friend, he says : 

I have known you long, more than the lifetime of a generation. ... It must 
be believed from our personal antecedents that, with you (if such a course on 
my part were possible with any one) I would not feign a reluctance to take that 
which I ardently desired. You will know that my opinions, expressed in refer- 
ence to so important a matter, are candid and sincere, and that my decision as 
to my own course is final. 

I have given the subject full consideration, for it has been before me for 
some time, and I have been ruled by a sense of duty in the conclusion I have 
arrived at, and not by desire. I well comprehend that, to be thought worthy of 
so high a trust is an honor, and at the same time a testimonial, than which there 
is none higher ; but, while entertaining toward my friends, should they proffer a 
nomination, a grateful sense of their kindness and good opinion, in order to 
prove myself worthy of such regard, I should feel it my patriotic duty to com- 
mend to their choice some other citizen more competent for the discharge of the 
duties appertaining to that eminent station. 

Your partiality, my friend, would draw me from a vocation and duties for 
which, from my education and taste, I have I believe some qualification, to place 
me upon an arena which, with my views of it, would seem to demand a life-long 
familiarity with the objects and operations of our institutions to do justice to 
the requirements of so responsible a position. I will not consent, but will rather 
imitate your own example when civic honors were offered to you. 

In a letter to the present writer, adverting to the foregoing. Gen- 
eral Johnston says : 

My friends, some of them, in the States, say that a glittering prize is within 
my grasp, in their opinion. If I had you to write my answer, declining the 
proffered honor, if by any chance it should be offered, I could, by displaying the 
folly of our people in selecting men for public office without any regard to their 
fitness by education and training for the particular duties they are called upon 
to perform, more entitle myself to their good opinion than by accepting. My 
education, my taste, and my ambition, if I have any, would find nothing con- 
genial in the performance of the duties of a civil oflBce. If success were certain. 
I still have honor and patriotism enough to say that there are others much more 
capable and more fit for the station who ought to have precedence. A friend of 
mine used to say that there is nothing in which we so well display our judgment 
as to stop speaking when we have said enough. I suppose it must be the same 
in writing. I therefore dismiss the subject. 

When General Johnston first went to Texas, he bought a league of 
land, which was afterward *' squatted" upon, and thus became the sub- 



246 CAMP FLOYD. 

ject of litigation. This suit wore on for many years, the local claimants 
obtaining all those advantages which the elective system gives the voter 
over the non-resident. The precedents -in the State courts pointed to 
a final decision adverse to General Johnston, while in the Federal courts 
the adjudications were in his favor. For this reason, and to remove 
the cases from the sphere of local influence, the attorneys for General 
Johnston wished to bring them before the United States tribunals. It 
was therefore proposed to him, through the present writer, that, as he 
had been so long an ofiicer of the army, and for some j'ears absent from 
the State, he should renounce his citizenship for this purpose. The 
following was his reply, from Camp Floyd, August 27, 1859 : 

My citizenship in Texas was obtained at the cost of the bloom of health and 
the prime of life spent in the service of the State, and of property, which, if I 
had. it now, would constitute a princely estate. I will not give it up now, 
though I should lose in consequence every foot of land I have in the State. 
This I would regard as a mere mess of pottage in comparison with my citizen- 
ship. 

General Johnston returned to the Atlantic coast by way of Cali- 
fornia and the Isthmus, as it was too cold to cross the Plains. In 
Southern Utah, an Indian chief, to prove his friendship and warn off 
prowling clansmen, ran on foot for several days beside his wagon, keep- 
ing pace with the trot of the mules. General Johnston on parting 
gave him among other presents, to his extravagant delight, " a coat of 
many colors " — a gay patchwork quilt that had served through the cam- 
paign. He said it was a prudent gift, as its bizarre brightness was 
fascinating enough to an Indian to stir up a border war, or, at least, 
induce a massacre. 

At San Francisco he saw the first Japanese embassy to this country. 
He was much interested in the Japs, and observed them, both then and 
afterward at Washington, with friendly curiosity. He remarked to the 
writer in regard to them : 

How apt we are to nndervalne what is unfamiliar I We call the Japanese 
barbarians. Yet compare their skill and perfectness in all handicraft with our 
own. Look at their cutlery and lacquer-ware, their fabrics of paper and silk, 
and the cunning joinery of one of their little cabinets; and then consider how 
few men in America can make a bureau-drawer that will open without a jerk. 
Then, too, they are brave, aspiring, and sensitively honorable. We call them 
barbarians ; but such a people ought to have a great future. 

No important incidents occurred on his voyage or after his arrival 
in the East. General Scott received him with the utmost kindness, 
approved heartily of all his acts, and spoke of him publicly in the most 
unqualified terms of commendation. The office of quartermaster-gen- 
eral, with the assimilated rank of brigadier-general, became vacant in 



HOME AGAIN. 247 

the summer of 1860, and was conferred by Secretary Floyd on Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel Joseph E. Johnston. It was said at the time that General 
Scott urged the name of General A. S. Johnston for the appointment; 
and a rumor was prevalent that he had also filed a paper in the War 
Department, recommending him as commander-in-chief in case of his 
own decease. Without means of verifying the correctness of these 
reports, they evince, nevertheless, the estimate that General Scott was 
commonly supposed to place upon him. 

General Johnston was greatly rejoiced to be reunited to his family 
after two years and a half of separation. His wife and children had 
resided in Louisville under the protection of kind friends during his 
absence ; and, now that he was again in a home of his own for a brief 
season, its happiness was the brighter by the contrast with the clouds 
that lowered over the world without. His health had been completely 
restored by three winters in Utah ; and, such was his vigor that, at 
fifty-eight years of age, he might have been mistaken for forty-five. 
He spent most of the summer and fall in Louisville, except when called 
to Washington on army business. In Kentucky and wherever he went 
the greatest respect and consideration were shown him. 

The year 1860 was the crisis of American destiny. The presidential 
election that resulted in the triumph of the antislavery Republican 
party was a season of tremendous political excitement, and every pas- 
sion that sways a popular government was aroused to the utmost. 
General Johnston beheld the scene with gloomy forebodings, and yet 
with a calmness which did not condescend to discussion even. His 
opinion, his voice, his utmost energies, would have no effect in stilling 
the storm which he had done nothing to stir. The angry passions of 
men seemed to be moved by an unseen power, as the waves of the sea 
are lifted by the breath of the tempest. Though far from feeling in- 
difference, yet, as he had no power for active good, he maintained that 
attitude which he thought most becoming in an army-officer of his rank 
— the utmost reticence. He saw the wisdom, the eloquence, the polit- 
ical skill, of powerful and patriotic statesmen set at naught in the 
elemental strife; and to him — a man of action, not of words — silence 
seemed the only proper course. 

During the summer, prominent Texans at Washington had been 
soliciting the secretary to assign General Johnston to command the 
Southwestern Department. Finally, on the 1st of November, the ad- 
jutant-general informed General Johnston that the secretary had given 
orders to that effect, and wished to see him as soon as convenient. He 
was at the same time apprised, by telegram and letter, of October 30th, 
that General Scott desired to send him to California to take command 
of the Pacific coast. On November 2d General Scott addressed an 
official communication to the adjutant-general to that effect. 



24:8 CAMP FLOYD. 

When General Johnston reported to the Secretary of War, he had 
made up his mind, as he subsequently informed the writer, not to go to 
Texas. If the State seceded, and the Federal Government did not 
promptly accommodate the questions thus started, a collision would 
probably occur. In this event, General Johnston took the view that 
he could only surrender the charge committed to him to the authority 
from which he had received it. He would thus be forced either to fail 
in his duty to the power which had confided in him and to which he 
owed service, or in his duty to the Commonwealth to which he owed 
allegiance ; to violate the trust reposed in him, or resist the State which 
had a paramount claim upon him. He said that it was impossible for 
him to do the former ; and he would not be so placed as to be com- 
pelled to encounter his State. With this dilemma before him, he pre- 
ferred to resign rather than accept the command of the Department of 
Texas. The alternative was not forced upon him. He placed his pref- 
erences for California before Mr. Floyd in so strong a light, though 
without touching the above-named difficulty, that, with General Scott's 
backing in the matter, he was assigned to the Department of the Pa- 
cific. 

General Johnston, before leaving for California, manumitted his 
body-servant, Randolph, a slave born in his family in 1832. Randolph 
had served him faithfully in Texas and Utah, and wished to go with 
him to California. He was employed on wages, and followed his mas- 
ter's fortunes to California, and afterward to the Confederacy. He 
was with him at Shiloh, remained in the Southern army till the close of 
the war, and yet lives a humble but honorable remembrancer of the 
loyal attachment which could subsist between master and slave. 

General Johnston sailed from New York on the 21st of December, 
with his family, by way of the Panama route, reaching San Francisco 
about the middle of January. During the three months that he admin- 
istered the department no military events occurred, except some move- 
ments of troops against the Indians, for the management of which he 
received the approbation of the press and people at the time. It may 
be here mentioned, in advance, that he resigned his commission April 
10th, and was relieved by General Sumner April 25, 1861. 



ORIGIN OF THE TROUBLES. £49 



CHAPTER XVI. 

THE SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY. 

As the purpose of this biography is to set forth, not to justify, the 
acts and opinions of its subject, a discussion of the causes of the civil 
war would here be out of place. Success gives strong ground for 
self-complacency, and so does martyrdom. Hence the very conclusive- 
ness of such an argument, while not needed to confirm the faith of its 
believers, would only serve to arouse anew the prejudices of adversa- 
ries. Nor is it necessary to the truth of history ; since all the phases 
of that famous controversy, though settled at last by the arbitrament 
of the sword, had been thoroughly sifted and debated, before this final 
appeal, by orators, statesmen, and jurists — and by an innumerable 
throng of politicians, preachers, philanthropists, editors, writers, and 
talkers. 

Nevertheless, it seems necessary here to state briefly the standpoint 
of the Southern people, as an historical fact. In a struggle so momen- 
tous and so unequal, it is impossible to understand the motives that 
influenced the best men of the South to maintain her cause with such 
unexampled unanimity and devotion, without knowing the beliefs and 
opinions upon which their action was based. 

In 1861 long-pending disputes between the slaveholding and non- 
slaveholding States came to an issue. Springing primarily, doubtless, 
from the difference in social organization, the more immediate causes of 
strife were certain real or imaginary collisions of material interests, a 
different mode of interpreting the Constitution, and the agitation for 
the abolition of negro-slavery. Of the first, there were none so vital 
as to be incapable of adjustment, as had been shown in the tarifi" com- 
promise with South Carolina in 1832-'33. Nor would theoretical dif- 
ferences about the Constitution have assumed so dangerous a form, un- 
less they had been embodied in a sectional or revolutionary movement. 
But, at the South, it was the Northern method of dealing with the sla- 
very question which was considered not only sectional and revolution- 
ary, but unjust and dangerous to its property and liberties. 

The material interests and social and political difiiculties involved in 
the slavery question rendered it impossible for the South to consider it 
dispassionately. On the other hand, the sentimental and philanthropic 
origin of the slavery agitation in the North made it impossible to fix 
any legal or constitutional limits to the abolition crusade. At the South 
the Constitution was regarded as an historical document. It was a char- 



250 THE SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY. 

ter conveying to the Federal Government, as the agent of the States, 
certain well-defined powers for certain specific purposes ; all powers 
not thus explicitly granted being reserved to the several States. The 
instrument was to be strictly construed ; and a breach of the covenant 
entitled the aggrieved party to redress, the measure of which the State 
must fix, as no common tribunal had been established for that purpose. 
This involved the right of withdrawal from the Union, either by peace- 
able secession or by revolution. In the extreme South the former was 
regarded as the legitimate method. When the emergency arose, those 
States attempted thus to exercise their right. 

In the North these primitive views of the Constitution were changed 
by an immense influx of European immigrants, who, controlled by spec- 
ulative republicans, regarded the Constitution as a mere Bill of Rights, 
and the mission of the republic to be the emancipation and illumina- 
tion of the world. A modern national, or rather an imperial, theory of 
the nature of our Government prevailed there. Legalists gave form 
and color of authority to attacks on slavery, which were regarded in 
the South as willful, dangerous, and manifest infractions of the Consti- 
tution. 

The irritations of the controversy were great and growing. The 
loss of $1,000,000 worth of slaves annually ; aids to their escape and 
incitements to their insurrection ; resistance to their rendition when 
fugitives by mobs or by nullifying State laws ; appeals to the " higher 
law " of conscience as overruling the Constitution ; and the intemperate 
invectives of the abolitionists, engendered a bitter and unmeasured re- 
sentment in the South. This was evinced in words and acts. 

It is true that, when Mr. Lincoln was elected President in 18G0, the 
Republican party made the basis of its creed the exclusion of slavery 
from the Territories of the Union by act of Congress. But this will 
hardly be regarded now as more than a mere phase of the antislavery 
agitation. It was so considered in the South then. It was there held 
to be a gross violation of the Constitution. The success of this party 
opened to the South a vista of unnumbered ills. The Gulf States 
resolved on immediate separation : South Carolina began by seceding 
December 20, 1860 ; the others quickly followed ; and the government of 
the Confederate States was formed. 

The Confederate Government was organized February 8, 1861, by 
South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana, 
which adopted a Constitution not differing materially from the old one. 
It was not of the provisions of the Constitution that they complained, 
but of their infraction. The Convention of Texas passed an ordinance 
of secession February 1st, which was ratified by a vote of the people 
February 23d, and went into effect March 2d. Thus, the seven most 
southern States presented a compact front to the Union, from the Rio 



OPINION IN THE SOUTH. 251 

Grande to the Atlantic. The party in those States which had preferred 
cooperation to separate State action found in the prompt organization 
of the new Confederacy a more practical solution of their policy than 
in prolonged and indecisive deliberation, and at once coalesced with 
their opponents. 

The Provisional Congress, which met at Montgomery, Alabama, 
elected Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, President, and Alexander H. Ste- 
phens, of Georgia, Vice-President ; and the new government fell into 
shape, and went into operation, with as little friction as if it had stood 
the tests of a decade. All of its utterances were pacific ; and, though 
the President did not share the expectation, many of the leaders and a 
large part of the j^eople confidently believed that they would be per- 
mitted to separate without war. This delusion, and a kindred one 
indulged in by certain dreamy statisticians and turgid orators, and for- 
mulated in the phrase " Cotton is king," encouraged a vainglorious 
apathy in the masses, and enabled their representatives to paralyze in 
many essential points the policy of preparation which the President 
undoubtedly desired to inaugurate. Still, the fervid condition of the 
public mind enabled him to secure appropriate legislation on most mat- 
ters of the first importance. An instance of the inadequacy of the 
provision for war is to be found in the appropriation by the Mississippi 
Legislature, after the act of secession, of $150,000 for armament, 
when Mr. Davis recommended $3,000,000. The language and acts of 
the " cotton " fanatics lent plausibility to the idea that union with the 
border States was scarcely desired by the extreme South. 

The establishment of the Confederate Government had the effect, 
in the other Southern States, of drawing more sharply the lines which 
divided opinion. Scarcely anybody in them had wished for disunion, 
though many believed it inevitable ; and, on the other hand, there were 
few willing to avow themselves unconditional submissionists to Federal 
decrees. Those hopeless of compromise and peace now began to urge 
measures that would place their States in a position for defense, and 
thus give weight to their voice in the final settlement. They advo- 
cated either an alliance with the Confederacy, or such prompt and simul- 
taneous action as would secure sufficient constitutional guarantees, or 
at least convince the North that war was not expedient. On the other 
hand, the unconditional Union men were able to point out to the rich, 
the timid, and the indifferent, that a disruption along the line between 
the free and slave States exposed the border States to great peril and 
damage ; and that the precipitate action of the cotton States, without 
proper delay for conference or cooperation, was derogatory to their dig- 
nity, and with the selfish view of interposing them as a barrier to 
Northern aggression, or of coercing them '* to follow South Carolina." 
The reply to this was, that the Unionists had prevented that coopera- 



252 THE SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY. 

tion whose failure they now resented ; that the danger was to all, and 
resistance to be effectual must be united, and hence that punctilio as to 
forms was absurd; and that complete armament and a solid front would 
be the strongest arguments for peace, and the only way to restore the 
Union as it was. 

Between these extremes halted the body of the people. They were 
indignant at the conduct of the Republican party, but unconvinced that 
secession would afford a safe remedy for their grievances. If they 
should abide in the Union, their liberties and property were at the 
mercy of hostile legislation ; if they went with the South, they were in 
danger of subjugation by the sword. Hence the final decisions and 
actions of persons were governed more by their circumstances and char- 
acters than by their abstract opinions. While the Unionists condemned 
all preparation for war, as leading to that result, the State-rights men 
denounced vacillation and apathy as the prelude to submission to tyr- 
anny and political death. To a community in doubt, inaction is the 
natural policy ; and it only needed moderation and a pacific purpose on 
the part of the Administration to have preserved the Union intact in 
seven Southern States, and to have inaugurated measures of peaceful 
reconstruction with the others. But this would not have accorded with 
the designs of its leaders ; and, though President Buchanan is reviled 
for permitting the peaceful withdrawal of half the Southern States, 
President Lincoln is applauded for driving the other half into armed 
resistance. A survey of the whole field evinces the fact that the border 
States, though averse to disunion, and not satisfied with the prospect 
of the Confederacy, were resolved to maintain their own rights, as they 
understood them, and to resist the coercion of the seceding States. 

The voice of Virginia had all along been for conciliation, but with- 
out sacrifice of principle. Her traditions, her moderation, and her un- 
wavering courage, gave her the right to be heard, but her counsels 
were drowned in the tumult of passion. 

The Virginia Convention, in spite of the failure of many well-meant 
efforts to save the Union by compromise, as late as the 4th of April, 
rejected, by a vote of eightj^-nine to forty-five, a motion to submit an 
ordinance of secession to the popular vote. Fort Sumter surrendered 
on April 13th, after thirty-four hours' resistance ; and on the 15th of 
April President Lincoln issued a proclamation, under the pretended 
authority of an act of Congress of 1795, calling on the Governors of 
the several States for militia — 75,000 in the aggregate — to suppress 
certain " combinations " in the seceding States. Governor Letcher, a 
sturdy patriot, replied on the 17th : 

I have only to say that the militia of Virginia will not he furnished to the 
powers at Washington for any such use or purpose as they have in view. Your 
ohject is to subjugate the Southern States, and a requisition made upon me for 



THE REVOLUTION. 253 

such an object — an object^ in my judgment, not within the province of the Con- 
stitution or the act of 1795 — will not be complied with. You have chosen to in- 
augurate civil tear, and, having done so, we toill meet it in a spirit as determined 
as the Adininistration has exhibited toward the South. 

On the same day Virginia passed an ordinance of secession, subject 
to a ratification by the vote of the people on the fourth Thursday of 
May following. 

The decisive step taken by Virginia, in placing herself in the breach, 
is among th-e most heroic acts in history. The issue was not of her 
choosing, but was forced upon her ; she did not seek it, neither did she 
shrink from or evade it. Detached from the Confederacy by States 
still passive, she was, even with their support, a salient, inviting attack; 
an advanced post with no natural barriers, no other defenses than her 
indomitable sons. But she counted upon the derided chivalric instinct 
of the South to come to her rescue, and she was not disappointed. The 
responses of the Southern Governors were in a like spirit with Letcher's. 
Jackson, of Missouri, replied, " Your requisition is illegal, unconstitu- 
tional, diabolical, and cannot be complied with." Harris, of Tennessee, 
said, " Tennessee will not furnish a single man for coercion, but 50,000, 
if necessary, for the defense of our rights or those of our Southern 
brethren." All acted with vigor, except in Kentucky and Maryland. 
Arkansas and Tennessee seceded May 6th, and North Carolina May 
20th. The popular vote, to which the several ordinances were sub- 
mitted, ratified them by overwhelming majorities. In Tennessee, which 
had a little before refused by a large popular majority even to call a 
convention, the ordinance of secession was now passed by a vote of 
104,913 for, to 47,238 against it. In Virginia, the vote was 125,950 
for, and 20,273 against secession. There was a similar revulsion of 
feeling in the other States ; and the change was due, not as Greeley 
and other Northern writers allege, to fraud and intimidation, but to 
despair of justice and peace, and a resolution to resist coercion. 

Most of the Union leaders gave in their adhesion to the new gov- 
ernment with more or less frankness and zeal, and notably the Hon. 
John Bell, of Tennessee, the late Union candidate for the presidency; and 
party distinctions were lost in patriotic emulation. The only marked 
exception Avas in the mountain-region of "Western Virginia and East 
Tennessee, in which prevailed the spirit of unconditional submission. 
This sentiment, and its vulnerability, enabled Mr. Lincoln, with the aid 
of ambitious local leaders, to effect the schism of West Virginia, and, 
by a proceeding totally unconstitutional and revolutionary, to establish 
it as a State. In East Tennessee, a sedition was organized by Andrew 
Johnson, T. A. R. Nelson, and William G. Brownlow, which proved a 
constant source of weakness and danger to the Confederacy. 

Passing by, for the present, transactions in Maryland, Kentucky, 



254: THE SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY. 

and Missouri, brief mention will suffice, in this connection, of the mili- 
tary events which happened before General Johnston's arrival at Rich- 
mond. The reduction of Fort Sumter and President Lincoln's call for 
75,000 men for " the irrepressible conflict " were met with tumultuous 
fervor at the North as the signal for war. The North gave its men 
and money without stint to the work of " putting down the rebellion." 
Three months time was set apart for the work, and troops were hur- 
ried to Washington, ostensibly to protect the capital, but, in fact, as 
the advance-guard of the army of invasion. 

As "the defense of the capital" made Washington the first and 
most important base of the Federal army, so the adoption of Richmond 
as the Confederate seat of government made that city the objective 
point of attack. As Virginia had placed herself in the fore-front of 
battle, and must bear its brunt, a magnanimous wisdom led the Con- 
federates to plant their standard on her border, " point to point op- 
posing." The Confederate Government was established at Richmond, 
June 1st. 

When the Southern States seceded, they seized the Federal fortifi- 
cations within their limits, as a precautionary measure, offering, how- 
ever, at the same time, to adjust their claims thereto by negotiation. 
Of all the Federal fortresses in those States, Fort Pickens, near Pensa- 
cola, Florida, and Fortress Monroe, near Norfolk, Virginia, alone re- 
mained in the hands of the United States. In retiring from the navy- 
yards at Pensacola and Norfolk, and the arsenal at Harper's Ferry, the 
United States troops had wrought all the damage and destruction they 
could ; but, still, enough arms and material of war fell into Confederate 
hands to perform an important part in the resistance of the South, un- 
prepared as it was for the struggle. 

The war opened with a slight skirmish at Bethel, near Fortress Mon- 
roe, June 10th, in which the Federals were repulsed with loss by a small- 
er force of Confederates. The effect of Bethel and some other skirmishes 
was to exalt, perhaps unduly, the confidence of the Southern troops ; 
but this was chastened by reverses in West Virginia, which seemed 
about to admit the enemy by a postern to the citadel. The Federal 
plan of campaign, apparently, was to envelop the shores and frontiers 
with its armies and navies, and test every joint in the armor of defense; 
but its main attack was directed from Washington — " on to Rich- 
mond." 

It is not necessary to narrate here the campaign in Virginia. The 
battle of Manassas, or Bull Run, fought July 21, 1862, began and ended 
it. Its story is well known. 

The immediate advantages of the victory were very great. The 
effect abroad was enormous. Time had been gained, so valuable an 
element of success in revolutions, and prestige, so valuable in every 



COMPARATIVE STREXGTn. 255 

contest. There was a reverse to the picture, however. The North, 
suddenly checked in its vainglorious boast of subjugating the South in 
ninety days, sobered itself down to a steadier prosecution of its deadly 
purpose. Scott and McDowell went into eclipse, and McClellan was 
called to the work of organization and command. Nevertheless, oper- 
ations were closed on that line for nearly a year, and the activity of 
preparation was transferred to the West. In the South an undue and 
ignorant exultation blinded the masses of the people to the dangers 
ahead. They could not be made to believe that preparation was neces- 
sary to meet the formidable armaments gathering for their destruction. 
The effects of this fatuous apathy at such a season extended themseh'es 
to the close of the war ; but the first stunning result was felt by the 
subject of this memoir, in his efforts to create an army for the defense 
of the West. This will be seen more fully hereafter. 

The map of the Southern States and the distribution of population 
there evince the odds encountered in the vain struggle for indepen- 
dence. The eleven seceding States, including the present State of Vir- 
ginia, contained a little more than 5,000,000 whites, and about 3,700,000 
negroes, of whom 130,000 were free. The aggregate population of 
Maryland, West Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri, was about 3,400,000; 
of whom 2,850,000 were white, 446,000 slaves, and 100,000 free negroes. 
Nearly one-sixth of their population was black ; a fourth belonged to 
families from Europe or the North ; and a twelfth is not a large esti- 
mate for persons influenced by party or other considerations to side 
with the North. Thus, a half of the aggregate population may be 
counted as in sympathy with the North ; but, of the voters and of the 
rich and intelligent, a great majority were in favor of the South, and 
the existing local State governments were all in the hands of the State- 
rights party. But it is one thing to believe in ideas, and another to 
fight for them ; and the troops furnished by these States to the Con- 
federate army — say 40,000 men — were not more than an offset in num- 
bers to the counter-current of Union refugees from East Tennessee and 
other disaffected localities. Deducting, then, 5,000,000 for the popula- 
tion that supplied the Confederate army with troops, and 4,000,000 for 
negroes, etc., from the 31,500,000 total population, 22,500,000 represent 
the available force for men and tribute on which the United States 
drew, without counting foreign enlistments and negro recruits. But, if 
Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland, and West Virginia, are excluded from 
the calculation altogether, the result still leaves in the South only 
5,100,000 whites and 3,700,000 blacks, representing the resisting force, 
against 19,000,000 of the North. 

A brief explanation is necessary to show how these border Common- 
wealths were so easily transferred from their natural alliance with the 
South to the side of her adversary. The situation was different in 
18 



256 CALIFORNIA. 

each ; yet all were alike in being exposed to direct and flank attacks, 
in suffering- from a divided sentiment, and in earnestly desiring peace. 
Geographically, Maryland was a mere fringe to the Southern border. 
The ocean, Chesapeake Bay, and the Potomac, laid open all her homes 
to attacks by water ; while the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad and the 
railroads from Philadelphia and Harrisburg were channels along which 
poured the living tide to Washington. In a word, the State was de- 
fenseless ; and, unless her people could have been brought to act with 
unanimity and promptness in some early cooperative movement, her 
resources would necessarily be counted in the scale of the North. Her 
voice was raised in indignant protest and her hand in unavailing defi- 
ance against the Northern host that overran her and trampled out her 
liberties ; but the voice was soon silenced in the dungeon, and the hand 
manacled by martial law. Henceforth, Maryland's quota to the South 
was paid in suffering, exile, and martyrdom. When the Federal troops 
occupied Alexandria, Virginia (May 24, 1861), the Potomac became the 
boundary. 

In West Virginia, though the State was occupied by large Federal 
armies, and its severance accomplished as a political fact, the State- 
rights men maintained their allegiance to the " Old Dominion " by 
stubborn warfare until the close of the contest ; and its eastern border 
was at all times a " debatable ground." On this field General McClel- 
lan gained his first distinction, which raised him, as the successor of 
Scott, for a time to the chief command of the United States Army. 
The movements in this quarter from the Ohio River Valley as a base, 
though well contested in many a bloody combat, resulted on the whole 
advantageously to the North. 



CHAPTER XVII. 



CALIFORNIA. 



General Johnston had never been a politician or party-man. He 
had cast but one vote in his life, and that had been for General Tajdor, 
who, he thought, would rise above party. He never forgot, however, 
that he was the citizen of a republic. Deeply interested in its welfare, 
conversant with its history, well acquainted with its practical working, 
long associated with its leading men, and himself a thinker and a leader 
in his own particular sphere, he could not fail to have decided opinions 
on the greater questions that divided the country. Though little bound 
by prejudice, his opinions were, of course, much influenced by his asso- 



GENERAL JOHXSTON'S IDEAS OF TQE GOVERNMENT. 257 

ciations and circumstances. A recapitulation of these will exhibit the 
conditions under which his ideas took form. 

His family affiliations, his early associations, and some of his warmest 
friendships, inclined him, while young, to the principles of the Whig 
party, then in its best days. The constitutional text-book at West Point 
in his cadetship was, I believe, Rawle's " Commentaries," a book of 
wholesome doctrine. The military education there had a natural and 
necessary tendency to inspire affection-for the union of the States, and 
exalt the Federal authority in the youthful mind ; and continued ser- 
vice in the army increased the feeling. On the other hand, the tempo- 
rary severance of his allegiance, and his service under the independent 
government of Texas, and its formal voluntary annexation to the United 
States, must have compelled him to define the nature of Federal rela- 
tions in a clearer way than did most army-officers. In the latter half 
of his life he saw the Democratic party as the champion, interpreter, 
and representative of conservative ideas, especially in the South. This, 
with other causes, contributed to draw him nearer to it. At once 
strongly Southern and strongly Unionist, he regarded with aversion the 
Republican party, which was anti-Southern, and, in its inception and 
tendency, disunionist. 

To a soldier, that government commonly seems the best which is 
best administered ; and the nurture and protection of liberty are less 
apt to engage his admiration than the display of certain other virtues. 
Order, justice, and vigor, are more apparent agencies than the spirit of 
freedom which gives them the breath of life. Power, exercised with 
decision, and restrained only by a sense of responsibility, appears as the 
model of government ; and fetters upon the hands of authority seem the 
evidence of blind jealousy and unreasoning suspicion. Though General 
Johnston was something more than a mere soldier, this military ideal 
was not without its influence on his conception of government. A 
powerful, stable, energetic government, careful of the interests of the 
people, presents so many excellences that it is hard not to wish to see 
it realized. Such a vision influenced to some extent his imagination, 
the more so, as he deemed the spirit of personal independence the only 
effectual check upon the tendency to despotism present in all govern- 
ment. Devotion to the Union, fostered by the conviction of its un- 
numbered blessings, and by his military service, made him unwilling to 
consider it otherwise than as " perpetual." In Utah, as the exponent 
of the military power of the Government, he was intrusted with the 
execution of its orders ; its honor and dignity were in his custody ; its 
welfare was the constant motive of his acts ; and in his hands the mere 
symbols of its power had triumphed over the causeless rebellion of that 
disaffected yet dependent population. 

But his life had not been passed altogether in the service of the 



258 CALIFORNIA. 

United States. He had been the soldier of Anglo-Saxon freedom, the 
cabinet officer of a constitutional and independent republic, and a 
planter who had earned his bread in the sweat of his brow. He under- 
stood the delicate and complicated mechanism of our Government ; and, 
much as he desired to see its hands strengthened within its legitimate 
sphere, he knew that the sovereignty of the States was the palladium of 
our liberties, and was to be respected and defended with jealous care. 
It is true that he thought that the rights of the States could be better 
secured by many concessions even than by arms ; but he had no doubts 
as to which party was the aggressor, and his convictions, as well as his 
sympathies, were with his own State and section. Moreover, he had 
learned from the patriots of 1776 the inherent right of every people to 
select their own form of government, and to maintain their independence 
by revolution. 

General Johnston's views in regard to slavery were those generally 
held in the South, where he was born and brought up, and with 
whose social structure he had been identified. Right or wrong, they 
were the beliefs of eight millions of people, who have shown as high 
traits, as pure a morality, as lofty a courage, and as intelligent a states- 
manship, as any who ever lived. With no great respect for political 
abstractions, and perceiving clearly the differences that mark race and 
condition, he rejected with intellectual scorn the generalizations which 
overlook all existing facts, and confound all the relations of life. He 
recognized our common humanity, no man more distinctly; and acted 
upon it, no man no' more fully. But he could not ignore that the mani- 
fest inferiority of the negro fitted him for the place he held, and that 
time alone could fit him for any other. The slaves had been bought 
with a price, under the strongest legal sanctions, and all arguments for 
their forcible emancipation applied equally well to the confiscation of 
every other species of wealth or property. The destructive consequences 
of the abolition of slavery had been proved in the West Indies, and 
were as certain as any future event could be. Hence he shared the re- 
sentment, though not the expression of it, universal in the South, 
against the domineering philanthropy that assailed its institutions. His 
views in regard to the nature and polity of the United States Govern- 
ment, on the whole, fairly represented the ideas of the army-officers as 
a class, but enlarged and modified by a wider experience. If they 
could be summed up in a single word, it would be — conservative. 

General Johnston had been so long the stanch soldier of the United 
States that he was unwilling to contemplate the picture of its majestic 
fabric shattered and in ruins. If the States were to be severed, it 
mattered little to him under what class of rights the act was to be con- 
summated. Whether called secession, or revolution, or rebellion, it 
was the prostration of that governmental ideal for whose exaltation 



RIGHT OF RESISTANCE. 259 

his life had been spent. Like Mr. Madison, he had "veiled" the pos- 
sibility, but the rude hand of fanaticism had rent the veil asunder. 
Ah ! was it wise for the mighty North to force such faithful servants, 
such loyal hearts as this, as Jackson, as Lee, into resistance and the 
final argument of the battle-field. Lip-service and the hireling sword 
are everywhere at the command of power ; but men like these, at their 
need, the generations must wait for. They are the product of wisdom, 
and justice, and beneficence, in the country which possesses them. Be- 
sotted is the people who believe that their place can be supplied by able 
adventurers. The splendid military genius of Hannibal could not sus- 
tain itself with mercenary spears against the moderate talents of Fabius 
and the unequal inspiration of Scipio, animated by patriotic fervor. 

But, devoted as General Johnston was to the Union, he could not 
forget that he was also the citizen of a State. To Texas he had sworn 
allegiance ; his estate and his best years had been spent in shielding her; 
he had aided to merge her autonomy and to limit her independent sove- 
reignty by annexation, and he knew that when she entered the Union it 
was by treaty^ as an equal, and that the Constitution was the bond to 
which she had consented. She had performed her covenant faithfully; 
it was the North by which it had been trampled into the dust. She had, 
therefore, the right to renounce the broken contract, or to try to enforce 
it, as she deemed most expedient. If she elected to secure her liberties 
by withdrawing from a Union in which they were assailed, her action 
would be justified by either the letter of the bond, or by the " inaliena- 
ble right," as the Declaration of Independence has it, of a people to 
choose their own form of government. It was an act of sovereignty, 
for which the State was responsible to whatever other community should 
choose to dispute it ; but not to its own citizens, who were bound to 
adhere to it the more closely the more it was endangered. 

Now, though General Johnston was satisfied that Texas and the 
other Southern States had ample grounds for resistance or withdrawal, 
and the right to take the extremest measures to secure themselves, he 
did not believe the means adopted were wise or expedient. His mind 
was too sternly practical to allow him to suppose, when the clearest 
guarantees of the Constitution had failed to restrain partisan zeal and 
the lust of dominion, that these passions would be arrested now by the 
assertion of a disputed right. He was sure that peaceable secession 
was impossible, and therefore thought that it was a remedy to be tried 
only \vhen all others had been exhausted, and not until every effort at 
conciliation had failed, and every sacrifice had been made to preserve 
the Union. Nor was he without hopes that, if an interval were left for 
returning reason to resume its sway, fanaticism might be dethroned, 
and the people would demand equity and peace. But, if resistance was 
to be made, he thought it should be attempted on no doubtful issue, 



260 CALIFORNIA. 

but only after radical tactics had fully laid bare the purposes of that 
party. Such delay would unite the South, justify its action, and give 
the opportunity for cooperation, organization, and the accumulation 
of adequate means of defense. Delusive as were these hopes, they 
were those of a patriot, and had much to do in shaping General John- 
ston's conduct in the opening of the war. 

He knew that no man's voice or influence could control the tempest 
of human passions which was driving the republic on the breakers ; yet 
such was his faith in its destiny that he could still trust that a good 
Providence would rescue it, even if by a miracle. In such a state of 
aflFairs, there was nothing left for a man in his position but to drift, 
standing at his post. His temper was of a cast so cheerful, his philos- 
ophy so bracing, and his code of duty so exacting, that he felt able to 
perform the minutest detail of service required of him with perfect 
fidelity of spirit and unshaken by the tumult, until a conflict of duties 
should arise. He would not anticipate the painful hour, for " sufficient 
unto the day is the evil thereof ; " but, when the moment for decision 
came, he would obey that conscience which had been his constant 
monitor. 

When Texas seceded, the alternative was presented him. On one 
side was the grand nationality, whose flag he had borne, whose author- 
ity he had upheld, to whose glory he had consecrated his career, and 
in whose service were embarked all his plans for power, prosperity, and 
worldly advancement. On the other was his feeble State and her con- 
curring sisters, as yet not united even in a defensive league, rent by 
faction, unprepared for war, and making no definite call upon his ser- 
vices. Had he listened to the voice of ambition, the tempter would 
have told him that, in the United States Army, he stood at the head of 
the list of active officers, and that above him were none except those 
whom age or meagre ability excluded from rivalry, and that the large 
resources and commanding position of the established Government 
offered every advantage a soldier could wish, while its rewards would 
accord with its imperial designs. Whatever others may have thought, 
he was not deceived as to the comparative strength of the opponents. 
He knew the facts only too well. When, therefore, he made his choice, 
it was the easy triumph of duty over interest, and of affection for his 
own people over all the allurements that ambition can hold out. 

Until Texas seceded he went forward unswervingly in the service 
of his employer the General Government ; but, when that event pre- 
sented a definite issue, he promptly took his choice of evils. The 
United States Army was no longer the place for him, when, at any 
moment, he might be called upon to aid in the work of subjugation. 
He had resolved never to lift his hand against " his people ; " and, since 
Texas had left the Union, in the army he could not remain. He there- 



EESIGNATIOX FROM THE ARMY. 261 

fore resigned. Still, as secession was not war, and Texas ardently de- 
sired peace, he indulged the hope that the mercy which had so often 
saved the country from the consequences of its own sins and follies 
might even yet avert impending disasters. In this event he would re- 
tire to some small farm, near Los Angeles, California, and, among con- 
genial friends, far from the strife of faction, would pass the evening of 
his days in tranquillity. His age and services might claim exemption 
from contests for which he had no heart ; and, in the balmy air of that 
garden of the West, he would nurture his children in scenes unvisited 
by civil discord. 

He tendered his resignation, and asked that a successor might be 
sent to relieve him. He was very anxious to fulfill strictly and satis- 
factorily the trust committed to him, and to be relieved from it before 
the jar of civil war should complicate his position. Lest the knowledge 
of his resignation might weaken the moral hold he had over the soldiers, 
or promote disaffection and a revolutionary spirit among the numerous 
Southerners resident in California, he kept the fact concealed. His 
adjutant-general (Major Mackall) and Mrs. Johnston were aware of the 
fact, which he also communicated to Dr. Griffin, and Mr. and Mrs. H. 
P. Hepburn, his kinsfolk, under the seal of secrecy. This was so well 
observed that San Francisco was taken by surprise when his resigna- 
tion was announced a fortnight later. 

About this time. General Johnston was told, by some Republicans of 
San Francisco, that a plot existed to seize Alcatraz, the fortress which 
commands the entrance to the bay and harbor of that key of California, 
in order to set up a Pacific republic. General Johnston replied that he 
hoped they were mistaken, but that precautions would be taken to pre- 
vent the success of such an enterprise. He proceeded quietly to re- 
move several thousand stand of arms from the arsenal at Benicia where 
they were exposed, to Alcatraz, which was virtually impregnable, and 
informed the Governor that, in case of any outbreak or insurrection, 
they could be employed by the militia to repress it. He also took 
other measures to insure peace. The writer does not believe that any 
plot or design was made by the Southerners, or others in California, to 
take the State out of the Union ; but there is no doubt that, if the large 
element of restless and revolutionary men on that coast had imagined 
they would receive the aid or countenance of the military commander 
in such an undertaking, they had the hardihood to make the attempt. 
A friend, long domiciled there, who would have known if anybody in 
that country knew, told the writer that there were prominent men in 
California who wished such a result, and, knowing his long intimacy, 
asked him to sound General Johnston as to the feasibility of a Pacific 
republic, and as to his wishes and intentions. " But," said he, " I did 
not dare to approach him on the subject. He told me, however, of his 



262 CALIFORNIA. 

own accord, that as long as he held his commission he would maintain 
the authority of the United States to the last extremity ; and we knew 
he would do it." 

While he was waiting, in suspense and much inward sorrow, the 
action of the authorities at Washington, General E. V. Sumner sud- 
denly arrived unannounced at San Francisco, with orders to supersede 
him in the command of the department. As the circumstances of Gen- 
eral Sumner's arrival have been greatly falsified by some of the baser 
sort of party journals, and the more careless sort of partisan histories, 
it is necessary to mention them here with more detail than would other- 
wise be called for. General Sumner sailed from New York about the 
1st of April, secretly, and perhaps, as was stated at the time, under an 
assumed name. His name was not in the list of passengers forwarded 
by the Pony Express, which reached San Francisco a week in advance 
of the steamer. He had hardly taken command, before the Administra- 
tion organs from ocean to ocean began to hint darkly of a deep-laid 
conspiracy nipped in the bud by this wonderful coup-d'etat. With that 
fertility of fancy which characterizes a certain class of journalists, the 
story grew by embellishment. This was the manner, as published by 
one of them : 

There came one day to our good President a message that caused his cheek 
to pale, and his great heart to beat quick with apprehension. This was the 
message — short, as it was ominous — " There is treason on Alcatraz ! " Alcatraz 
is the name of the island and fort, etc. 

Then follows a long description of the situation, with full details 
of an imaginary plot, evidently evolved from the inner consciousness of 
this political romancer : 

To insure the success of the scheme, Albert Sidney Johnston was placed in 
command at Fort Alcatraz. It was arranged that the leaders in San Francisco, 
with a force of picked men sufficient for the purpose, should surprise and capt- 
ure the fort. The details were all arranged. They were waiting only for or- 
ders from the rebel government to strike the fatal blow. The birds of the air 
carried whisperings of this treason to loyal ears, etc. 

General Sumner's secret appointment and transit are then given, 
with this deno'Cmient : 

The eager thousands who thronged the streets hardly noticed the momen- 
tary pause of the steamer when passing Fort Alcatraz, nor did they note the 
httle boat that shot out from her side toward the island ; yet that tiny boat 
bore more to them " than Cfesar and his fortunes." It bore General Sumner, 
who, in a few minutes, stood before the commander, and, as his superior in 
rank, and under special orders from the President, assumed command of Fort 
Alcatraz. California was saved to the Union. 



A SLANDER REFUTED. 263 

This is a pretty fair sample of a story that has since been frequent- 
ly reproduced with variations in Northern prints. On its face it bears 
the marks of a mythical origin — signs of improbability — circumstantial 
details, resting on the evidence of " the birds of the air " — a meta- 
phor, probably, for that vile brood of troubled times, the paid informers. 
It would not be worth while to notice such a rumor, had it not been 
suggested by the conduct of the Administration, and, most probably, 
from its source and prevalence, by official inspiration. The truth was, 
that General Sumner landed at the wharf with the other passengers, 
and did not see General Johnston till the next day at noon. When 
the command was turned over to him, he expressed an approval of all 
his predecessor's acts, and much gratification at the condition of the 
department, also asking his advice as to future arrangements, the dis- 
position of troops, etc. He stated that he would make a favorable re- 
port to the War Department. 

The following extract from his report of April 28, 1861, to the ad- 
jutant-general, gives all that he says in regard to General Johnston ; 
but, in so far as it goes, it confirms what has been said : 

I have the honor to report that I arrived here on the 24th inst., and on tlie 
2oth relieved General Johnston in command of this department. My departure 
from New York was not known here till the night before my arrival. It gives 
me pleasure to state that the command was turned over to me in good order. 
General Johnston had forwarded his resignation before I arrived, but he con- 
tinued to hold the command, and was carrying out the orders of the Govern- 
ment. 

Having applied for information on this topic to General Buell, who 
was Sumner's chief of staff, in California, he replied, in a letter of April 
3, 1873 : 

I did not accompany General Sumner to California in the spring of 1861, 
and was not there when your father turned over the command to him. I ar- 
rived, however, very soon after. I do remember that a report had some cur- 
rency about that time to the effect that your father desired, or had it in con- 
templation, to surrender California to the cause of the Southern Confederacy. 
Those were days of a good deal of distrust and bitterness ; but I do not believe 
that any weU-informed person ever gave credence to the report. For, besides 
the intrinsic absurdity of such a proposition, and its utter inconsistency with 
your father's character, there was no foundation whatever for such a report. 
Xo man who knew your father well could ever believe him capable of a base 
action. 

This slander having been lately revived in California, possibly for 
some political motive, has called forth a letter from Governor Downey. 
The article from the Xos Angeles Express and the reply of Governor 
Downey are here given. 



2Q4: CALIFORNIA. 

All old residents of the Pacific coast know that at the time of the break- 
ing out of the rebellion a plot was formed by A. S. Johnston, then the military 
commander of this department, in connection with a number of prominent 
leaders (some of whom are still prominent in that party), to seize the United 
States Arsenal, distribute the arms to their partisans, and hand the State of 
California over to the Southern Confederacy, Unfortunately for the success of 
this precious scheme, it by some means leaked out, and the Government at 
Washington, comprehending the danger, lost no time in dispatching General 
Sumner to supersede Johnston, and save the State to the Union. General Sum- 
ner arrived here incognito, and immediately proceeded to Benicia, where he 
presented the order assigning him to the command, and demanded possession 
of the department. Sumner's appearance was like a thunder-clap to the con- 
spirators, who had not anticipated such prompt action, and were not prepared 
to resist, so there was nothing for Johnston to do but submit, and turn over 
the command to Sumner, which he did, and'himself left a few days after for the 
South, where he fell on the field of Shiloh. 

To the Editor of the Express: 

The above is taken from an article in the Los Angeles Daily Bepullican, and 
is written to subserve the local campaign ; but it is at great sacrifice of the truths 
of history. During the term of General Albert Sidney Johnston I had constant 
intercourse with him on official business. Up to my term of ofliice we had year- 
ly wars with the Indians, in which the State annually incurred great expense. 
I took the ground that this was all wrong, that it was a Federal matter purely, 
and that the Federal troops on this coast were ample, at all times, for every 
Indian emergency. The executive office was flooded with petitions to call out 
troops. I applied to General Johnston for relief, which he immediately grant- 
ed, and assured me that he had all the force and material required to quell the 
Indian disturbances, and that this service was about all that himself, officers, 
and men, had to perform on this coast. It was suggested by several citizens to 
me that there were 75,000 stand of arms at Benicia that might, in those dis- 
turbed times, fall into hands that would use them against the Government. I 
called on General Johnston in relation to these arms. He said, in the most im- 
pressive manner : " Governor. I have spent the greater part of my life in the 
service of my country, and while I hold her commission I shall serve her hon- 
orably and faithfully. I shall protect her public property, and not a cartridge 
or a percussion-cap shall pass to any enemy while I am here as her representa- 
tive. There is," he said, " no man in the Union more sorely afflicted than I am 
at the occurrences now taking place. I do not know yet what position Texas 
may take. I have been long identified with Texas, her interests and public men, 
and her action may control my future destiny, but in any event I shall give due 
notice, and turn over intact my department to my successor." Now, I say it is 
not true that there was any plot to carry this State out of the Union. I was 
in constant communication with Mr. Seward and the Secretary of War. I 
raised all the troops that were required, without an expense of twenty-five cents 
to the State. The railroad was no fiictor in this question. No troops came 
here from the East. I raised them and sent them forward East, all imder Demo- 
cratic officers — the Arizona column, under Generals Carleton and West, and the 
Utah column, under Generals Conner, Evans, O'Neal, and others. General 



THE TRUTH PROVED. 265 

Johnston did not leave the State in a few days after the arrival of Sumner. 
He remained in San Francisco a long time, and his house was the centre to 
which the army-officers tended in a social way. Long after his replacement by 
General Sumner I met the most of the Federal officers at his house, many of 
them men who distinguished themselves afterward during the war. It was long 
after this occurrence that General Johnston was in Los Angeles, and I believe 
still undetermined what course to pursue. So it is plain that the Republican is 
badly informed. I have the kindest letters from General Sumner and General 
Wright, his successors, thanking me for my aid in helping them to discharge 
their duties at this very critical period. Neither of these gentlemen believed 
that General Johnston had any knowledge of any plot on this coast ; nor that 
there was any necessity for the unusual and precipitous manner which the War 
Department pursued. It is plain that, if the Department of War thought there 
was any danger, they would not have shipped the arms at Benicia East by way 
of Panama. They would have kept them here for us to put down rebellion. 

JonN G. Downey. 

This chapter having been submitted by letter to General W. W. 
Mackall, Assistant Adjutant-General of the Department of California 
in 1861, he replied January 7, 1876. The following is an extract from 
the letter of General Mackall : 

That your father exercised his command honestly for the Government he 
served in California is thoroughly known to me ; but, as a matter of course, my 
evidence can have no weight with those inclined to doubt it. When Texas 
seceded, he told me that he had sent in his resignation. I was surprised, and 
said, "I always thought you. were a Kentuckian." He replied, "I adopted 
Texas, and its people have been my fast friends and are entitled to my best ser- 
vices." In reply, some days after, to a remark of mine (not, however, in refer- 
ence to himself), that I thought an officer inexcusable in negotiating with an- 
other government for position, while holding a United States commission, he 
said, " Ma,jor, I assure you that I have never written one word to any one on 
such a subject." 

The morning General Sumner arrived. General Johnston and I were in the 
office with some other officers, when my clerk announced Sumner's arrival. 
General Johnston turned to me and, smiling, said, " Major, you and I know 
how welcome he is." Neither of us suspected that it had any other significance 
than the natural answer to his resignation, or a command given to Sumner on 
his promotion. I am satisfied that no officer, Northern or Southern, had up to 
this time thought that General Johnston would act otherwise than as a gentle- 
man true to his trust. Nor do I believe that he, much as his character com- 
manded the respect of all, had he attempted to make use of his position to in- 
jure the Government he then served, could have called to his side a single 
Southern officer. Sure am I that none of those who afterward, with great sor- 
row, felt themselves obliged to leave the service ant! go to the defense of their 
own people, for whom many of them gave up their lives, would have been found 
among the number. The only complaint I ever heard from General Sumner as 
to the condition of the command as he received it was, that he was not assured 
of the loyalty of the commander of Alcatraz Island. I do not remember 



266 CALIFORNIA. 

whether or no he superseded him. This, however, is known, that the officer 
continued to serve the United States during the war ; and so Sumner must 
have learned that, even in this instance. General Johnston had been true. Gen- 
eral Johnston, however, had acted from no special knowledge of the officer's 
politics, but from his own honest instincts, which brought the conviction that 
a gentleman would not accept a trust which he might be induced to betray. 

The meeting vpas cordial on both sides. Whomsoever else that bluff 
soldier might suspect, he knew that the man before him was the model 
of spotless integrity. General Johnston mentioned the facts of his 
resignation to General Sumner, who then said : " General, I wish you 
would reconsider and recall your resignation. General Scott bade me 
say to you that he wished you for active service, and that you should be 
only second to himself." General Johnston replied, " I thank General 
Scott for his opinion of me, but nothing can change my determination." 

When General Johnston learned how his successor had been sent 
forward, and the inference thus suggested to the public mind, together 
with the version of his conduct which had been put forth by the Ad- 
ministration press for some weeks previous, he felt the deepest indigna- 
tion. To the officers who informed him of General Sumner's arrival, he 
had said with emotion at the weight of care which had been lifted from 
his shoulders, " Then am I doubly relieved." But, after he had so 
guarded his action as to keep his fair fame spotless, at the expense of 
feeling and interest, the iniquity of this insidious blow rankled in his 
bosom. Whether it was the fabrication of some malignant slanderer, or 
a nightmare conjured up from the tangled designs of the cabinet, he 
scorned the imputation upon him of conspiracy or infidelity to his duty 
as a United States officer. He said once and again to friends, " If I 
had proved faithless here, how could my own people ever trust me ? " 

Colonel Munford, on his staff during the civil war, made the fol- 
lowing statement in his public address at Memphis, on General John- 
ston : 

When his resignation of command in the army of the United States was sent 
from California, he kept his purpose and action a profound secret. I heard him 
say that he believed if he had tried he could have brought nearly or quite his 
entire command with him, and, remarking that we needed them very much, I 
asked him if he did not regret not having done so. " No sir," he repUed. 
" That army was not mine ; it belonged, with all its appointments, to the Gov- 
ernment of the United States. My position was a trust which for myself I 
could rehnquish, but only on condition of handing over, to those for whom I held, 
whatever was in my hands. I waited till I had cause to know my resignation 
had been received in "Washington, turned over the entire command to the next 
ranking officer, mounted my horse and started across the Plains." 

Colonel Thomas F. McKinney, his old friend, wrote iu 1872, in re- 
gard to General Johnston : 



ATTEMPTED REPARATIOX. 267 

One thing is very clear from what he said as he passed through Texas, that 
the war between the North and South distressed him exceedingly. 

The whole proceeding was at once imbecile and insulting. Had the 
suspicion been correct, and General Johnston the arch-conspirator he 
was represented to be, no man who knows the boldness and decision of 
his character can doubt that he would have solved the problem of a 
Pacific republic promptly enough, by clapping his successor in irons, 
and turning the guns of Alcatraz upon San Francisco. As his corre- 
spondence will show, however, he was still hoping for a peaceable solu- 
tion of the question, and was alternately swayed with grief at the con- 
dition of affairs and satisfaction at the Union feeling in San Francisco. 
The only effect upon him was to revolt his whole soul against those 
who had assailed his honor. His friends on the Atlantic coast, without 
fully comprehending the force of the thrust made at him, tried to wipe 
out or repair the injury as far as possible. General Scott, as soon as 
he heard what had been done, sent him the strongest assurances of 
friendship. A cadetship at the Military Academy for his son was for- 
warded on the 19th of April, probably through General Scott's instru- 
mentality ; and other evidences were offered of a desire to employ him 
in high position, which were communicated to him through various 
channels more or less direct. 

The Hon. Montgomery Blair, Mr. Lincoln's Postmaster-General, in a 
letter to the writer, shows that, at a later date, when opportunity for 
investigation and a correct knowledge of the facts had been afforded, 
the Administration entertained no such view of conspiracy as the loyal 
press had disseminated. Mr. Blair says ; 

There is a fact in regard to your father that I ought to mention. "When 
General Ord came here from San Francisco, he called on me, and stated that 
great injury had been done your father by the manner in which he had been 
superseded, that he was opposed to the secession movement altogether, and 
that he had often heard him check persons using secession talk in his presence, 
telling them that it was not respectful to him, as a United States officer. This 
statement was substantiated by a letter of yours which had been intercepted and 
given to me. I immediately told Mr. Lincoln the facts, and recommended him 
to send your father a major-general's commission, and he at once executed the 
commission. I had it forwarded to your father at San Francisco. But a few 
days afterward I learned that he had started for Texas, and I directed the post- 
master to retain the package for cancellation. 

This must have been early in July. 

So far as his merely personal attitude was concerned, the assurances 
he received of the disposition of the President and cabinet toward him 
might have been accepted as satisfactory, though it is not probable 
that he ever would have resumed his sword, under any circumstances, 



268 CALIFORNIA. 

under the orders of an Administration that had touched his honor so 
nearly. But the allurements held out to him had no weight in altering 
a resolution formed on entirely different grounds. From the moment 
Texas seceded, his purpose Avas fixed, no longer to bear arms for a Gov- 
ernment of which she was not a member. 

General Johnston was now again a private citizen. He left San 
Francisco on the 28th of April, and proceeded to Los Angeles, where 
he became the guest of his brother-in-law. Dr. John S. Griffin. He had 
made comparatively few acquaintances in California ; but, as soon as 
he ceased to wear the uniform of the United States, numbers flocked to 
him for advice as to what should be done in such a crisis. His habitual 
reply was : 

If you sympathize with either side, and feel the call of duty to take part in a 
sectional war, go home, and fight there if necessary. But here there should be 
peace. Strife here would be civil war — not North against South — but neiglibor 
against neighbor ; and no one can imagine the horrors that would ensue. 

The writer does not think he is claiming too much when he says 
that the exemption of the Pacific coast from the calamities of civil war, 
and, in great measure, subsequently, from the bitterness engendered 
elsewhere thereby, was due to General Johnston, perhaps, more than 
to any other man, by reason of his firm and unshaken attitude as a 
commander until relieved, and afterward by his counsels as a private 
citizen. 

About the first of May, the writer, hearing that it was probable that 
General Johnston would be arrested if he returned to the United States 
by the way of New York, determined to apprise him of his danger. 
Knowing that all letters were liable to official scrutiny, he engaged 
a midshipman, who had lately resigned and was highly recommended, 
to bear advices to General Johnston. The messenger, with excellent 
intentions, was so indiscreet as to confide his letters to a United States 
consul in the West Indies, and to land in New York, where he was 
arrested. This is the intercepted letter alluded to by Mr. Blair. As 
General Johnston knew nothing of this attempt to warn him, it did not 
influence his movements. It is mentioned now only because it was pro- 
claimed at the time as another link in the grand chain of conspiracy 
which was erroneously assumed by the excited imagination of the North 
to encircle the Confederate States. 

With fair opportunities of knowing the details of the secession 
movement, the writer does not hesitate to say that its most salient 
characteristics were spontaneous enthusiasm and reckless confidence. 
The revolution was essentially popular ; and a martial democracy, in 
which public measures had always been settled by oral discussion, was 
not apt to practise any concealment of conduct or opinion. In fact, as 



LETTERS. 2G9 

the entire State action claimed to be based on legal right, all mystery- 
was repudiated as savoring of intrigue, and much force was spent in 
vehement assertion that might better have been put into preparation 
for the conflict. Conspiracy is alien to the genius of a free people. It 
requires generations of despotism to train men to the secrecy, perfect 
organization, and implicit obedience, necessary to success in it. There 
were no materials for this sort of work in the South ; and, indeed, the 
education that supplies them unfits a people for the liberty it seeks 
through them. It would, nevertheless, be well for Americans of all 
sections if the spirit of self-restraint were cultivated more, and if a 
greater reserve were studied to replace the unbridled expression of 
thought and feeling that is becoming so marked a national trait. 

In a letter written January 17, 1861, from San Francisco to the 
writer, General Johnston, after describing the rough voyage by which 
he and his family reached their destination on the 14th of January, 
says : 

When we get to our new home and look around a little, I shall be able to 
give you some account of California affairs. I think the public sentiment here 
is decidedly in favor of the maintenance of the Union. 

Again : 

San Francisco, Calitoknia, February 25, 1861. 

My dear Son : We are all well, and almost as comfortable as we could de- 
sire, were it not for the unhappy condition of our country. I confess I can only 
expect a general disruption, for passion seems to rule. Yet, though hope has 
been so often disappointed, a gleam breaks upon us from the efforts of the 4th 
of February convention at Washington, leading us on to indulge in its illusions 
a little longer. 

A huge Union meeting was held here on the 22d. The day was a perfect 
holiday for the whole population, who fiUed the streets, and in their best dresses 
seemed to enjoy the beautiful weather. The resolutions adopted testified to a 
devoted loyalty to the Union, declared against secession as a right, and repudi- 
ated the idea of a Pacific republic as impossible. They express fraternal feel- 
ings for all the States, and declare that their interest and honor demand every 
exertion on their part to bring about harmony again. I presume that the senti- 
ments of these resolutions, which are those of the people of this city, maybe set 
down as those of the State, with the exception of a small minority. 

I send Hennie, Rosa, Mrs. Duncan, and grandpa's little pets, best love. Your 
affectionate father, A. S. Johnston. 

The following letter to Major Fitz-John Porter, though in parts 
nearly identical with that just given, is inserted as corroborative of 
General Johnston's perfect frankness of dealing. While his son was 
acting with those in the South who were readiest to meet the issue of 
war, his late adjutant-general and trusted friend, looking at affairs from 
a Northern point of view, was gradually yielding his conservative views 
and entering with zeal into the idea of coercine: the South. General 



270 CALIFOKNIA. 

Johnston, agreeing with neither, did not resent in those he loved that 
liberty of thought and action \Yhich he claimed for himself as his dear- 
est right : 

San Francisco, California, February 25, 1S61. 

My deak Major : I have received your letter of 22d of January. I found 
my trunk at Wells, Fargo & Co.'s office, I have no news to give you from this 
far-off region. Everything is quiet, and the aifairs of the department are being 
conducted quietly and without difficulty from any source ; though, without any 
excuse for it, the Government has allowed every department of the staff here to 
fall into a state of pauperism, making the military arm as impotent for action 
here as the greatest enemy of the republic could desire to have it. The district 
of Oregon owes not less than $200,000, and no money on hand except a few 
thousands in the Subsistence Department; this department owes probably 
$100,000, and not a cent to pay with. Is our Government absolutely stupefied? 
or why overlook the fact that they can protect the public interest here at least? 
There is abundance of money in the Mint to pay all the indebtedness of the 
Government here, and meet any emergency, if the Secretary of the Treasury 
would only recognize the fact, and transfer the funds in the Sub-Treasury to the 
credit of the disbursing officers. Volumes have been written against the credit 
system and the losses to the General Government in consequence of it, when it 
had credit ; how much more strongly may all the arguments be urged now, 
when men begin to doubt its longer continuance ! The loss to the Government 
must be so much the greater in consequence. 

There was a huge Union meeting here on the 22d. The weather was beau- 
tiful, and the day was made a perfect holiday by the whole population, who, 
well dressed and entirely respectable in appearance and deportment, seemed to 
enjoy the fine weather. The streets were filled all day, the people going to and 
fro in pursuit of pleasure. The resolutions adopted by the meeting were declar- 
atory of the devoted attachment of the people to the Union, of their opposition 
to secession as a right, of their repudiation of the idea of a Pacific republic as 
impossible, and expressive of their fraternal feelings toward all the States, and 
their duty and interest to bring about harmony. I would that there were no 
other sentiments within the broad expanse of our country. 

Please present my kind regards to Mrs. Porter and Mrs. Holbrook, and be- 
lieve me, very truly your friend, 

A. S. Johnston. 

To Major F. J. Porter, No. 66 Union Place, New York City. 

San Fbancisco, California, April 9, 1861. 
My dkae Son : Yesterday the newspapers of this city announced that Texas 
had completed all arrangements contemplated as necessary to separate her des- 
tiny from the General Government, the final act being the taking the oath of 
allegiance to the new Confederacy by the Legislature and other State offi- 
cers. I have hoped to the last that a reconciliation would be, by some great 
statesmanlike move in the right direction, effected, with such guarantees as 
would be satisfactory and reestablish the tranquillity of the Southern mind and 
those fraternal relations which alone make our confederate system possible. 
Whether these acts could or could not be rightfully done under the Constitution 
need no longer be discussed. The people have resolved, and so declared to the 



REASONS FOR RESIGXATIOX. 2T1 

world, to establish a government for tliemselves. A great fact thus presents 
itself, which must be dealt with not with technicalities, but in view of all the 
considerations and interests which affect the future of two great sections of our 
country. To continue to hold my commission after being apprised of the final 
action of my State, to whose partiality in a great measure I owe my position, 
could find no justification in my own conscience; and I have, therefore, this day 
forwarded the resignation of my commission for the acceptance of the President, 
which I hope may be promptly accepted. I have asked that my successor be 
appointed and ordered to relieve me as soon as practicable. 

You probably have seen a paragraph in the papers to the effect that evi- 
dence is in possession of the "War Department that General Johnston and other 
ofiicers are conspiring to establish a Pacific republic. I say the Avhole charge is 
false in every particular, and that there is not the slightest ground for it. I am 
a stranger here, and have had no conversation even with any one who desires 
such a result or entertains such views. If the "War Department has such infor- 
mation, why don't they order an investigation, and not give it to the letter- 
writers to damage the reputation of officers ? My escutcheon is without a blur 
upon it, and never will be tarnished. I shall do my duty to the last, and when 
absolved take my course, I must now look out for a livelihood for my poor 
family ; how or where to find it is not apparent, but with my courage all will 
not be lost. Give my love to Hennie, Eosa, Mrs. Duncan, and the children. 
Your affectionate father, A. S. Johnston. 

You had, perhaps, better let the announcement of my resignation come from 
the department. 

[CoNriDENTiAL.] San Francisco, Califoenia, April 14, 1861. 

My dear Doctor: The news reached this place on the 9th inst. that Texas 
had, in the most solemn and conclusive manner, taken the final step to separate 
her destiny from that of the Northern States, and had joined the Southern Con- 
federacy. This extreme action is entirely consistent with the belief on their 
part that the unfriendly sentiment of the North, which so injuriously aflfected 
the tranquillity and security of the Southern communities, would undergo no 
change, and that the future, in consequence of it, would be worse than the past. 
For my own part, I thought differently. I believed that the joint action of the 
slaveholding States (if it could be brought about) would obtain from the North 
all the guarantees necessary for the preservation of the equality of the States, 
and prevent for the future the system of molestation kept up by fanaticism, and 
that the unfriendly sentiment (sufficiently prevalent at the North for mischief), 
no longer sustained by political sanctions, would die out. I thought this course 
would preserve the integrity of the Union,, and make it compatible with the 
honor and interests of the whole to maintain it. But the persistent obstinacy 
of the Republican party, in refusing to concede anything whatever for the sake 
of the Union up to the hour of the adjournment of the Senate, seems to indicate 
that the action of the South was based upon a correct understanding of the true 
sentiments of the North and their unbending character. It seems instinctively 
to have seized the right conclusion. The Government has now to deal with a 
great fact — a portion of the Confederacy in the attitude and progress of revolu- 
tion. It is now immaterial whether the steps by which they have reached this 
point are legal or not ; the question now rests upon principles which constitute 
19 



272 CALIFORNIA. 

the essence of our organic law, i. e., the right of revolution. A wise, straight- 
forward, manly statesmanship may lead to a peaceful solution ; but there is 
nothing so far to found the basis of such a hope upon. The quibbling about 
technicalities, which can no longer enter into the question, has only produced 
embarrassment so far. I felt, as soon as I learned the course adopted by my 
State (Texas), that it was my duty to conform to her will, and that I ought to 
forward my resignation to the President ; and I have accordingly done so. I 
have served faithfully to the present moment, and will continue to until I am 
properly relieved. Until then, rest assured that I will do nothing inconsistent 
with my obligations to the Government as an officer. The pressure of Northern 
views had begun to manifest itself in the army, and therefore I felt less repug- 
nance in severing my connection with it. You will allow that a man's convic- 
tions of the necessity must be strong to lead him to take the step I have done. 
I have counseled only with my wife. It brings us face to face with poverty. 
There is no dishonor in this ; but, to serve without the proper animus, there 
would be. In the contingencies of life, we have taught ourselves to believe 
that all conditions of life are tolerable, without dishonor. I am willing to 
undertake any employment that will yield a support for my family. Your 
advice would assist me. I will have in cash about $1,500 to begin with. 

Your friend and brother, A. S. Johnston. 

Any publicity given to the fact of my having resigned would embarrass me 
in the proper discharge of my duty. It would be better for the notice to come 
from the East. 

To Dr. JouN S. Geiffin. 

Wabhtngton City, April 18, 1861. 

My dear General: I take the greatest pleasure in assuring you, for the 
Secretary of War, that he has the utmost confidence in you, and will give you 
the most important command and trust, on your arrival here. Sidney is ap- 
pointed to the Military Academy. 

I hope soon to see you; and, with a heart glowing with pride and pleasure 
for my commander and friend, I remain, ever yours, 

F. J. Porter, 

Assistant Adjutant- General. 

To General A. S. Johnston, San Francisco, California. 

The following letter, addressed to Major Porter by an officer, then 
and since very prominent in the United States Army, needs no com- 
ment : 

■Washington, May 10, 1861. 

Dear Porter: General Johnston has resigned. He did so, April 9, 1861! 
Sumner's orders were not known here till near that time. He left Washington 
April 1st. Johnston asked that a successor might be sent to relieve him! His 
letter did not show that he had any idea that he was suspected, or that any one 
was sent to relieve him — says that he has heard that Johnston has been talking, 
very openly, secession doctrines in San Francisco. The thing is all up. His 
resignation is accepted, and the feeling is so strong against those who have 
abandoned the country, that it would be utterly useless to say a word. 



A RIGHTEOUS INDIGNATION. 273 

General Johnston's resignation was accepted on the 6th of May, to 
take effect on tlie 3d instant. 

From his sister-in-law, Mrs. Eliza Gilpin, already mentioned as the 
widow of his brother, Josiah Stoddard Johnston, he received a letter, 
dated at Philadelphia, April 15th, breathing the excited feeling of 
devotion to the Union just then newly aroused by the fall of Fort 
Sumter. The following extract, however, contains all that is essential 
to this memoir : 

Mt vert dear Brother : The newspaper account of your having been su- 
perseded in your command, and without any reasons having been assigned for 
it, has given me much anxiety on your account, and excited much indignation, 
as no one alive has a right to feel for you a more natural and affectionate in- 
terest. Your elder brother, my beloved husband, having felt for you as a father, 
gives me a right to speak as a mother ; and I do affectionately request you not to 
act hastily and resign your commission. I have a letter, this moment received 
from Washington, from the most reliable source — an officer of rank, and a great 
personal friend of yours. From him I asked what it meant. His reply is: 
" Great astonishment prevails at the course taken with regard to your brother, 
General Johnston, and General Scott expresses great mortification at the course, 
which we all believe to be purely political. The general designs, when General 
Johnston arrives here, to place him in a position at once which will relieve him 
from the slightest imputation." Therefore, my dear Albert, do not think of 
resigning. Kemember your dear brother's love for the Union, his exalted pa- 
triotism, and his many virtues. You are his representative now, and will remain 
by our beloved flag. . . . 

God bless you, my dear brother, and direct you in the right way ! 

YOUE SiSTEB. 

The following was General Johnston's reply : 

Los Angeles, Caltfoenia, June 1, 1861. 

My dear Sister : T received your kind and affectionate letter of April 15th, 
last evening. The resignation of my commission in the army was forwarded 
from San Francisco, for the acceptance of the President, on the 10th of April, 
by the Pony Express. It should have reached Washington on the 25th of 
April, the day on which General Sumner, under the orders of the Secretary of 
War, relieved me from the command of the Pacific Department. I was directed 
in that order to repair to Washington to receive orders. Presuming that my 
resignation had been accepted by the President, to take effect on the arrival of 
my successor, as had been requested by me, I have awaited here the announce- 
ment of its acceptance. It may be that, having, under the influence of an unac- 
countable and unjustifiable distrust, ordered me to be relieved, the authorities 
deferred the acceptance till they received General Sumner's report, in which 
case I cannot receive an answer before the 23d inst. 

Having faithfully administered the affairs of the department until I was re- 
lieved, there can be no reason to refuse the acceptance. As I am neither in- 
debted to the Government, nor have done any exceptionable act, a refusal to 
accept would be without precedent ; and, inasmuch as themselves made it im- 



274 / CALIFORNIA. 

possible for any man with a spark of honor, in my position, to serve longer, it 
would also be most unjust. I do not say I would have served much longer under 
any circumstances ; but I do say that it would have been impossible for me to 
have done any act inconsistent with the trust reposed in me; and that trust 
would, under all circumstances, have been restored, as it was, to the Govern- 
ment, intact. 

After General Sumner's promotion, I expected, as a matter of course, to be 
relieved by him, and was not aware when I was relieved that his being sent out 
was accompanied by circumstances manifesting distrust. This I learned after- 
ward. I was astonished to see in the San Francisco Bulletin of the Yth of 
April, and I must say also disgusted, that the War Department, which should 
guard and protect the fame of the officer of the army, allowed itself to be the 
vehicle of foully slanderous imputations against me, derived no doubt from 
anonymous sources. If not, justice required an investigation, which would have 
fixed the guilt, or have acquitted. Instead of this, letter-writers were suffered 
to spread the charge of disloyalty against me through the wide extent of the 
States, though there was not a single fact to sustain it. 

I have since received the assurances of the Secretary, dated April 18th, 
through an excellent friend, of full confidence in me, and that my son was ap- 
pointed a cadet. This is better than nothing, but is a small compensation for 
the damage done. I have at no time thought that General Scott had anything 
to do with this. I still feel for him all the gratitude and kindness T have always 
felt. 

I do not desire ever again to hold an office. No one could feel more sensibly 
the calamitous condition of our country than myself; and, whatever part I may 
take hereafter, it will always be a subject of gratulation with me that no act of 
mine ever contributed to bring it about. I suppose the difficulties will now only 
be adjusted by the sword. In my humble judgment that was not the remedy. 

I hope, my dear sister, you are in good health, and that you may long live to 
enjoy the good things Providence has placed in your hands. Such is the prayer 
of your affectionate brother, A. S. JoHNSTOisr. 

It is a pleasant thought, now that death has reunited these kindred 
and exalted spirits, to remember that, though differing so widely, the 
affection of a lifetime was not imbittered even by the events of the 
civil war. This venerable lady cherished a tender, sisterly recollection 
for the memory of the soldier to whose martial virtues her benign influ- 
ence had earlj'- imparted some of the grace of her own refined and ele- 
gant character. In a letter to the writer, dated July 12, 1861, she 
says: 

I truly grieve for the necessity of your father's resignation. Still, I cannot 
blame him. He has always been the soul of honor ; and so he will be, in my 
estimation, while I live. 

Years afterward these sentiments were reiterated by the trembling 
hand of age. 



A DREAD ALTERNATIVE, 275 

CHAPTER XYIII. 

THE DESERT JOURNEY. 

General Johnston remained at Los Angeles from May 2d to June 
16th. His letter to Mrs. Gilpin, already given (page 373), reveals in 
some measure his feelings at this time. The Administration, which 
thought the personal indignity put upon him atoned for by an offer of 
promotion, and the crooked policy of discrediting an upright soldier an 
act merely " political," left his reputation to this late vindication. The 
arbitrary delay, without cause or explanation, in accepting his resigna- 
tion, as if to embarrass his action, evidently aroused General John- 
ston's indignation. The acceptance was received at last, however, be- 
fore he left Los Angeles, thus completely severing the tie that bound 
him to military service. As has been said, the grievances that wounded 
his proud spirit, though sufficient to drive him from the army, were not 
the considerations that impelled him to his final course of action. These 
were totally different. 

When General Johnston resigned, the elements were astir with the 
strife and evils brewing, but hostilities had not begun ; and he still 
flattered himself with a hope of peace. But he had not been long at 
Los Angeles before there came the news of actual conflict. The tremen- 
dous outburst of resentment in the North at the fall of Sumter made it 
evident that the contest would be waged within no ordinary bounds ; 
and the soberest minds felt the most concern. A martial people, whose 
wars for nearly a century had been but the pricking of a spur to their 
enthusiasm, finding themselves of a sudden arrayed in two hostile 
camps, would not sheathe their swords without a fierce and protracted 
struggle. To a man used to study the passions as evinced in warfare, 
this was plain. 

The question was now forced upon General Johnston whether he 
was to remain neutral \n this contest, submissive to the authority he 
could no longer serve, and alien to the land and people to which his 
heart called him, or resist the Government he had served so long and 
so devotedly. To those who have read this biography, it is needless to 
say that, in this supreme action of his life, General Johnston was guid- 
ed by the same severe convictions of duty that had always animated 
him. The powerful passions of his energetic nature, by long subjec- 
tion, had become the ministers, instead of the counselors, of his reason. 
Their dictates entered but as a slight element into his motives. Hence 
his course was consistent. If he would not, in his action, anticipate a 
painful duty, yet, when it was fully and fairly presented, there was 



276 THE DESERT JOURNEY. 

neither hesitation in entering upon it nor vacillation in following it to 
its remotest consequences. 

He soon came to the conclusion that the same reasons that had 
compelled him to resign for the sake of his State must, at its need, 
also constrain him to return to its soil and adhere to its fortunes. But, 
unaware in that isolated community of the martial tread of events or 
of the fury of the public mind, he had made his arrangements to return 
by sea to New York, and was about to put his family on the steamer, 
when he was warned by friends that he would be arrested if he tried 
to leave ; and it soon became clear that, even if he escaped this fate 
in California, he must submit to it on the Atlantic coast. As events 
thickened and the news kept pouring in, his ardent nature took fire. 
If he had been accustomed to ordinary self-appreciation, he might have 
known all along that a soldier of his temper, reputation, and position, 
would not be allowed to stand aloof with such interests at stake to be 
decided by wager of battle. He was a man who, in the piping times 
of peace, might be left to rust in obscurity ; but, when the fate of an 
empire was at poise, no one on either side believed that the SAvord of 
Albert Sidney Johnston would weigh lightly in the scale. There were 
mighty demands upon him now. In California there were many South- 
erners, Texans especially ; and the low murmur of appeal, even of 
remonstrance, made itself heard in behalf of the beloved land. " It 
looks like fate," he said to his wife ; " twice Texas makes me a rebel." 

While General Johnston was at Los Angeles a beautiful set of sil- 
ver was sent to him, on the salver of which was this inscription, " To 
General A. Sidney Johnston, from friends in San Francisco." Coming 
at such a time, this mark of approbation from valued friends was doubly 
prized. While in service, he had scrupulously regarded the obligation 
laid upon public officers alike by a jealous self-respect and by the Mo- 
saic injunction : " Thou shalt take no gift ; for the gift blindeth the wise 
and perverteth the words of the righteous." But as a private citizen, 
insulted and proscribed, this proof of esteem was very grateful to him. 

There were considerations to hold him back from the fray that might 
well have weakened the stoutest resolution. A wife and helpless fam- 
ily of little children looked to him for protection and support. He had 
saved no fortune : fifteen hundred dollars made up his available means. 
And now, when a great public duty demanded his talents and experi- 
ence, it seemed that it must yield to the more immediate call of domes- 
tic obligations. But the very spot and people to which Providence had 
led him afforded to his family a retreat unequaled for security, while a 
generous, affectionate, and vigorous protector was raised up for their 
care and succor. Dr. John S. Griffin, Mrs. Johnston's brother, had the 
will and power to relieve General Johnston's embarrassment, by taking 
charge of his family. To him they were committed, and nobly was the 



THE START. 277 

trust redeemed. Freed from this imperious demand, General Johnston 
made up his mind to sacrifice all private interests for the sake of his 
State and of the South. Once resolved, he entered upon his line of 
action without reserve, and took the steps for its successful accomplish- 
ment with his accustomed sagacity. 

General Johnston's position had now become one of anxiety, diffi- ">^ 
culty, and danger. The sea, thoroughly in the interest of the North, 
was closed to him. Soldiers had been sent to Los Angeles to watch 
his movements, and he was subjected to a most unpleasant surveillance. 
Note was taken of all his acts, and the eager hand of military power 
threatened each moment to seize him. He was virtually a prisoner in 
the department he had lately commanded. The only way of escape, bv 
which he could reach Texas, was across an inhospitable desert, beset 
with hardships and perils that might well appall even a veteran cam- 
paigner. While considering the proper means for such an enterprise, 
he learned, to his great satisfaction, of the formation of a band of bold 
and enthusiastic Southerners pledged to the attempt, and he gladly 
joined them. The writer is largely indebted to Captain Gift, Colonel 
Ridley, and Colonel Hardcastle, for important details in regard to Gen- 
eral Johnston's journey through Arizona ; and, assured that the spirited 
narratives of these faithful companions will be cheerfully accepted in 
lieu of his own, he has preferred to use their own words, except where, 
for the sake of conciseness, the account is abridged. 

Captain Gift was a Tennesseean, and had resigned a midshipman's 
warrant in the United States Navy in 1849, to settle in California. He 
served faithfully through the war, and now resides at Napa, Calif(3rnia. 
Alonso Ridley, though of Northern birth, was deeply impressed with 
the righteousness of the Southern cause. He will often appear in this 
narrative. He was captain to General Johnston's body-guard, and after- 
ward major of the Third Arizona Regiment. 

The following is Captain Gift's account of the organization and 
start of the expedition : 

Prior to the arrival of General Johnston in Los Angeles, Captain Alonso 
Ridley' and the writer had determined to go South, and waited a favorable 
opportunity. Ridley favored the journey across the Plains, and I favored the 
route by sea, being a seaman. 

On the arrival of the general from San Francisco, we had an interview, and 
it was determined to try to raise a party sufficiently strong to cross the Plains 
without fear of molestation from the Indians, then very hostile and enterprising. 
It was concluded that the party should consist of at least thirty men. Ridley 
undertook to collect the party, and to his tact and indomitable energy is due 
the success of the enterprise. He rode several hundred miles to consult with 
friends, and spent all the money needed in the outfit of nearly half the party. 

' Captain Ridley is now known as Colonel Ridley. 



278 THE DESERT JOURNEY. 

The Federal military authorities deemed it necessary to order a force of 
horse and foot to Los Angeles to observe our movements ; and, as the time of 
departure drew near, we began to suspect that arrests would be made, or 
attempted. The time of departure was fixed for the 20th of June ; but, upon 
consultation, we determined to give it out that we would not leave until the 
25th, and then leave on the 17th or 18th. The general left on the 16th, His 
outfit consisted of a strong, light, covered ambulance, drawn by two good Amer- 
ican mules (American as distinguished from Mexican), a saddle-horse of Califor- 
nia breed, and a small, black, Mexican pack-mule, a hardy, untamable beast. 
The general carried aU his provisions, camp-equipage, etc., in the ambulance, 
and, in crossing the desert, a good quantity of barley for forage. The mule was 
also packed with barley. 

As previously mentioned, it was given out that our starting-day had been 
postponed to the 25th. The general being all ready on the 16th, he started to 
the place of rendezvous, "Warner's Eanch, or Agua Caliente, in San Diego 
County, which was more than a hundred miles on the road. He left Los Angeles 
at daybreak with Captain Ridley and his servant Ran, and went to the Chino 
Ranch, thirty miles from Los Angeles, whence he was accompanied by Dr. Car- 
man Frazee. Dr. Frazee knew the country well, and acted as guide.' They rested 
at Chino during part of the day, and then moved forward, Mr, Carlisle, the 
proprietor of the Chino, having first picketed the road with some of his va- 
queroSy with orders to ride forward and warn the general should soldiers appear 
in his rear. In this event, he and Frazee would have made their way to Mexi- 
can territory on horseback. The Federals, however, had no knowledge of the 
general's departure, and did not follow him. About the 25th of June nearly 
the whole party had arrived at the rendezvous, where we found the general 
enjoying himself, though the weather was excessively hot. The ranch was 
owned by John Rains, Esq., whose major-domo had orders to kill several bul- 
locks, and jerk the meat for our use. This necessitated several additional days 
of delay, and I think it was the 29th of June, or about that time, when we 
finally moved away, organized under command of Alonso Ridley, to whom we 
intrusted the order of marching, etc., etc. 

The following additional particulars are from a letter of Colonel 
Ridley. They vary in some unimportant respects from Captain Gift's 
account : 

It gives me great pleasure to learn that you are engaged in so laudable a 
labor as a memoir of that great and good man. General Albert Sidney Johnston. 
The simple story of his life is sufficient. It is the proudest memory of my own 
life to have been associated with him. 

I first made the general's acquaintance on his arrival at Los Angeles, after 
his resignation, I was quietly engaged at the time in raising a party to proceed to 
Texas, In conversation one day with Dr, Griffin, who knew of my movements, 
I remarked that if the general desired to go South it would be a good oppor- 
tunity for him. Griffin thought it would not do ; the Indians were bad all along 

' Frazee served as private in Colonel Jefferson Davis's First Mississippi Regiment in 
the Mexican War. 

/ 



ox THE RO.U). 279 

the route, and the general had so many friends that he could easily reach the 
South by way of New York. A few days after I met the general in the street, 
and he asked if he could see me a few minutes privately. We walked to the 
office of Dr. Griffin, and, being alone, he told me that he had been informed of 
my proposed expedition, and he thought he should like to go along. I told him 
at once that the party would bo glad to escort him. He said, " No; " that he 
was no longer an officer of the army, and that if he went it would be simply as 
one of the party. After some further conversation relative to my movements 
and the proposed time of departure, he decided then and there to accompany us. 
We hurried our departure, leaving some days before we intended, having 
learned that movements were on foot for the arrest of the general and myself, 
on the charge of treason. Owing to this quite a number who had proposed to 
accompany us were left behind. The general and I left Los Angeles at a very 
early hour, accompanied only by his servant Eandolph. I left him at Kauch 
Chino, some thirty-five miles distant, where we arrived the same day, in order 
to collect our company, and sent Dr. Frazee to guide him to Agua Caliente, our 
place of rendezvous. There I joined him after a few days. 

The following' letter, written by General Johnston to his wife from 
near Warner's Ranch, June 26th, will conclude the account of the 
preparations : 

Mt dear Wife : We arrived this far on our journey on Friday, 22d. I rode 
on my horse from Chino to this place, except a few miles which I got Kan to 
do for me. I am now pretty well seasoned, and have no apprehension of fever. 
I thank you for the veils. I am now well supplied with means of defense 
against the mosquitoes. How will Ran look with a blue veil on ? He is as 
good a hand with mules as need be ; with my backing, Ran is sans peur. . . . 
We should not borrow trouble by apprehension of dangers in the future, but 
nerve ourselves to meet them bravely should they come. I am happy that my 
family is away from the turmoil and conflicts of civil dissension, and I can, on 
account of their security under the protecting arm of a brave, kind brother, dis- 
charge my duty in whatever position Fortune may assign me, with equanimity 
and cheerfulness, and with the hope that there is much good in store for us. 
Can I better testily my love for you and my children than by this journey ? 
Love and hope cheer me on to discharge a great duty. Kiss our dear children. 
My most ardent hope is that they may love you and each other. 

The march was begun from Warner's, June 27th, and a halt made 
June 30th, at Vallecito. The itinerary at the end of this chapter may 
be found useful in elucidating the incidents of the journey. 

General Johnston wrote as follows to his wife, from Vallecito : 

Vallecito, 130 Miles to TrMA, ) 
Sunday, June 30, 1861. > 

.... I received your letter of June 25th by Major Armistead, who arrived 
here this morning. Our party is now as large as need be desired for safety or 
convenience in traveling.* They are good men and well armed. Late of the 

' Eight resigned army-officers and twenty-five citizens. 



280 THE DESERT JOURNEY. 

army we have Major Armistead, Lieutenants Ilardcastle, Brewer, Riley, Shaaf, 
Mallory, and Wickliffe.' These young gentlemen, though accustomed to a life 
of comparative ease, rough it as well as the best of them ; wash, cook, pack, 
and harness animals, etc. The party is well armed, and, by observing a good 
compact order of march and vigilance in camp, we will be free from any dan- 
ger of attack from Indians. I think there is no need of apprehension of moles- 
tation on the part of the authorities, civil or military, unless orders come from 
Washington. Should there be such, I will have notice in time. 

"We find it very hot in some parts of the day ; in others, not unpleasant. 
"We have, tell your brother, in our mess. Captain Dillard, Mr. Jordan, and Mr. 
Frazee ; and, with Ran as our cook and driver of my carriage, I could have no 
better arrangement for the most comfortable traveling the season and route will 
admit of. I have ridden but a few miles in the carriage since we started. . . . 
I have nothing to say to my boys that has not already been said. I have per- 
fect confidence that they will be all that ought to be desired or expected. They 
must learn that one man by an exhibition of physical power can control but 
few. It is by moral power alone that numbers of minds are controlled and 
directed by one mind. By not preserving his equanimity a man throws away 
his moral power. He who cannot control himself cannot control others. He 
should know when to feel and to show resentment ; and it is only on grave 
occasions that this is necessary. Napoleon knew the value of a scene ; but 
bis judgment, rather than his passion, dictated it. Be patient ; be hope- 
ful. . . . 

I am writing on a barley-sack. "We leave here this evening and go to Car- 
rizo, eighteen miles ; to-morrow to Indian "Wells, thirty-two miles, and so on, 
traveling from four o'clock till late at night, tiU we get to a better climate. . . . 

From Yuma General Johnston addressed a third letter on July 5th 
to Mrs. Johnston, as follows : 

"We arrived at this place last evening. They were firing the Federal salute 
of the evening in honor of the day, thirteen guns. "We were near enough at 12 
o'clock to hear the national salute. "We passed the desert without much suffer- 
ing, either among the men or animals. The heat from the sand, as well as from 
the direct rays of the sun, was intense, but tempered for us by gentle breezes. 
We started from Carrizo at 3 P. m., and arrived at Indian Wells, thirty-seven 
miles, at sunrise. Here the water, if clear, is good ; but the well had to be 
cleaned out, and it was, for us, muddy and unpalatable. At this place the flies 
—house-flies— swarm in myriads. It was not possible to throw a veil over 
your face quick enough to exclude them. The scrubby mesquite aiforded but 
little shelter from the burning heat, and on these accounts we concluded to 
take the route again at 12 m., and go to Alamo Well, twenty-eight miles, where 
we arrived at 9 p. m., worn out for want of sleep and the long time we had 
been in the saddle. In going from Carrizo to Indian Wells I rode by the car- 
riage all night. Though Ran is very trustworthy, I found he would go to sleep. 
He kept wide awake and bright, whistling at times, till about 3 a. m., when 
nature, not faithful Ran, gave way. Falling fast asleep, he drove square off 

> Of the eight, four fell in battle— Johnston, Armistead, Mallory, and Brewer. 



THE DESERT. 281 

into tho desert. Of course I immediately roused him, and put him on the road 
again. Our march, Sunday, 30th, was far in the night. When night came on 
we were astonished to see a huge comet, as large as Venus, with a tail 100° 
long, stretching far into tho milky-way. Its brightness contributed to make 
our route quite apparent during the march, and also favored us with great ad- 
ditional light during the whole of the following night. In marching through 
this great desert, although we have only had a cloud of dust by day, we had a 
pillar of flaming light by night. "We regard this comet as a good omen ; its 
tail stood to the southeast, which was our course. It seems to move with in- 
conceivable velocity, and is already fast disappearing. I have been compelled 
to wait here to-day to have our carriage-tires cut. 

General Johnston's letters, written to his wife on the road, do not 
convey a full conception of the sufferings of this midsummer march, 
llis stoicism and the wish to relieve his Avife's solicitude caused him to 
treat lightly annoyances that in the aggregate amounted to torture; 
torrid heat, swarms of flies and mosquitoes, clouds of stifling dust, 
brackish drinking-water, wearing vigils, prolonged night-marches, and 
exhausting fatigue, are but a part of the ills undergone. The route lay 
through one of the hottest regions in the world, where the thermometer 
often marked over 120° in the shade, when shade could be found. The 
Colorado Desert, through which their route lay, is a depressed basin, 
treeless, arid, and cut off from moisture and the cooling breath of the 
sea-breeze. One hundred and thirty miles across, sixty miles of waste 
stretch away without a drop of water, or a sign of animal or vegetable 
life. The struggling mules sometimes sank to the knee in its dry sands; 
and the hot blast of the sirocco lifted the loose, moving soil, in clouds 
and pillars of dust, that fell like the showers of ashes that buried Pom- 
peii. Captain Gift gives the following vivid description of their passage 
of the desert : 

On the afternoon of July 1st, after the sun had sunk low enough to permit 
the waters of the spring to cool so that our animals would drink, we commenced 
our first real desert march of forty-two miles or thereabouts, to Indian "Wells. 
The memory of that weary night-march remains with me like a horrible night- 
mare. The first few miles was through sand, but the remainder over a beautiful 
hard road, as level as a floor and as firm as a turnpike. But it was horribly mo- 
notonous — sage-brush and barren plains. A companion with whom I rode pro- 
posed during the latter part of the night that we fall out and leave the road a 
hundred yards, and lie down to sleep until daylight, and then mount and gallop 
on to camp ; urging that we would be greatly refreshed, and our horses would 
also be improved by the opportunity of sleeping. Each of us had begun the 
march with a lota (leather bottle) of water holding a gallon and a half. "We had 
at no time during the night permitted ourselves to more than moisten our lips, 
and yet such was the evaporation that, when we lay down, we had scarcely a 
drink of water left. The solitude of the desert came upon me in all its force, as 
the rattle of the ambulances (we had four in the whole party) was lost. But 



282 THE DESERT JOURNEY. 

the solitude was not so overpowering as the heat or rather the drying, wither- 
ing breeze that blew from toward the Gulf of California. I had never met the 
sirocco before, and as I breathed it I felt as one confined in a burning apart- 
ment. Weariness brought sleep, and daylight found us resting. The coming 
sun cast his heat ahead of him, and we saddled and galloped away. 

Five or six miles from the " Wells," we overtook one of our party, whose 
weak and jaded horses (he had a pack-horse and a saddle animal) were almost 
ready to fall by the way-side ; and our companion had dismounted and was 
trudging along on foot, driving his beasts before him. He begged us to go ahead 
and send him some water, as he was almost famished. Within an hour we rode 
into camp and reported the matter to our captain, who detailed one of the mess- 
mates of the straggler to return and carry water, and otherwise assist him. The 
young man, who was also weary and his horse exhausted, was loath to go. Some 
words ensued in regard to it, which attracted the attention of the general, who 
approached, and desired to know what the difficulty was. Ridley stated the 
case, when the general begged him not to insist on the return of the young fel- 
low, but permit him (the general) to go in his place and carry succor. This 
aroused the pride of a dozen, and a messenger was soon galloping away with 
water. This was our severest trial. Men and animals fairly wilted. The gen- 
eral, Ridley, and myself, stood at the well and drew water from it until it was 
dry, and stiU we did not appease the thirst of our famishing cattle. We would 
permit our animals to drink ten gallons of water, and then have to drag them 
from the spot. They were so thirsty they would eat but little. At noon wo 
left this place, and at ten o'clock reached the Alamo Mocha Well, thirty miles 
farther, where the water was better. W e got a httle rest here, and rolled out 
at eight o'clock next morning, reaching our next station, Cook's Wells, in the 
afternoon. 

We had now crossed 100 miles of desert, and were near the Colorado and 
Fort Yuma. It was necessary to approach this place with caution, as a trap 
might be set for us. A scout was sent forward, and at noon, it being July 4tli, 
we heard the national salute. The scout returned, and reported all the officers 
of the garrison sick, and that we could cross the river Avithout fear. In the 
afternoon we camped in sight of the post, at the village on the west bank of the 
river. We stationed sentinels, and preserved our military appearance. Major 
Armistead was the first sentinel on post, and was approached by a soldier from 
the garrison, who was one of the major's old regiment, and who desired a par- 
ley. He had come with a proposition from some of the soldiers to desert over 
to us, and then to seize the place and plunder it. But for the general's coolness 
on that occasion, we would in all likelihood have left Fort Yuma behind us a 
heap of smoking ruins. He objected to the procedure, on the ground that we 
were not in commission, and that an attack would be equivalent to piracy at sea. 
I think we remained here three days, having tires cut, horses shod, and prepar- 
ing for the next stage of the journey. No effort was made to molest us. 

Ridley sa3's : 

Traveling from Yallecito to Carrizo Creek, we observed a luminous appear- 
ance in the heavens resembling a comet, extending two-thirds across the heavens, 
its nucleus near the horizon toward the northwest. The general and I were 
riding together when we first observed it. He remarked that it was not strange 



TIIE COMET. 283 

that we should see sights and portents in the heavens, making playful allusion 
to events in old Kome.' Its appearance was so sudden that I am sure that 
there was not a man in the party upon whom it did not make an impression. 

Captain Gift says : 

At Blue "Water we were met by two citizens of Tucson, who came to ap- 
prise us of the fact that the Federal forces were evacuating the Territory, and 
had already burned Fort Breckinridge, and, in passing through Tucson toward 
Fort Buchanan, had burned the town grist-mill, the only one upon which the 
people had to depend for their flour. Therefore, much indignation existed, and 
there was a general wish to join forces with us and punish the vandals. The 
Federal troops amounted to four companies — two infantry and two dragoon — 
and with our force of thirty men, the people could combine an equal number, 
and, by pouncing suddenly on the enemy, it was thought an easy victory could 
be obtained. Many of our party were eager to burn powder, and try their 
mettle ; but the general restrained them with the same argument be had used 
at Yuma — Ave must commit no illegal act. "We rested by the pure waters, and 
grazed our animals on the pastures near Tucson, for two days. 

The country through which they passed was uninhabited, except at 
rare intervals. There were a few villages of Pimos Indians, a peace- 
able agricultural tribe ; but the country was infested by roving bands 
of Apache and Navajo Indians, tribes very similar to the Comanches, 
heretofore described in this volume. Timber was scarce ; and, on every 
hand, the distant landscape was broken by rugged ranges, or bald, iso- 
lated mountains. Sometimes the road passed through a region of 
thorns and cacti, of all forms and sizes, prickly and threatening, that 
pressed their spines against the unwary traveler. Then the road would 
ascend from these depressed valleys to high, rocky table-lands, thread- 
ing the most accessible paths around the foot of detached ridges and 
" lost mountains," on which grew a scanty herbage of agave, salt grass, 
and wild-sage. 

Captain Gift tells the following anecdote of their stay at Tucson : 

Encamped near us was a party of Texas Unionists, bound to California. 
During the afternoon one of the elders of the party came over to enjoy a little 

' " A mote it is to trouble the mind's eye. 
In the most high and palmy state of Rome, 
A little ere the mightiest Julius fell, . . . 
(Were) stars with trains of fire and dews of blood. . . . 
And even the like precurse of fierce events, 
As harbingers preceding still the fates, 
And prologue to the omen coming on, 
Have heaven and earth together demonstrated, 
Unto our elimatures and countrymen." 

Hamlet, Ad Z, Scene 1. 



284 THE DESERT JOURNEY. 

conversation witli ns. He sat down in the general's camp, and I happened to 
be present. The general and his visitor soon discovered a mutual acquaintance- 
ship as to various localities, roads, and towns, in Texas. The emigrant described 
a route between two certain towns ; the general disagreed with liim as to some 
minor detail. The old fellow insisted on his point, the general as stoutly re- 
sisted, remarking that he had passed over that road daily for several years. 
" Indeed! " said his visitor; '' stage-driving, I presume? " " No," said the gen- 
eral, " just traveling from home to town." And so he went on talking for an 
hour or more, and his guest went away, little thinking that he had mistaken the 
greatest general of his time for a stage-driver. When I told the joke the general 
begged that I should be sure and have it appear that he had not undeceived the 
Texan. 

Colonel Hardcastle also mentions this incident as happening in liis 
hearing. 

The troops then in that part of the Territory were collected at 
Fort Buchanan, south of Tucson, but were preparing to evacuate the 
country and join the forces on the Rio Grande. Hardcastle says : 

Lieutenant Lord said to one of the citizens that he would take General John- 
ston's scalp, if he could catch him. The general told the citizen that we might 
be called foreigners passing through the country to our homes, and, if molested 
or hindered, we would cut our way through to the last man. 

As General Johnston did not wish to encounter the United States 
troops, he took the road on the morning of the 22d, at 8 a. m., with the 
intention of reaching Dragoon Springs, where the Fort Buchanan road 
came into the trail from Tucson to the Rio Grande, before the United 
States troops should arrive there. His party marched thirty miles that 
day, and forty miles the next, camping without water. On the next 
morning they pushed forward fifteen miles to Dragoon Springs, before 
breakfast. A vast column of smoke from Fort Buchanan had pre- 
viously warned them that the enemy had burned his depot, and was on 
the road. The report of the scouts that the Federal troops were near 
at hand compelled them, tired as they were, to go on. It was between 
forty and fifty miles to the next water, at Apache Pass, and it was now 
nine o'clock in the forenoon. But it would not do to await the advan- 
cing column, nine or ten times stronger than their little party, so they 
pushed on. That their precautions were well-judged is manifest from 
the following letter, written from El Paso some weeks later : 

My deae General : Colonel Canby sent an order to Fort Buchanan to have 
you intercepted and made prisoner. An officer and twenty-five dragoons were 
sent from Buchanan to Dragoon Springs to execute the order ; but they reached 
the Springs, it is said, some thirty-six hours after you passed that point. All 

this I get from , who came in behind Moore's command. Of its truth 

there is not a question. I am sorry the dragoons did not intercept you ; as, 
had they done so, they would have been made prisoners by your party. 



AN INDIAN MASSACRE. 286 

It is probable that the delay occasioned by a collision with this 
scout would have brought the main body on them. Captain Gift says : 

We saddled and harnessed, and took the road again. It was a long, weary- 
journey. The road to the entrance of the pass lay before us all day, like a line 
ruled through the immense green meadow (this part of Arizona is very fertile). 
It was eleven o'clock at night before we reached the spring, and then we found 
more Texas Unionists to dispute our right to the use of the water. We were too 
thirsty, tired, and bad-tempered, to argue long. We had the force, and our 
necessities were great. We took the water. There was more ill-nature ex- 
pressed here than at any other encampment on the journey. We were very 
sore, tired, and irritable. A proposition to await the approach of the enemy, 
surprise him in the pass, cut him off from the water, and force his surrender, 
was overruled by the general. The plan was very captivating to the younger 
members of the party ; but we moved away during the forenoon, and gave it 
up. I have neglected to mention that after leaving Fort Yuma we were con- 
stantly in the country of hostile Apaches, who no doubt watched our every 
movement, and would have made an effort to cut us off had our watchful com- 
mander neglected any precaution in the way of guards or the order of marching. 
We moved always in compact order, and no one was permitted to leave the col- 
umn or camp under any pretext. Between Tucson and Mesilla we saw the 
wrecks of two stages which had been robbed, and the guards, drivers, and pas- 
sengers, some fourteen persons, murdered. 

Colonel Ridley adds : 

Some buzzards, wheeling about a neighboring cliff, gave evidence that one 
of those sickening tragedies, so common in Arizona before and since, had been 
enacted here. I was afterward told that the party was attacked by a large 
band of Indians ; but, having succeeded in reaching a hill near by, they main- 
tained themselves for several days, killing many Indians and striking terror to 
the others. But their gallant defense did not save them. The lost men could 
not reach the water, and at last succumbed to thirst and many wounds. My 
informant had this story from Cochise, the chief who said he led the Indians. 

This massacre was between Apache Pass and Cook's Spring. 

The journey from Cook's Spring to the Rio Grande, some sixty 
miles, was made without camping. The road led to the river at a point 
several miles above Mesilla, where was situated the little Mexican vil- 
lage of Picacho, inhabited by poor farmers, whose cornfields lay about 
the town. Eight miles below Mesilla was Fort Fillmore, with a strong 
Federal garrison, and it was probable that they would find the road 
picketed, and troops in the village. There was good ground for appre- 
hension, as a cavalry scout had gone ahead of them one day, and, not- 
withstanding their celerity, had gained on them. They therefore halt- 
ed about two miles from Picacho, to make such dispositions as pru- 
dence dictated. It was determined that, in case they were assailed by 
an overpowering force, their little column should amuse the enemy, 



286 THE DESERT JOURNEY. 

while General Johnston, accompanied by two picked men, should ride 
for the Mexican frontier, forty miles distant, and to Chihuahua, if neces- 
sary. For this purpose, his riding horse and two of Ridley's had been 
kept in good condition and unsaddled. He now mounted afresh, and 
took his place, with Mackenzie and Ryerson, who had been selected to 
accompany him ; Ryerson for his familiarity with the country, Macken- 
zie for his personal devotion to General Johnston, and for the posses- 
sion of every quality to fit him for such an enterprise. Gift says : 

Dave Mackenzie was one of the best scouts in America, and one of the cool- 
est and bravest men in the world. As a shot he had few equals, if we except 
Ridley himself, between whom and Dave existed a friendship only found among 
men of the frontier. 

After these arrangements had been made, Ridley and Bowers rode 
to the village. They could get no answer to repeated calls from any of 
the mud-huts, and not a soul was visible anywhere. Finally, they capt- 
ured a Mexican creeping behind a hedge. Ridley says : 

He was evidently dodging us, and watching our motions. We could get 
nothing out of him at first, but, when I told him we were scouts from Lord's 
command, he replied in Spanish, " The brush is full of Texans, creeping about 
like cats in every direction." He also told us that the Texans had captured all 
the soldiers, and that they would get us also, unless we were careful. "We told 
him we were not afraid, as our whole command would be up shortly. We 
learned afterward that the rascal went immediately and told the Texans of the 
good opportunity they had to catch Lord. But I forgive him. The news was 
good, though vague, and hardly to be believed. We returned and reported, and 
the general decided to go to the village. 

Captain Gift gives this description of their entrance into the vil- 
lage : 

Ridley took the head of the column, with Stonehouse, Bower, and myself 
riding abreast with him. It was 11 o'clock at night wlien we entered the vil- 
lage, yet the people were out of bed, and, what was most singular, on the roofs 
of their flat-topped houses, and peeped down at us furtively and in doubt. 
Ridley, who spoke Spanish like a native, hailed and inquired the news. The 
man before answering demanded to know whether we were troops of the line 
or Texans. Ridley said, troops of the line. Then said the Mexican, " By all 
means go north at once, for the Texans only yesterday captured all the troops, 
and have all the guns, horses, and stores ! " While this colloquy was going on 
the general rode up, and Ridley interpreted the sense of what he had learned. 
The general doubted the information, as Lynde's regiment was one of the best 
in the service, and did not believe the story. It proved to be the truth, however. 

Ridley continues : 

I had Just laid down when I heard Hardcastle, who was posted with Poer, 
cry out, " Captain, I have got a prisoner." It proved to be a fellow called the 



THE RIO GRANDE. 287 

" Skinned Pant'er." lie had crawled into camp to take observations, but 
could not resist his admiration for horse-flesh, and was getting away with Ilard- 
castle's own charger, when Poer stopped him with his shot-gun. He told us 
he belonged to Captain C 's spy company, and that they had all the Feder- 
als prisoners. I told Ilardcastle to turn him loose, which he did reluctantly. I 
ordered him to tell his captain, whom I had known in California, that Macken- 
zie and Ridley, with a party of Californians, had just arrived, and wished to 
see him. The captain soon came, and we learned that Baylor had, indeed, capt- 
ured all of Lyiide's command. 

Some days after. Captain C was expatiating on the astuteness of his 

company, and making rather vainglorious allusions to tho " Skinned Pant'er " 
having got into oar camp. The general was present, and said in his quiet way, 
" Yes, captain, he got in, and we took very good care of him, thanks to Hard- 
castle, until we found it convenient to let him go out again." 

General Johnston could hardly believe the good fortune that re- 
lieved him from all danger of the United States troops on the Rio 
Grande. Gift says : 

The next morning Colonel Baylor called, and begged to turn over the com- 
mand of his troops to the general, to give him au opportunity to catch and pun- 
ish the fellows who had chased us in. This command ho accepted for a few 
days ; but a Mexican scout having gone out, notified tho advancing enemy of 
the trap set for him, when he changed his course for Santa Fe. 

Ridley says : 

The general was anxious to get on, but the Texans desired him to take com- 
mand of them and capture Lord. Baylor asked him to do so ; he complied very 
reluctantly, and told me privately he did not like the delay; " but that it was 
like being asked to dance by a lady— he could not refuse." 

Ridley attributes the escape of Moore and Lord, when they burned 
their camp at Cook's Spring, and turned off to Fort Craig, to the neg- 
ligence of the scouts, who did not report the movement for some tveen- 
ty-four hours. 

General Johnston's letter, written immediately after these events, 
gives the dispositions made by him for the capture of Lieutenants 
Moore and Lord, with their commands. It also contains what may be 
accepted as a well-weighed report of the capture of Lynde's command 
by the Texans under Colonel Baylor : 

Mesilla, Arizona, August 7, IS61. 

My dear Wife : We arrived at this place on July 28th, three days after the 
capture of eleven companies of United States troops by the Texan Confederate 
troops under the command of Colonel John E. Baylor. These troops, consist- 
ing of eight companies of the Seventh Infantry and three companies of the 
Eifle regiment, had been concentrated at Fort Fillmore, eight miles below this 
place, with the view of transferring them to the States after the arrival of four 
companies from Fort Buchanan, viz., two of the Seventh Infantry and two of 
20 



288 THE DESERT JOURNEY. 

the First Dragoons, which we preceded on the road. The audacity of the 
Mesilla people in keeping up a secession flag had excited the ire of the com- 
mander of the United States forces at Fort Fillmore, Major Lynde, and, after 
frequent threats, he resolved to chastise them. The Texan commander, hearing 
of the condition of affairs at Mesilla, came up, and occupied the place with 
about 280 Texans. Major Lynde crossed the river, marched to this place, and 
demanded the surrender of the Texans, who received his proposition with 
bitter taunts. He then made a feeble attack — perpetrating, however, a great 
outrage against humanity, in firing into the town filled with women and chil- 
dren, without any notice to have them removed. 

In the attack the Mounted Rifles charged on the Texans, who with their 
rifles knocked a few of them from their saddles, when they turned, running 
over the infantry and producing great confusion in their flight. The major 
then withdrew. They were thus, I think, wholly demoralized, and that night 
commenced a disorderly retreat toward New Mexico. Next day they were 
overtaken by the Texans, and, without the loss of a man, surrendered them- 
selves prisoners of war ; that is, the major surrendered them. They certainly 
were in no condition to resist, though Captain Potter and one or two others 
protested. Captain among them. He commanded the rear-guard. Cap- 
tain Hardiman, a Texan and a good soldier, says, " fied from his company 

with his squadron before he was within 600 yards of him." Six hundred United 
States troops, arms, transportation, etc., surrendered to 280 Texans, and are 
now paroled, officers and men, on their way to the States. 

At the request of Colonel Baylor and the Texans I remained here with my 
party, and took command of the troops, to capture the United States troops 
from Fort Buchanan, who were coming on. I took every precaution to prevent 
their obtaining any information of the condition of affairs here, by the employ- 
ment of experienced scouts, who gave us daily information of their movements. 
On the night of the 5th these assured us that the troops were coming on, 
though they much doubted it before. They judged from the disorderly charac- 
ter of their march, and their apparent unconsciousness of danger. The troops 
were then at Cook's Spring, fifty miles from our camp at the forks of the road 
to Fort Thorn, fifty miles above here on the river. Our scouts took their posi- 
tion to watch them during the night, and to ascertain in the morning which 
route they would take. On either there could have been no chance of escape, 
as, being advised of their taking the route to Thorn, our troops could have 
reached there first. 

During the early part of the night Captain Moore received a dispatch from 
Fort Craig, notifying him of his danger. They immediately destroyed their 
cannon, burned their train, all but eight wagons, mounted their infantry upon 
the mules, and marched or rather took to flight on the route to Fort Craig, 120 
miles above this, I judge, a forlorn-looking band. Thus 250 infantry and dra- 
goons — United States soldiers — saved themselves frona the terrible Texans by an 
ignominious flight. 

It is due to the Texans to say that they accorded to the prisoners taken in 
their recent engagement the most honorable terms, and treated them with the 
greatest consideration, which was acknowledged by their officers in a handsome 
letter to the commander. 

Our party arrived all well and animals in good condition, and the best of 



THROUGH TEXAS. 289 

feeling prevailing. To-morrow we will resume our journey. Great events are 
transpiring, and we feel called on to hurry on. I may take the stage at El 
Paso, though I dread stages overland, especially as they are always crowded. 
Tell Dr. John that his friend Captain Potter was among the prisoners, and, it 
is said, would have managed better if he had been in command. 

I have stood the journey well so far, and expect to get to Richmond in good 
health. May God preserve you, dear wife, and sustain you in your trials! 
Give my love to our dear children. 

At Mesilla, the party disbanded, most of them taking the stage for 
San Antonio, and, on by land, to New Orleans. Ridley says : 

There was a stage from Mesilla to San Antonio, and some of our party availed 
themselves of it at once. The general, after nearly two weeks' unavoidable de- 
lay, proceeded by the same conveyance, from El Paso. He did this very reluc- 
tantly, and would have remained with us, until the last of the party could start 
for San Antonio, but for our urging upon him the necessity of getting to Rich- 
mond as fast as possible. In his entire forgetfulness of self, he was ever ready 
to sacrifice himself and his own interests and desires for others. 

Among the little incidents retained in the memory of his companions 
on this journe}"-, Ridley relates this : 

At El Paso, a small party were collected, among whom were the general and 
Major Armistead. The usual topic was being discussed — the Yankees and the 
war. Some one made the remark, " But they won't stand steel." The general, 
who had been a quiet listener, said : " Gentlemen, I think you are mistaken. 
We are a proud people. Manners and customs in the different sections make 
about the only difference that really exists. If we are to be successful, what we 
have to do must be done quickly. The longer we have them to fight, the more 
diflBcult they will be to defeat." His words were prophetic. They made a great 
impression on me at the time, as much, perhaps, from his manner of saying them 
as from the words themselves. 

Colonel Hardcastle writes : 

During our trip, subjected as we were to the oppressive tropical heat, scanty 
rations for man and beast, and scarcity of water — at one time going seventy 
miles without any for our stock, and supplying ourselves from canteens and kegs 
— I could not but remark the patience and endurance of our general, who at all 
times bore himself with cheerfulness and dignity, and set us an example of for- 
titude and self-denial. After our seventy miles' ride without water, when we 
reached the wells entirely spent and dry, we found them foul and noxious with 
dead rats. 'We set to work to draw out and clean them ; and, after we had 
finished, the first cup was handed to the general. He drank, and remarked, 
" This water tastes like the White Sulphur Springs in Virginia." After that, no 
man could decline to taste of the waters, and we gladly cooled our parched 
throats. 

On a certain night, wet and stormy, as I sat by the camp-fire of the general, 
I expressed my dread of water, having nothing but blankets to sleep upon. 



290 THE DESERT JOURNEY. 

Whereupon a most cordial invitation was given me to share his water-proof 
rubbers, which afforded us a most comfortable night's lodging. 

The journey from Los Angeles to Mesilla was 800 miles, and thence 
to San Antonio, the frontier city of Texas, 700 more. It was made 
under the burning glare of a July sun, through wastes of shifting sand 
or treeless gravel, often with no fuel, grass, shade, or water. It is 
strange how well General Johnston, at his age, fifty-nine, bore the toils 
and hardships of this journey. After the wearisome march, he would 
lie down to sleep upon the ground, with his saddle for a pillow, and the 
sky as his only canopy. His abstemious habits made the poor fare a 
small privation, and his chief concern was a veteran's anxiety for the 
endurance of his younger or less hardy comrades. It needed bold 
hearts to seek out, at the summer solstice, the secrets of the desert. It 
would not be hard to weave, from such a pilgrimage of patriotism, a 
page of romance ; but the plain truth is far better. The heroic spirit, 
that " scorned delights and lived laborious days," took but passing note 
of the dangers and distress that beset him. In the simple but sublime 
confidence of his creed — "in the great hand of God I stand" — he 
moved on to his fate. 

When General Johnston plunged into the desert and was lost to the 
sight of men, the relays of the overland express swiftly bore the tidings 
East. The Washington Government sent its orders to intercept him ; 
and, even in that crisis of a nation's destiny, both sides watched the 
issue with intense interest. Weeks of suspense passed ; and his reap- 
pearanc3 on the frontier, at the place and almost at the mom.ent of 
Baylor's brilliant victory and of the fall of the Federal power in Ari- 
zona, linked his coming with auguries of victory. He had safely run 
the gantlet, in spite of. the snares in his path. 

A general burst of relief and joy throughout the South greeted 
General Johnston's safe arrival, and evinced the importance attached to 
his services. An auxiliary army could not have been welcomed with a 
more certain assurance of its value, or with more genuine rejoicing. It 
is in such times that the people are forced to count how priceless may 
be the services of one man who is equal to the highest command. In 
his rapid progress to Richmond, General Johnston could not escape a 
continued ovation. Popular recognition of him as a great leader was 
suddenly and spontaneously accorded by acclamation. This was due in 
part to the well-settled opinion of the officers and men of the old army, 
and to President Davis's frank declaration to that effect, but still more 
to the strong belief of the Southwest in his ability as a soldier. He 
had been marked for veng-eance, and hunted as an outlaw for months ; 
but he w^as once again among his own people. He had come to them 
'without communication of understanding with the Confederate Govern- 
ment or any of its leaders, ready to take whatever post of duty might 



AT RICHMOND. 291 

be assigned him, and he found a nation waiting for him and calling him 
to the front. 

The telegraph, of course, had announced him ; but President Davis 
was not aware that he had reached Eichmond, when he called at the 
Executive mansion. The President was sick in bed; but, when he 
heard the bell and General Johnston's step below, he started up, and 
exclaimed : " That is Sidney Johnston's step. Bring him up." He said 
many times afterward, " I hoped and expected that I had others who 
would prove generals, but I knew I had 0)ie, and that was Sidney John- 
ston." 

ITINERARY. 

1861. 
June 16. — Left Los Angeles — to Rancho Chino, thirty-five miles. 

" 22. — Arrived at Warner's Ranch. One hundred miles from Los Angeles. 

" 2Y.— Left Warner's. To Vallecito. 
• " 30. — " Vallecito. Sunday night. Eighteen miles to Carrizo Wells. Comet seen. 
July 1. — " Carrizo, 3 p. M. Thirty-seven miles to Indian Wells. 

" 2. — " Indian Wells at noon. Twenty-eight miles to Alamo Springs. 

" 3. — " Alamo Springs at 8 a. m. Thirty miles to Cook's Wells. 

" 4. — " Cook's to Yeager's Ferry. (Fort Yuma.) 

" 7. — " Yuma, up the Gila, and thence two hundred and seventy miles to Tucson. 

" 18. — Arrived at Tucson. 

" 22.— Left Tucson, 8 a. m. Tliirty miles. 

" 23. — Forty miles to a dry camp. 

" 24. — Fifteen miles to Dragoon Springs, thence fifty miles to Apache Pass. 

(I 25 1 

" 26* > ~^^°^ Apache Pass. One hundred and sixty-five miles to the Rio Grande 

" Oh \ at Picacho, near Mesilla. 

" 28,— To Mesilla. 



CHAPTER XIX. 
srruATiox in the west. 



Before General Johnston's arrival at Richmond, deputations from 
the West had reached there, asking that he might be assigned to com- 
mand on that line. General Polk had visited Richmond partly for that 
purpose, and had also written urgently ; a committee from Memphis, 
and other delegations, had made the same request, and the public ex- 
pectation hopefully awaited the announcement of his appointment. 
But the President needed no urging. It was evident that the general 
direction of affairs in the West should be intrusted to one chief, and 
that he must be a man to whom both President and people should 
give their entire confidence. Men of ability commanded the small 



292 SITUATION IN THE WEST. 

armies of observation stationed at intervals along the extended fron- 
tiers, from Virginia to Kansas ; but no general plan of defense had 
been adopted, and each emergency was met as best it might be. Want 
of coherence and cooperation, not lack of vigor or valor, prevented effi- 
cient action, and combined movement seemed impossible. 

Accordingly, on the 10th of September, General Johnston was as- 
signed to command, under the following orders : 



[Extract.] 



Adjutant ant) Inspectok-Genesal's Office, 
KiCHMOND, September 10, 1861. 



Special Obdebs No. 149, 

14. . . . General Albert Sidney Johnston, Confederate States Army, is as- 
signed to the command of Department No. 2, which will hereafter embrace the 
States of Tennessee and Arkansas, and that part of the State of Mississippi 
west of the New Orleans, Jackson & Great Northern and Central Railroad ; also, 
the military operations in Kentucky, Missouri, Kansas, and the Indian country 
immediately west of Missouri and Arkansas. lie will repair to Memphis, Ten- 
nessee, and assume command, fixing his headquarters at such point as, in his 
judgment, will best secure the purposes of the command. 
By command of the Secretary of War : 

John Withees, 

Assistant Adjutant- General. 

He was further directed to go by Nashville, confer with Governor 
Harris, and then decide upon the steps to be taken. 

The rank of *' general," the highest in the Confederate army, had 
been created by law, and five officers had been appointed by the Presi- 
dent and assigned to duty with the following relative rank : 1. S. 
Cooper (the adjutant-general) ; 2. A. S. Johnston ; 3, R. E. Lee ; 4. 
J. E. Johnston ; 5. G, T. Beauregard. General J. E, Johnston regard- 
ed himself as entitled by law to the first place, and engaged in a con- 
troversy with the President relative thereto, the points of which he 
has perpetuated in his " Narrative " (pages 70-72), It is needless here 
to enter on a discussion of the merits of this question ; but it is 
proper to say that it was one of no concern to General A. S. Johnston. 
President Davis has frequently told the writer that the question of 
rank was never mentioned in his conversations with General A. S. 
Johnston. It is not probable that he ever heard of this discussion : 
he certainly had no share in it. His relative rank was a matter to 
which he ascribed no importance, and his great responsibilities occu- 
pied his full attention. The subject is alluded to only to disclaim for 
him all connection with it. 

The command to which General Johnston was called thus embraced 
all the northern frontier west of the Alleghanies, and a portion of that 
mountain-barrier. The interests confided to him were not onlv vast, 



MISSOURI. 293 

but often conflicting. The great Mississippi divided his department 
into two theatres of war with widely-separated bases, and it was pene- 
trated by the solid wedge of the Northwest. A brief view of the situa- 
tion of affairs in Kentucky and Missouri is necessary, in order to com- 
prehend the campaign which General Johnston conducted against the 
powerful armies collected by the United States Government in the 
West. 

The war in the West first fairly took shape in the State of Missouri. 
Here, a great debatable ground was occupied by able and well-matched 
antagonists, who executed a series of bold and striking enterprises, which 
were ended at last by the mere weight of the heaviest battalions. The 
lessons of this struggle would be entertaining and instructive to the 
student of American history, and its results were very important in 
determining the exact character of General Johnston's military opera- 
tions ; but the limits of this biography do not permit its narration here. 

It may be briefly stated that Missouri was in political sentiment 
strongly Southern and Democratic, and, at the same time, equally op- 
posed to a dissolution of the Union. Probably three-fourths of its 
citizens held these views. Though a very warlike people, the}' con- 
templated with horror the idea of civil or sectional war, and, according 
to preconceived opinions, looked on this or that party with aversion as 
the promoters of strife. When once engaged in it, however, they be- 
came relentless. 

The two men who were most prominent in Missouri affairs, on the 
Federal side, were General Frank P. Blair and General Nathaniel Lyon. 
They were both Republicans, with fixed views and purposes to maintain 
an unconditional union of the States at all hazards, and to inaugurate 
a policy looking to the emancipation of the slaves. Their following was 
small and odious to the native white population of the State ; but they 
were supported by the unlimited means of the Government at Wash- 
ington, and, under its secret authority, Blair wielded the prerogatives 
of a dictator. 

To this powerful and compact organization was opposed a vast 
majority of the people, under leaders of every shade of opinion and 
every degree of daring. There was no concert of views, organization, 
or action. The Governor, Claiborne F. Jackson, was a man of courage 
and capacity ; but he deplored, while he recognized, the approach of 
war, and procrastinated when he should have struck a blow. But he 
was embarrassed by dissensions in the counsels of his own party. His 
policy might, nevertheless, have prevailed, had he been confronted by 
less able antagonists. General Sterling Price, subsequently so eminent 
as a Confederate leader, was at first a Unionist. 

The Governor contemplated the capture of the St. Louis Arsenal ; 
and the assemblage of the militia at Camp Jackson, in the suburbs of 



294 SITUATION IN THE WEST. 

St. Louis, was with some ulterior purpose of that soi't. General D. 
M. Frost had established a militia camp there, some 1,200 strong, on 
the 3d of May. The radical secret clubs, on the other hand, had been 
for several months organized by Blair, into regiments, and armed with 
muskets from the United States Arsenal, so that Lyon was able sud- 
denly, on the 10th of May, with these and his regulars from the arsenal, 
to surround Camp Jackson, which surrendered to him. 

In the course of tlje turmoil the German volunteers fired on the 
people in the streets, and killed thirty-one, including women and chil- 
dren. This was the signal for war. The Southern party took up arms 
and began to organize, and Price was ajDpointed their commander-in- 
chief by the State authorities. Lyon ended some fruitless negotiations, 
by declaring his unalterable purpose to make no terms with rebels; and, 
being now ready, by a rapid and aggressive movement, he took posses- 
sion of the whole of Central Missouri, the heart of the Southern cause. 
On the 15th of June Lyon began operations by occupying Jefferson 
City, the seat of government. Two daj's later an insignificant skirmish 
at Boonville won him great reputation. Moving about with a few 
thousand men, he overawed the timid, secured the lukewarm and time- 
serving, and forced the unorganized Southern volunteers to seek refuge 
in the southwestern corner of the State. 

The war had finally begun. Troops were poured in from other 
States by the United States Government, and recruits were enlisted in 
large numbers by both parties ; the Federals acting under the authorit}'- 
of the United States Government and of a State Convention, the South- 
erners imder that of the Governor and Legislature. There were 
many skirmishes, and in the swamps of the southeast a guerrilla war 
was maintained by the Missourians. At Carthage there was an engage- 
ment, almost reaching the dignity of a battle in the numbers present, 
but in no other respect. The first occasion on which the opposing 
forces measured arms, under their leaders and with real purpose, was 
on the 10th of August, 1862, at the battle of Wilson's Creek or Oak 
Hills, near Springfield, Missouri. 

Lyon had followed the Missourians to this remote quarter with a 
small, though well organized, drilled, and disciplined, army. According 
to the official report, he had 5,868 men, including 1,200 regulars, 
inured to war and strong in the mutual dependence of an exact disci- 
pline. He had sixteen guns, manned by experienced gunners. His 
officers were trained soldiers, and his army a compact machine. 

The army confronting him was made up of 3,200 Confederate troops 
from Texas, Louisiana, and Arkansas, under General Ben McCulloch, 
1,800 Arkansas State troops under General N. B. Pearce, and 5,000 or 
6,000 Missourians under General Price. McCulloch had command. 
McCulloch puts his force at " 5,300 infantry, fifteen pieces of artillery, 



WILSON'S CREEK AND LEXINGTON. 295 

and 6,000 horsemen," poorly armed. The personiiel of this army was 
excellent, and it was animated by a splendid martial enthusiasm ; but 
it was little more than an aggregation of bands of raw recruits. 

After some days of fruitless skirmishing and vacillation, Lyon's 
haughty and impatient spirit cast off the counsels that impeded it, and 
he resolved on the aggressive. Moving from Springfield in two col- 
umns by a night-march, he attacked the Confederate army at daylight 
on the 10th of August. An attack on the rear was led by General 
Sigel, with 1,500 men. He was at first successful, but was soon re- 
pulsed, routed, and pursued from the field, with the loss of his artillery. 
Lyon, who commanded in the front attack, had for a long time better 
fortune. The Confederate vanguard was surprised and routed. But 
now ensued a desperate conflict between Lyon's front line and the 
Missouri troops. It was a death-grapple of the fiercest and most relent- 
less character. Pearce led his Arkansas troops to Price's aid, and 
McCulloch returned from the defeat of Sigel to join in the struggle. 
All of Lyon's troops were now engaged in the doubtful contest. In 
the crisis of the fight, Lyon, while leading a charge, was shot through 
the heart. The tide of battle rolled back, and after a little while the 
Federals sullenly left the field. The Confederates were unable to pur- 
sue. They slowly followed the Federals, who fell back to Springfield, 
and thence to Rolla, Major Sturgess reported the Federal loss at 
1,235 men. The Southerners lost 265 killed, 800 v^ounded, and thirty 
missing ; but it was a dear-bought victory, especially in ofilcers. 

Fremont had 70,000 men in Missouri, with only some 20,000 opposed 
to him. But, by his harsh and arbitrary orders and conduct, he 
aroused such a feeling in the Southern party that it required all of his 
force to keep it down. Price, after a short delay, moved, with 5,000 
men and seven pieces of artillery, upon Lexington, his old home, a 
town of about 8,000 inhabitants, on the Missouri River, General 
McCulloch did not accompany him, for reasons not necessary to discuss 
here. Price's expedition was short and brilliant. On the 4th of Sep- 
tember he routed Lane and Montgomery's " Jayhawkers," near Fort 
Scott. His force swelled as he advanced, until it reached some 12,000 
men, before he arrived at Lexington. The garrison of 3,500 men, under 
Colonel Mulligan, had made good preparations for defense. But Price 
attacked his fortifications on the 12th of September, and so sharp and 
continuous were his assaults that, on the 20th of September, the garri- 
son, after a very gallant defense, were worn out, and compelled to sur- 
render. They were paroled. Price captured five cannon, 3,000 muskets, 
and $100,000 worth of commissary stores. 

In the mean time Fremont had been concentrating his large army, 
and, to evade him. Price moved southward on the 27th of September. 
He skillfully eluded the enemy, and made good his retreat to Neosho, 



296 SITUATION IN THE WEST. 

where McCulloch held himself in reserve. Most of his new recruits re- 
turned to their homes, leaving him little stronger than when he set 
forward. But he had gained prestige and some material advantages, 
and had employed a large force of the enemy. Fremont then advanced 
slowly, with a numerous army, as far as Springfield, where he was 
relieved November 2d. 

During General Price's operations. General Hardee had assembled 
six or seven thousand men, at Pocahontas, in Northeastern Arkansas. 
Some ineffectual attempts were made toward combined movements by 
this force with Price and with Pillow, who became otherwise em- 
ployed. But virulent types of camp epidemics disabled his command, 
and nothing of importance was accomplished. 

Thus, General Johnston had hardly assumed command when he 
found the Federal armies in possession of nearly the whole of Missouri, 
and continually menacing Columbus, the left flank of his line in Ken- 
tucky, with heavy forces massed at Cairo. 

The war in Kentucky had been fought with different weapons. 
Here, diplomacy instead of arms had transferred a Commonwealth of 
strongly Southern feelings from its natural alliance with the other 
slaveholding States to the ranks of their invaders. Kentucky was the 
first State admitted to the Union by the original thirteen. Settled 
from Virginia, her people brought with them from that ancient 
Commonwealth its characteristics and traditions, with a greater vehe- 
mence and keener enterprise. The spirit of combat was fostered in 
the early Indian contests ; and, in the wars with Great Britain and 
Mexico no troops won a more enviable distinction for steadiness and 
valor. 

Kentucky, along with Virginia, had, in 1798-99, taken the most 
advanced position in regard to the reserved rights of the States ; nor 
did she recede from it for more than a generation. For nearly forty 
years previous to 1850 her destinies were guided by the commanding 
talents of one man. Henry Clay, by his oratory, his imperious will, 
and his skill in leadership, became not only the political chief of Ken- 
tucky, but the favorite of a national party, which blindly followed his 
personal fortunes. In the mutations of politics, it became the policy 
of this party to exalt and intensify the idea of the Union. 

Much of Mr. Clay's great fame had been won as a leader in com- 
promising sectional quarrels ; and it was natural that the party which 
followed him should exalt the idea of the Union, even at the expense 
of the vital principle which gave to it its sanctity. Mr. Clay was a 
conservative, and it is not possible that he would have consented to the 
terms imposed upon their Southern adherents by the Lincoln Adminis- 
tration. He lived to witness the decay of his power, and the transfer 
of Kentucky to the Democratic party. When he died, his sceptre fell 



JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE. 297 

to an unlineal hand. A youth, who had gathered his honors in oppo- 
sition to Mr. Clay, succeeded to his unbounded influence. 

John C. Breckinridge, who drew to himself much of the enthusiasm 
that had attached to Mr. Clay, was a man of widely different type. 
Though born to narrow means, he was the son of a public man whose 
early death alone cut him off from high distinction. His grandfather 
had been President Jefferson's attorney -general ; his great-grandfather, 
a signer of the Declaration of Independence; and his lineage was 
traced to John Knox, the Reformer. Among his immediate and re- 
moter kindred were many distinguished for oratory, in the pulpit, at 
the bar, and in legislative halls. Breckinridge, though never a severe 
student, had natural gifts that made him a vigorous writer, an agree- 
able talker, and a ready and impressive speaker. His person was 
commanding, his countenance striking, his address frank and gracious, 
his personal influence irresistible. His judgment and temper were 
calm and sober, and he had the poise of perfect moral and physical 
courage. Though somewhat indolent and fond of pleasure, he had the 
capacity for heroic deeds and under the pressure of great occasions was 
always found equal to them — at the bar, in the Senate, and on the bat- 
tle-field. Though his genial manner awakened a contagious enthusiasm, 
he was singularly reticent and cautious in matters of import. He made 
few promises and broke none, and was truthful and magnanimous. It 
was difficult to move him to anger, impossible to provoke him to re- 
venge. He did not strive for wealth or place, and, as a citizen and 
statesman, was stainless and incorrupt. He seemed born under a star, 
and greatness sought him out. 

After a short military experience in Mexico, he was adopted by a 
State-rights coterie in Kentucky, by whom his fortunes were eagerly 
pushed. In 1851, and again in 1853, he was sent to Congress ; and 
in 1856 was elected Vice-President, when only thirty-five years of age. 
He presided over the Senate with fairness and dignity in very troubled 
times. When the rupture took place in the Democratic party, he was 
selected at Baltimore as the nominee of the State-rights party for Presi- 
dent. He continued until Lincoln's inauguration to preside over the 
Senate, when he took his seat in that body as Senator from Kentucky. 

"With Breckinridge's powerful hold on all classes in Kentucky, 
it was in his power, at any time before June 1st, by putting himself 
at the head of a party of movement, to have dictated the policy of 
the State. Events drifted so rapidly that, after that time, it was too 
late. He knew the tendency of public feeling, and thought it would 
carry the State with him, counting at too little the hundred-handed 
grasp that was throttling public opinion and binding the State hand 
and foot. Though he afterward proved a brave and able soldier, wise 
in counsel, able in administration, vigorous in action, it is no discredit 



298 SITUATION IN THE WEST. 

to him to say that his talents were not revolutionary. While his inteL 
lectual convictions carried him with the secessionists, his heart inclined 
him to peace and the hope of compromise. Thus the State-rights 
men of Kentucky lost the leadership of the only man then able to 
rally them into a compact organization. Though numerous, and ready 
for any enterprise, no name of acknowledged authority appeared at 
their head. Mr. Guthrie had renounced his place with them, and was 
openly acting with the unconditional submissionists. The Governor, 
Magoffin, was unequal to the difficulties bj' which he was surrounded. 
"William Preston was absent, as minister to Spain. Humphrey Mar- 
shall, and some other men of ability, were hampered by their positions 
in Congress. 

Under the circumstances, the situation seemed more in the hands of 
General Simon B. Buckner than of any other one man. Buckner was a 
native of Kentucky, and thirty-eight years of age. He was graduated 
at West Point, where he was subsequently an instructor in ethics and 
in tactics. In the Mexican War he was wounded at Churubusco, and 
brevetted for gallantry. After a varied service, he resigned in 1855, 
and in 1858 settled in Louisville. Though the care of a large estate 
occupied much of his time and attention, yet, being an enthusiast in his 
profession, he undertook, as a congenial pursuit, the organization of the 
militia of Kentucky. Of this, with the title of inspector-general and 
the rank of major-general, he became the virtual chief. Under his 
management, the old " cornstalk " militia was transformed into the 
State Guard ; and the absurd levy en masse, whose reviews were a bur- 
lesque on military training, was replaced by a compact corps of 10,000 
or 12,000 men, organized, uniformed, armed, drilled, and, to some ex- 
tent, disciplined. It was not equaled in effectiveness by any military 
body in the United States, except the regular army. Composed of the 
flower of the people, it was a unit in its sympathy for the South, and 
was animated by a powerful esprit de corps. 

Buckner obtained unbounded influence with this command by his 
attractive manners and by a genuine enthusiasm in military matters, 
shared by the young volunteers under his command. In personal ap- 
pearance he was thought to bear a marked likeness to General A. S. 
Johnston. His decided though moderate views gave weight to his 
counsel ; he was committed to resistance against coercion ; and his 
course, from first to last, was open, manly, and consistent. His in- 
terests were in the North ; but his heart and his sword were with the 
cause of constitutional liberty. With the great influence Buckner had 
acquired over the State Guard, he might, if he could have been in- 
duced to employ constraint, have compelled, under all the forms of law, 
the State government to act according to his own views. But he re- 
garded himself as the servant of the Commonwealth ; and, scrupulous 



KENTUCKY. 299 

by nature and education, construed his rights and duties with legal 
strictness. 

Everything tended to fasten the Federal authority on the people 
of Kentucky. The established government, even when regarded as a 
tyranny, has mighty advantages. In Kentucky the Union seemed pan- 
oplied ; and, as lingering superstition paralyzes the arm of the recent 
convert who would cast down the idols of ancient gods, conviction of 
duty could not rouse the people to action till the time for action had 
passed, and chains were on every limb. 

The State government had been elected by the State-rights party ; 
but the Legislature suffered from all the dissensions which had produced 
the schisms in that opposition which had lately been vanquished bj'^ the 
solid minority that elected Lincoln. Under the urgent advice of vet- 
eran leaders, like Guthrie and Crittenden, entreating time for compro- 
mise, the trimmers and waverers got possession of the government and 
of the public confidence. It seemed so much better to trust those who 
promised peace than men who called for armament, expenditure, and 
action ! One of the most potent agencies in lulling the spirit of resist- 
ance, until Kentucky found itself bound hand and foot, was the Louis- 
ville Journal, which for thirty years had struck the key-note of the 
Whig party. Its editor, George D. Prentice, a New-Englander by birth, 
was a pungent wit, a poet, a man of careless and convivdal habits, an 
effective editor, and a politician who had grown gray in the service of 
his party. He displayed great tact in marshaling the ranks of the 
Unionists, and contributed more to their success than an}' other man in 
Kentucky. The Louisville Courier was the advocate of the State- 
rights party. Its publisher, Walter N. Haldeman, was proscribed, 
plundered, and exiled. By a curious turn of fortune, he is now the 
proprietor of an establishment which unites in one concern — the 
Courier- Joxirnal — all the interests of these two former rivals of the 
press ; while above the main entrance, as the presiding genius of the 
place, sits the marble ^'^^J of the gifted Prentice. 

In the winter of 1860-'61 the feeling in Kentucky against coercion 
was so general and decided that there were few men bold enough to 
approve it openly. The writer recollects only one of any consequence, 
Lovell H. Rousseau, who was fearless and sincere in his unconditional 
Unionism. Even those who secretly favored it pretended to reprobate 
and to be willing to resist it. It is not necessary, in this connection, to 
trace the modes by which they arrived at conclusions exactly opposite 
to their original professions, and perhaps to their convictions. We 
have here to deal with events rather than motives. 

On the 8th of January a convention was held at Louisville by rep- 
resentative Unionists, which recommended certain amendments to the 
Constitution, and that the States agreeing to them " shall form a sepa- 



300 SITUATIOX IN THE WEST. 

rate Confederacy ; " and resolved that " we deplore the existence of a 
Union to be held together by the sword." This was a strange prelude to 
the stringent tests of later loyalty ; but opinions, about that time, were 
very unfixed and drifting. 

The Legislature met in extra session in February, 1861. The Gov- 
ernor recommended the call of a State Convention ; and there is little 
doubt that, if such an authoritative body had convened, it would have 
occupied a position similar to that of Virginia, adhesion to the Union, 
except in the event of an attempt at coercion and subjugation, and then 
resistance. The Legislature refused to call a convention, and recom- 
mended the abortive " Peace Conference " held at "Washington, and also 
a National Convention. But it directed the Governor to reply to certain 
resolutions from Northern Legislatures : 

That when those States should send armed forces to the South for the pur- 
pose indicated in said resolutions, the people of Kentucky, uniting with their 
brethren of the South, will, as one man, resist such invasion of the soil of the 
South, at all hazards, and to the last extremity. 

It also resolved : 

That we protest against the use of force or coercion by the General Govern- 
ment against the seceded States, as unwise and inexpedient, and tending to the 
destruction of our common country. 

The Union leaders and journals denounced secession and coercion 
with the same breath. On the 18th of April they first shadowed forth, 
in a meeting at Louisville, that sham " neutrality " policy in whose 
tangled web the State was ensnared. It declared : 

That, as we oppose the call of the President for volunteers for the purpose 
of coercing the seceded States, so we oppose the raising of troops in this State 
to cooperate with the Southern Confederacy ; that the present duty of Ken- 
tucky is to maintain her present independent position, taking sides not with the 
Administration, nor with the seceding States, but with the Union against them 
both, declaring her soil to be sacred from the hostile tread of either, and, if 
necessary, to make the declaration good with her strong right arm. 

It is tnie that no one ought to have been deceived by such fraud- 
ulent pretenses, but they answered for the moment ; and thousands 
willingly lent themselves to the delusion, who were unable to face the 
consequences of decided action in either direction. The unconditional 
Unionists, comparatively few, but compact, thoroughly organized, and 
backed by the Federal Government, wanted time to rally a following ; 
the Southern party, numerous, but without leaders or definite purpose, 
were content that time should develop a course of action for them ; 
the uncertain multitude hailed it as a verbal breakwater for the tides 
and storms of an ocean. After all, this " neutrality " was a sad thing — 



A SHAM NEUTRALITY. 301 

a false pretense that served for some months as the cloak of irresolution 
and all its consequent ills. Horace Greeley, in his " American Con- 
flict," says that this " astounding drivel " " insulted the common-sense 
and nauseated the loyal stomach of the nation ; " but it was the opiate 
that stupefied both the common-sense and the moral sense, and un- 
nerved the arm of the people of Kentucky. 

When Mr. Lincoln made his first call for troops, Governor Magoffin 
replied in the same spirit with the other Southern Executives : 

Your dispatch is received. In answer, I say emphatically, Kentucky will 
furnish no troops for the wicked purpose of subduing her sister Southern States. 

And on the 24th of April, in a proclamation convening the General 
Assembly, the Governor said : 

The tread of armies is the response which is being made to the measures of 
pacification which are being discussed before our people; wliile up to tliis 
moment we are comparatively in a defenseless attitude. Whatever else should 
be done, it is, in my judgment, the duty of Kentucky, without delay, to place 
herself in a complete position for defense. 

On May 16th the General Assembly, which had convened May 6th, 

Resolved, That this State and the citizens thereof should take no part in the 
civil war now waged, except as mediators and friends to the belligerent parties, 
and that Kentucky should, during the contest, occupy the position of strict 
neutrality. 

Resolved., further, That the act of the Governor in refusing to furnish troops 
or military force, upon the call of tlie Executive authority of the United States, 
under existing circumstances, is approved. 

The Unionists, however, secured the passage of an act compelling 
the State Guard to take the oath of allegiance to the United States, as 
well as to the State of Kentucky. The Governor issued a proclamation 
of neutrality on the 20th of May ; and on the 24th of May, just before 
its adjournment, the Senate 

Resolved, Kentucky will not sever her connection with the national Govern- 
ment, nor take up arms for either belligerent party; but arm herself for the 
j)reservation of peace within her borders. 

It also passed laws for arming. 

Garrett Davis visited Washington, and engaged Mr. Lincoln to 
respect this neutrality. He not only avouched the fact of Lincoln's 
promise, but his ow-n belief that it would be faithfully kept. Davis 
was highly respected in Kentucky as an honorable man, and his decla- 
ration carried great weight ; but Mr. Lincoln subsequently denied and 
repudiated the arrangement. 

The same issue arose between General Buckner and General McClel- 



302 SITUATION IN THE WEST. 

Ian, in regard to the terms of an oral agreement made between them 
June 8th, resulting, it is to be presumed, from such misunderstand- 
ing as all oral communications are liable to. General Buckner took 
active measures to carry out his part of the convention. On the 10th 
of June he advised Governor Magoffin of its stipulations, and, on the 
11th, engaged Governor Harris, of Tennessee, to consent to the same 
terms, and give assurances on the part of the South that the neutrality 
of Kentucky should be respected. This agreement enabled General 
Buckner to arrest a movement of General Pillow, who was about to 
seize Columbus, Kentucky, with Tennessee troops. The inhabitants of 
this commanding site were strongly Southern in feeling, and, under a 
violent apprehension that their town was in danger, had induced Gen- 
eral Pillow to consent to occupy it. He now suspended his move- 
ment, and General Buckner placed Colonel Tilghman there, with six 
companies of the State Guard, with orders to enforce neutrality, give 
protection to all citizens claiming it, and " restrain our own citizens 
from all acts of lawless aggression." 

The active partisans on either side were not deceived by the pre- 
tense of neutrality. The Federal faction organized the " Union Club," 
a secret society, with ramifications throughout the State, which, backed 
by the money and patronage of the Government, made converts rap- 
idly ; and, to quote Van Home, in his " Army of the Cumberland," " was 
potent, if not decisive, in saving Kentucky from secession." It reached 
the Legislature with its influence. At the election for Congressmen, 
July 1st, the Union candidates were elected by an overwhelming major- 
ity, by denouncing and pretending to abhor abolitionism. Republican- 
ism, coercion, and war. And so with those elected to the Legislature. 
Their commission from the people was to keep the peace. They exe- 
cuted it by an immediate and unconditional surrender to the war party 
of the North. 

Immediately after Lincoln's first call for volunteers, two regiments 
were recruited in Ohio, near Cincinnati, known as the First and Second 
Kentucky Regiments. Early in June, Lovell H. Rousseau established 
Camp " Joe Holt," in Indiana, opposite Louisville, and began to recruit 
the Louisville Legion. The first overt attempt to organize Federal 
troops on Kentucky soil was on the 2d of July, when 2,000 men assem- 
bled at Camp " Dick Robinson," near the centre of the State. Lieuten- 
ant William Nelson, of the Navy, afterward a major-general, was the 
secret agent through whom the Union men were organized and armed. 

Seeing the drift of public sentiment and the popularity of neutrality 
in Kentucky, the more ardent secessionists left the State and entered 
the Confederate army. Camp Boone was established in Tennessee, 
near the State line, not far from Clarksville. The Southern party in 
Kentucky were careless as to the abstract right of secession. Their 



MILITARY PREPARATIONS. 303 

distinctive struggle was for constitutional liberty, and, regarding the 
Administration as a revolutionary propaganda and the State authorities 
as traitors to their trust, they left the soil of the Commonwealth with- 
out hesitation, certain that the march of events and the voice of the 
people would speedily demand their return. 

Events now began to move very rapidly. The crisis had arrived 
when Buckner was compelled to decide whether he would inaugurate 
revolution with the State Guard, or leave the solution of the tangled 
maze to destiny. He would not cut the Gordian knot, nor yet consent 
to become the tool of party managers. He resigned July 20th. The 
State Guard elected Colonel Thomas L. Crittenden to succeed him; 
but, when it was found that they could not be used to carry out the 
purposes of the North, they were disbanded, and their arms and equip- 
ments were turned over to the loyal " Home Guard," which harassed the 
State for the next four years. Most of the soldiers of the State Guard 
found their way into the Southern army during the first year or two of 
the war, singly or in squads ; but all the advantages of their excellent 
organization were lost. Nevertheless, under other names, the heroic 
men who composed it made for their State a record of surpassing brill- 
iancy, even in the peerless annals of Confederate achievement. 

Governor Magoffin, on the 19th of August, addressed letters to the 
Presidents of the rival sections, endeavoring to secure the promised 
neutrality. Mr. Davis expressed a willingness to leave Kentucky 
untrammeled, but Mr. Lincoln's reply intimated somewhat supercili- 
ously that the farce of neutrality had ended. 

While the United States Government had been secretly perfecting 
its military preparations in Kentucky, it had anxiously postponed a 
collision. On the 28th of May, Major Robert Anderson, promoted to 
brigadier-general, had been assigned to the " Department of Kentucky," 
with his headquarters at Cincinnati. He was a native of Kentucky, 
conservative in opinions, and had conducted himself with dignity at the 
surrender of Fort Sumter. He did not directly interfere with the affairs 
of the State, and this, together with his absence, seemed a confirma- 
tion of the neutrality policy. Meanwhile, Nelson, Rousseau, and the 
Union committees were secretly enlisting troops and introducing arms 
and ammunition. 

Those who had been indulging in dreams of peace were now rudely 
awakened. On the 1st of September, Anderson removed his headquar- 
ters to Louisville, and Nelson was made a brigadier-general and began 
to organize a force at Maysville to operate in Eastern Kentucky. He 
was replaced at Camp Dick Robinson by Brigadier-General George H. 
Thomas, a soldier of ability, vigor, and experience. Thomas was a 
native of Southampton County, Virginia, a West-Pointer, and a man of 
mark in the old army. He was the junior major of the Second Cav- 
21 



304 SITUATION IN THE WEST. 

airy, General Johnston's regiment ; and, having decided to adhere to 
the Federal cause in the civil war, was rapidly promoted to the rank 
of brigadier-general. His position at Camp Dick Robinson was cen- 
tral and important. The country east of him was friendly to the Union; 
and that in his rear, Northwestern Kentucky, greatly divided in senti- 
ment, was now nearly surrounded by a cordon of Federal encampments, 
ready, at any moment, to be^drawn in upon it. Camp Dick Robinson, 
which had until now been regarded as a threat rather than a real peril, 
at once assumed its true character of a military stronghold. It dom- 
inated the political centre at Frankfort, where an obsequious Legislature 
eagerly registered the decrees of the military commander, while the 
State sank to the condition of a subjugated province. 

The reproach which fell upon Kentucky that it suffered such a body 
to make sport of its destiny was due to the division of sentiment in the 
State, and to a laudable unwillingness to begin a civil war. The conse- 
quent hesitation accrued to the advantage of the party in actual pos- 
session of the government, and the United States used this advantage 
with energy and skill. 

An examination of the map will show the great peril of the situation 
to the Southern sympathizers in the State. The people of its eastern 
section, from the Ohio River to the Tennessee line. Democratic at the 
opening of the contest, and Southern in their sympathies, though non- 
slaveholding like their neighbors of West Virginia and East Tennessee, 
had been won over to the Unionists. Hence the Southern party was 
chiefly prevalent in the western half of the State, in a district project- 
ing like a peninsula, and surrounded by non-slaveholding and hostile 
regions. It may, also, be said in a word, what might be proved in a 
volume, that, while the centralizing Lincoln Administration spared no 
efforts or means of influence to control the action of the State, the Con- 
federate Government, either from inability to assist, or on some extreme 
theory of independent State action, or regarding Kentucky, for politi- 
cal reasons, as a better boundary than the Ohio River, did not turn its 
hand either for aid or counsel to the secessionists in that Commonwealth. 
Without the power to revolutionize the State, they were compelled to 
stand fast and see her bound to the car of conquest. Henceforth her 
people were treated as a conquered population, and pillaged, oppressed, 
and insulted, at the will of every lawless officer. 

To rehearse the story of those times is, at best, a melancholy duty, 
in which no Kentuckian can find satisfaction. The humiliation of a 
proud people is a painful spectacle ; but it was the inevitable result of 
their own political folly in clinging to faithless leaders, instead of fol- 
lowing the generous impulses that would have placed them in the van 
of battle. There was a time when her resolute demand for peace, in 
armed conjunction with the other border States, might have stayed the 



THE MOCK NEUTRALITY ENDS. 305 

hand of war; but the vacillation and imbecility of her counsels reduced 
her to the condition of an unwilling auxiliary in the abolition crusade. 
Providence protected the people of Kentucky from degradation, by 
subjecting them to a purgation of fire; "for there was not a house 
where there was not one dead." But despoiled, outraged, and bewail- 
ing their sons slain in battle, they remembered the traditions of State- 
rights and constitutional Democracy, and have since testified thereto, 
through good and evil report. 

This rapid sketch of the condition of Kentucky will serve to show 
the causes that paralyzed her action, humbled her people, and ultimately 
duped the leaders who were employed b}' the Federal Government to 
secure her unnatural adhesion to the side of the North. 

The mock neutrality of Kentucky was ended early in September. 
Major-General Polk, the Confederate commander in West Tennessee, 
having information that the Federal force at Cairo was about to seize 
Columbus, a strategic point of great importance in Southwestern Ken- 
tucky, crossed the State line, occupied Hickman on the 5th of Septem- 
ber, and on the 7th secured Columbus. General Grant, who had just 
taken command at Cairo, where he had arrived on the 2d of September, 
thus anticipated and foiled in that quarter, promptly seized Paducah, at 
the mouth of the Tennessee River, September 6th, with a detachment, 
following it with additional forces next day. General Polk made a 
respectful representation of the facts to Governor Magoffin, ofi'ering at 
the same time to withdraw the Confederate forces from Kentucky pro- 
vided the Federal forces also withdrew simultaneously, with a mutual 
guarantee not to enter or occupy any point in Kentucky in the future. 
He was warned by the proclamation of the Governor, September 13th, 
in obedience to a resolution of the General Assemblj-, "that Ken- 
tucky expects the Confederate or Tennessee troops to be withdrawn 
from her soil unconditionally." This defiance was thrown at the Con- 
federate general, under the dishonest pretext that "Kentucky's peace 
and neutrality have been wantonly violated," etc., " by the so-called 
Southern Confederate forces." Thus Kentucky formally threw down 
the gage of battle, and arrayed herself with the Xorth. 



306 MILITARY SITUATION IN KENTUCKY. 



CHAPTER XX. 

MILITARY SITUATION IN KENTUCKY. 

The command intrusted to General Johnston was imperial in ex- 
tent, his discretion as to military movements was unlimited, and his 
powers were as large as the theory of the Confederate Government per- 
mitted. He lacked nothing, except men and munitions of war, and the 
means of obtaining them. His army had to be enlisted, before it could 
be led. Subsistence could be obtained, it is true, through his com- 
missaries ; but the country was already drained of matei'ial of war to 
supply its first levies. Even soldiers were to be recruited only through 
the machinery of the States, by requisitions on their Governors ; and 
to be armed and equipped, by demands on the empty arsenals of the 
Confederac}'. The means which he adoj)ted to carry out his purposes, 
and the causes that impeded his success, will be detailed as they arise. 

General Johnston proceeded to Nashville, stopping in Knoxville 
only long enough to confer with General Felix K. Zollicoffer, who com- 
manded in East Tennessee, and to approve of the arrangements already 
made by that officer for an advance into Kentucky by way of Cumber- 
land Gap. 

On the 14th of September General Johnston reached Nashville. 
He had been looked for with the greatest anxiety by both the people 
and the State authorities ; and his arrival was greeted with a general 
and spontaneous enthusiasm. An immense multitude gathered about 
the precincts of the Capitol, and he was compelled to show himself to 
the excited concourse, and to make a brief response to their words of 
welcome. Although not a public speaker, his words were apt to have 
the ring in them that gives the key-note to popular thought. On this 
occasion he began : 

Fellow-soldiers— I call you soldiers, because you all belong to the reserve 
corps. 

The public intelligence apprehended the twofold significance of the 
phrase ; it was a people's war, and the whole people would be called 
upon to maintain it. One of the more sober journals, commenting upon 
it, observed : 

This was a well-timed remark, and showed that, as a military man, he knew 
what was coming. The South will need all of her force. Every able-bodied 
man may as well make up his mind to it, and that soon. 



THE DEFENSE OF TENNESSEE. 307 

The great exaltation of public sentiment on this occasion had an 
assuring and inspiring effect on General Johnston's hopeful tempera- 
ment. 

This was the last day that I ever saw my father — the only day after 
his return from California. I was on my way to the Army of Northern 
Virginia, in which I held a commission, and saw him for a few hours. 
He was, of course, full of the cares and business of that eventful day ; 
but, in a full, free, and confidential conversation, I learned the outline 
of much that had happened to him, and of the matters then in his 
mind. He was advised by friends to put me on his staff, as I had met 
some disappointment at the hands of the War Department. But he 
thought, and I agreed with him at the time, that, for my own sake, and 
to avoid even the semblance of partiality, it was better for me to forego 
the pleasure of this association, and serve in the position I had made 
for myself. This decision, proper as it was in its general aspects, I 
have often since regretted, for obvious reasons ; most of all, that I was 
not with him in the painful season of his reverses, for such use as I 
might have been to him, and for the lessons I might have learned in 
his example. The occasion will be my apology to the generous reader 
for these personal remarks. 

When the war began, it was at the extremities of the northern 
frontier of the Confederacy that the United States had massed its 
armies, and hither had flocked the Southern youth who had sprung to 
arms at the first note of the conflict. But the centre, the line of Ten- 
nessee from Cumberland Gap to the Mississippi River, had been left 
temporarily to such protection as the neutrality of Kentucky afforded. 
A few camps of instruction, in which unarmed recruits were learning 
the " goose-step," were magnified by the excited apprehensions of rus- 
tics into armies of invasion, and accepted as such by opposing generals. 
Neutrality, so long as it lasted, served well enough as a breakwater, 
but when this was swept away there was a gap suddenly left, and an 
army had to be created to fill it. Now that the pretense of neutrality 
was cast aside by the United States Government, it was evident that 
its plans were ripe for a forward movement upon some point of this 
line. The time had come, therefore, when the Tennessee frontier must 
be protected by a competent Confederate force so placed as to be most 
effective, and when its detached corps must be moved in unison, or 
be destroyed in detail. 

The occupation of Columbus by General Polk has already been re- 
lated. This, and the simultaneous seizure of Paducah by General Grant, 
opposing two hostile armies on the soil of Kentucky, had ended the sup- 
posed neutrality of that State. With a strong body at Camp Dick Rob- 
inson, and their troops in possession of all the important points on the 
Ohio River, an advance of the Federals seemed imminent. Although 



308 MILITARY SITUATION IN KENTUCKY. 

General Johnston had no force able to cope with that in his front, a 
bold forward movement and the establishment of a strong line might 
convince his adversary that he was beginning an offensive campaign, 
and thus procure such delay as was required for the levy and organiza- 
tion of an army. The few troops under his control, ready for service, 
used as a skirmish-line, would cover his real operations ; and there 
were both moral and material advantages, for which much might be 
hazarded, to be secured by striking the iirst blow. A fertile and pop- 
ulous district in Kentucky would be occupied, and the semblance even 
of military power might keep at arm's-length the troops designed for 
the invasion of Tennessee. General Johnston, therefore, determined, 
while in reality only acting on the defensive, to obtain as many as pos- 
sible of the advantages of an aggressive movement. The result proved 
that he had not miscalculated the effects of his policy. 

General Johnston arrived in Nashville September 14th, and on the 
same day determined to seize Bowling Green. He placed General S. 
B. Buckner in charge of the column of advance, telegraphing to Rich- 
mond for his appointment as brigadier-general, which was made next 
day, September 15th. 

The grounds of his intended movement were given by General John- 
ston to the President, the day before it was made, in the following- 
letter : 

Nashvillk, Tennessee, September 16, 1861. 

Me. President : Your dispatch of the 13th instant was received at Cbat- 
• tanooga. After full conference with Governor Harris, and " after learning the 
facts, political and military," I am satisfied that the political bearing of the ques- 
tion presented for my decision has been decided by the Legislature of Kentucky. 
I The Legislature of Kentucky has required the prompt removal of all Confederate 

I forces from her soil, and the Governor of Kentucljy has issued his proclamation 

to that effect. The troops tcill not be withdrawn. It is not possible to with- 
draw tliem now from Columbus in the west and from Cumberland Ford in the 
east, without opening the frontiers of Tennessee and the Mississippi Kiver to 
tiie enemy ; and this is regarded as essential to our present line of defense, as 
well as to any future operations. So far from yielding to the demand for the 
withdrawal of our troops, I have determined to occupy Bowling Green at once. 

Information I believe to be reliable has just been received that General Polk 
has advanced upon Paducah with 7,500 men. The indications are distinct lead- 
ing to the conclusion that the enemy design to advance on the l^ashville Kail- 
road, and will immediately occupy Bowling Green if not anticipated. 

I design to-morrow (which is the earliest practicable moment) to take posses- 
sion of Bowling Green with 5,000 troops, and prepare to support the movement 
with such force as circumstances may indicate, and the means at my command 
may allow. 

Full reports of the forces of my department will be made at the earliest prac- 
ticable moment. 

But enough is already apparent, I respectfully submit, considering the in- 



THE CONFEDERATE LINE. 309 

tended line of our defenses, and the threatening attitude and increasing forces 
of the enemy in Missouri and Kentucky, to authorize and require of me the as- 
surance to you that we have not over half the armed forces that are now likely 
to be required for our security against disaster. 

I feel assured that I can command the requisite number of men, but we are 
deficient in arms. 

By letter of the 15th instant, borne by a special messenger, I have called 
earnestly upon the Governors of Georgia and Alabama for arms which I am 
assured they possess. If I fail with them, I shall appeal to your Excellency for 
your support and assistance. I believe that those States have quite a number of 
arms, and that a portion, at least, of them ought to be spared to this line of our 
defenses. 

Having no officer that I could place in command of the movement on Bowl- 
ing Green, I have been compelled to select and appoint General Simon B. Buck- 
ner a brigadier-general, subject to your approval, which I hope it may meet. 

The occupation of Bowling Green is an act of self-defense, rendered necessary 
by the action of the government of Kentucky, and by the evidences of intended 
movements of the Federal forces. 

I would be glad to have the services of G. W. Smith, if it is in the power of 
your Excellency to assign hiin to my command. 

Any orders of your Excellency will be executed promptly, and any sugges- 
tions you may make will be received with pleasure. 
With great respect, your obedient servant, 

A. S. JomfSTOx, General C. S. A. 

His Excellency Jefferson Davis. 

A few days prior to Buckner's movement, General Felix K. Zolli- 
coffer, in accordance with arrangements previously made, advanced to 
Cumberland Ford with about four thousand men. In the west, Felici- 
ana, thirty miles east of Columbus, Fort Henry, Fort Donelson, and 
Hopkinsville, were garrisoned with small bodies of troops ; and the 
territory between Columbus and Bowling Green was occupied by mov- 
ing detachments, which created a vague apprehension of military force 
and projected enterprises. These dispositions gave the Confederates, 
when Bowling Green was occupied, an angular base, wdth its extremities 
at Columbus and Cumberland Ford, and its salient at Bowling Green. 
The passes of the Cumberland Mountains into Southwest Virginia, also 
committed to General Johnston's care, were intrusted to about three 
hundred militia, enlisted in Virginia for three months for local defense. 
The movement upon Bowling Green was committed to General S. B. 
Buckner, as already stated. 

Buckner, after his resignation, and after some ineffectual attempts 
to secure the promised neutrality of Kentucky, had gone South, but 
with no settled purpose of taking up arms. He had refused a com- 
mission of brigadier-general ; but, at General Johnston's request, he 
now threw himself into the cause, thinking the moment for action 
bad arrived. Like many others who made great sacrifices for peace. 



310 MILITARY SITUATION IN KENTUCKY. 

he suffered more obloquy than fiercer spirits ; but the man who ques- 
tions Buckner's integrity invites doubt of his own honesty or intel- 
Ugence. 

General Johnston's instructions to him were as follows : 

You will, in order to cover the northern line occupied by the Confederate 
army in this department, and threatened by the army of the United States, 
concentrate your command at Bowhng Green, Kentucky, and secure and hold 
this important point in our line of defense. . . . Secrecy in preparation and 
promptness in execution give the best, if not the only, promise of success ; and 
the general is confident you will be wanting in neither. 

Buckner moved on the 17th of September by rail, and entered Bowl- 
ing Green on the 18th, at 10 A. m. He had some 4,000 men, about 
3,000 of whom were Tennessee troops from Camp Trousdale, near Nash- 
ville, and the remainder Kentuckians, composed of the Second Ken- 
tucky Regiment, Byrne's battery, and part of the Third and Fourth 
Kentucky Regiments, the greater part being left behind unarmed. Colo- 
nel Hawes was thrown forward with the Second Kentucky Regiment 
and Byrne's battery, as an outpost, to the Green River railroad bridge, 
where these troops staid two weeks, when they were withdrawn to 
Bowling Green. A train carrying some troops to Horse Cave, to recon- 
noitre and recruit, was thrown from the track by a displaced rail. This 
slight accident, of no special import, has passed into Federal history 
as a discomfiture that prevented the capture of Louisville, and arrested 
a whole plan of campaign, 

Buckner's movement produced an excitement out of all proportion 
to his force. It had all the effect of a surprise, causing the utmost con- 
fusion among the enemy. His scouts burned the bridge over Salt River, 
thirty miles from Louisville, in which city the wildest rumors were 
afloat and his vanguard was hourly expected. His advance was sig- 
nificantly interpreted as an answer to the defiance launched by the 
Legislature one week before. General Sherman says (vol. i., page 197) : 

This was universally known to be the signal for action. For it we were utterly 
unprepared, whereas the rebels were fully prepared. General Sidney Johnston 
immediately crossed into Kentucky, and advanced as far as Bowling Green, which 
he began to fortify, and thence dispatched General Buckner with a division for- 
ward toward Louisville. 

Van Home, speaking of Buckner, says, " He advanced to capture 
Louisville." 

The Comte de Paris tells us his purpose was — 

To traverse the whole State of Kentucky by rail, so as to reach Louisville 
with a sufficient number of troops to take possession of that city, and to hoist 
the Confederate flag on the banks of the Ohio. ... It failed of success. . . . 



CONFEDERATE ADVANCE. 311 

Learning that his movements were known, and that the enemy was on the watch 
for him, Buckner, who had already reached the suburbs of Elizabethtown, not 
far from the Ohio, halted, and fell back upon Bowling Green. 

When it is remembered that these eminent Federal military writers 
published their volumes more than thirteen years after the events nar- 
rated, and that the facts could have been easily learned by inquiry, it 
will be seen how profound and permanent an impression the miscon- 
ception of the time made upon them. 

General Johnston's whole available force — 4,000 men — a mere skir- 
mish-line to mask his preparations from the enemy, was thrown for- 
ward with Buckner. About 4,000 more Tennesseeans were already in 
camp in Middle Tennessee, but not half of them were armed, and these 
with country rifles and shot-guns ; they were not yet fully organized or 
equipped; and nearly half their number were on the sick-list with 
measles and other camp epidemics. One regiment (foreigners), at Fort 
Henry, was in open mutiny. Besides these troops there were also some 
unarmed Kentuckians in Tennessee. 

On taking possession of Bowling Green, General Buckner, in Gen- 
eral Order No. 2, September 19th, particularly charged his soldiers — 

To respect the civil rights of every citizen of Kentucky, without regard to 
political sentiments. Any invasion of these rights on their part will be visited 
by the severest penalties. 

General Buckner issued a stirring proclamation, September 18th, re- 
citing the breaches of neutrality by the Legislature, and the despotic 
acts of the President of the United States, and ofiering to retire from 
the State if the Federal forces would do likewise. But, of course, this 
was no longer expected by anybody. 

General Johnston issued the following manifesto :. 

PROCLAMATION. 

Whereas, The armed occupation of a part of Kentucky by the United States, 
and the preparations which manifest the intention of their Government to in- 
vade the Confederate States through that territory, has imposed it onthese last 
as a necessity of self-defense to enter that State and meet the invasion upon the 
best line for military operations ; 

And whereas, It is proper that the motives of the Government of the Con- 
federate States in taking this step should be fully known to the world : 

Now, therefore, I, Albert Sidney Johnston, general and commander of the 
Western Department of the army of the Confederate States of America, do 
proclaim that these States have thus marched their troops into Kentucky with 
no hostile intention toward its people, nor do they desire or seek to control 
their choice in regard to their union with either of the Confederacies, or to sub- 
jugate their State, or hold its soil against their wishes. On the contrary, they 
deem it to be the right of the people of Kentucky to determine their own posi- 



312 MILITARY SITUATION IN KENTUCKY. 

tion in regard to the belligerents. It is for them to say whether they will join 
either Confederacy, or maintain a separate existence as an independent and sov- 
ereign State. The armed occupation of their soil, both as to its extent and dura- 
tion, will, therefore, be strictly limited by the exigencies of self-defense on the 
part of the Confederate States. These States intend to conform to all the re- 
quirements of public law, and international amity as between themselves and 
Kentucky, and accordingly I hereby command all who are subject to my orders 
to pay entire respect to the rights of property and the legal autborities within 
that State, so far as the same may be compatible with the necessities of self- 
defense. If it be the desire of the people of Kentucky to maintain a strict and 
impartial neutrality, then the effort to drive out the lawless intruders who seek to 
make their State the theatre of war will aid them in the attainment of their 
wishes. If, as it may not be unreasonable to suppose, those people desire to 
unite their fortunes with the Confederate States, to whom they are already 
bound by so many ties of interest, then the appearance and aid of Confederate 
troops will assist them to make an opportunity for the free and unbiased ex- 
pression of their will upon the subject. But if it be true, which is not to be 
presumed, that a majority of those people desire to adhere to the United States 
and become parties to the war, then none can doubt the right of the other 
belligerent to meet that war whenever and wherever it may be waged. But 
harboring no such suspicion, I now declare, in the name of the Government 
which I serve, that its army shall be withdrawn from Kentucky so soon as there 
shall be satisfactory evidence of the existence and execution of a like intention 
on the part of the United States. 

By order of the President of the Confederate States of America : 

A. S. JonsrsTox, 
General of the Western Department of the Army of the 
Confederate States of America. 

In determining his line of operations, General Johnston had to con- 
sider the geography of the theatre of war, the political complexion of 
the population, and the strength and disposition of the forces opposed 
to him. Each of these conditions was of such a character as to put him 
at a disadvantage. 

There were moral and political as "well as physical considerations 
entering into the situation, which made the more advanced positions 
impracticable. It is true that Federal writers have constantly spoken 
of the ease with which the line of the Ohio River might have been 
taken by the Confederates, but it is always on the assumption that 
General Johnston had a large and well-appointed force, which was not 
the case. The political attitude of the Commonwealth of Kentucky 
gave a decided advantage to the Federal cause ; but the peculiar dis- 
tribution of political sentiment by geographical strata also operated to 
strengthen the Unionists and to disable the Southern sympathizers. 
An inspection of the map will reveal how powerful this influence was, 
and what an element of weakness it became to the Confederacy on 
General Johnston's line. 



THE THEATRE OF WAR. 313 

The Alleghany Mountains and their western side-ranges form a huge 
quadrangle, extending from Pennsylvania southwestwardly into Georgia 
and Alabama, and embracing Western Virginia, East Tennessee, and 
Eastern Kentuckj^ Its population, the overflow by emigration of the 
poorer classes of Virginia and North Carolina, was rude, hardy, and 
ignorant. A sort of clanship, based on association and kinship, pre- 
vailed among this primitive people, who followed with blind confidence 
local leaders, eminent for wealth or popular arts. Hence they usually 
voted and acted in masses. It is sufficient to say that the United 
States Government, more clearly than the Confederate, appreciated 
the character and importance of these mountaineers, and secured the 
adhesion of their leaders to the Federal side. The consequence was, 
the loss of the whole population, from the crests of the AUeghanies to 
their western foot-hills, and the creation of a disloyal and hostile sec- 
tion, severing the East from the West, and converting the Gibraltar 
of the South into a stronghold for its foes. 

A line from the mouth of the Big Sandy River, where West Vir- 
ginia, Ohio, and Kentucky corner, to Bowling Green, roughly indicates 
the western edge of this Union district. But a belt of country through 
Western Kentucky and Tennessee, from the Ohio River to the State 
of Mississippi, was also full of Unionists ; and, indeed, in all Western 
Kentucky county was set against county, and every house was divided 
against itself. The whole land was become a debatable ground. The 
chief Confederate element, however, was contained in a narrow district 
along the Ohio River, fifty or sixty miles wide, almost isolated from 
the South, and surrounded by hostile regions. Wealthy and slavehold- 
ing, this population was much demoralized by the course of events and 
by Federal military occupation ; and no effectual assistance could be 
rendered it, without an invasion in force and a Confederate army on 
the banks of the Ohio. As this was not possible, the only practical 
question was, how much territory could be included in the Southern 
lines, and how far these could be advanced without rashness, and with- 
out disclosing the insufficiency of the Confederate force. 

Every circumstance pointed to Cumberland Gap as a strategic point 
of the first importance ; and a fortified camp was established there as 
the right of General Johnston's line, and a barrier to the invasion of 
East Tennessee. 

The water-lines of the West Avere a source of great weakness to 
the Confederacy. The converging currents of so many rivers, uniting 
at Cairo in one great flood, enabled the United States Government to 
collect flotillas of gunboats, which searched out every navigable stream, 
and overawed communities unaccustomed to war. The line of defen- 
sive works in progress at difi"erent points from Columbus to Memphis 
might be expected to defy this fresh-water navy ; but the river system 



314 MILITARY SITUATION IN KENTUCKY. 

of Kentucky itself was tributary to the North. The Cumberland and 
the Tennessee Rivers, rising in the Alleghanies, flow first southwest, 
and thence by sharp bends to the north, traversing respectively the 
northern and southern portions of Tennessee, and finally emptying close 
together into the Ohio near its mouth. The history of the attempt to 
defend these rivers by forts at Donelson and Henry will be given in de- 
tail hereafter. General Grant had possession of Smithland and Padu- 
cah, at their mouths. Indeed, the outlets and navigable waters of all 
the rivers of Kentucky, the Sand}^, Licking, Kentucky, and Green, were 
in the hands of the Federals, and gave them the great military advan- 
tage of easy communication with their base by water-ways. Green and 
Barren Rivers, locked and dammed, cut the Louisville & Nashville Rail- 
road, so as to render any point in advance of Bowling Green unsafe ; 
while Bowling Green itself, situated on the turnpike, railroad, and river, 
was a good position for defense. Thus, as Columbus and the Cumberland 
Mountains had become the extremities of the Confederate line by force 
of natural conditions, so Bowling Green, likewise, became its salient. 
The communications to the rear of this point by railroads and by a 
macadamized turnpike, and the facilities for transportation by land and 
water, were as good and as safe as could be expected. The line was 
not all that could be wished; it ran through an unfriendly or lukewarm 
population, and it was pierced by two great rivers, whose mouths were 
in the possession of the enemy ; but every other line had equal or 
greater disadvantages. In war, as elsewhere, we must take things as 
we find them, not as we would have them. 

But to the other considerations already mentioned must be added 
the great disparity in the numbers and resources of the opponents. 
The Federal forces in General Johnston's front were everywhere about 
double the numbers he could bring to bear against them ; and their 
superiority in arms, equipments, transportation, organization, and dis- 
cipline, was still greater. The United States troops opposed to him 
were over 36,000 strong, while his own available force was less than 
20,000 men. General Fremont reports that he had, September 14, 
1861, at and near Cairo, 12,831 men, and at Paducah, 7,791 men ; to- 
gether, 20,622 men, under General IT, S. Grant.' General Robert An- 
derson commanded the Central Department. The fortune of war, 
which gave General Johnston his former room-mate at West Point as 
his second in command, confronted him thus with his early friend An- 
derson as his antagonist. Anderson was able to oppose to Buckner, 

1 "Report on the Conduct of the War," part iii., p. 41. In this estimate he only 
puts the forces in his department at 55,000 men. General McClellan, in his " Report of 
the Army of the Potomac," p. 48, estimates Fremont's forces, from the best information 
at the War Department, at 80,000 men, or about 45 per cent. more. This rate of increase 
would give General Grant 30,000 men. 



STRENGTH OF ARMIES. 315 

at the tap of the drum, Rousseau's brigade, 1,200 strong, 1,800 Home 
Guards from Louisville, and several companies led by Lieutenant- 
Colonel R. W. Johnson, under General W. T. Sherman, at Muldrough's 
Hill, to whom he also sent, within a week, the Sixth, Thirty-eighth, 
and Thirty-ninth Indiana Regiments, the Forty-ninth Ohio Regiment, 
and the Twenty-fourth Illinois Regiment (not less than 3,000 men), 
making over 6,000 effectives in all.' General Thomas had at Camp 
Dick Robinson four Kentucky, two East Tennessee, and " several " 
regiments from Ohio and Indiana ; ' probably 6,000 men. He had also 
a large auxiliary force of Home Guards, useful " to protect roads and 
keep the disloyal element in awe." General William Nelson had six 
regiments of infantry, besides cavalry and artillery, at and near Mays- 
ville, probably 4,000 men.* Here we have 34,000 volunteers ; and, 
•with home guards, probably over 40,000 troops. 

To oppose this force General Johnston had, available under Polk, 
11,000 troops (estimated) ; under Buckner, 4,000 men ; and under Zol- 
licoffer, 4,000 more. The whole force in Zollicoffer's district of East 
Tennessee consisted nominally of ten regiments of infantry, seventeen 
companies of cavalry, and a six-gun battery of six-pounders ; but only 
five regiments, the artillery, and twelve companies of cavalry, were in 
condition to move into Kentucky — less than 4,000. There Avas not a 
quartermaster or engineer in the command, and the arms and equip- 
ments were very poor. At Pound Gap, 300 Virginia militia, enlisted 
for three months, constituted the sole defense. Thus, General John- 
ston's available force, from the Big Sandy to the Mississippi, was only 
about 19,000 men. 

It is thus apparent that the real question to be determined was not 
as between an offensive and a defensive campaign ; this had already 
been settled by the physical and political considerations mentioned, 
and by the preponderance in the Federal strength, organization, and 
resources. The real questions were, how and where to maintain the sem- 
blance of a force sufficient for defense until an army could be created. 

It has been alleged that Louisville might have been captured by a 
bold stroke. This is possibly true ; but this event, so much dreaded 
by the Federals, must have been followed by a concentration of their 
troops, by the precipitate retreat and demoralization of the Confeder- 
ates, and by an exposure of weakness that must have led to disaster. 
It is evident that, until an adequate force could be collected, actual 
collision was to be avoided. The strength of the Confederate line has 
been recognized by their adversaries; and there can scarcely be a 
doubt that it was the most judicious that could have been adopted 
under the circumstances, 

* " History of the Army of the Cumberland," vol. i., p. 29. 
« Ibid., vol. !., pp. 27-37. 3 Ibid., vol. i., pp. 74, 75. 



316 MILITARY SITUATION IN KENTUCKY. 

Among General Johnston's papers are certain memoranda, in- 
tended as the basis of his reply to an inquiry instituted by the Con- 
federate Congress as to why he did not inaugurate an offensive cam- 
paign. Though applying to his conduct at a later period, they contain 
substantially his reasons for the adoption and maintenance of the de- 
fensive line established by him. With the explanations already given, 
these ought to settle the question : 

MEMORANDUM. 

I took command at Bowling Green on the 28th day of October, 1861, the 
force being nearly 12,000 men. From the best information we could get, the 
forces of the enemy were estimated at nearly twice the number of our own when 
I assumed command. There were many reasons why Bowling Green was held 
and fortified. It was a good base of military operations ; was a proper depot 
for supplies; was capable, if fortified, of being held against largely superior 
numbers. If the army should be such that a forward movement was prac- 
ticable, it could be held by a garrison, and our effective force be left free to 
operate against an enemy in the field. It was in supporting distance of Ten- 
nessee, from and through which reenforcements and munitions must come, if 
the people of Kentucky should be either hostile or neutral. My force was too 
weak and too illy appointed to advance against greatly superior numbers, per- 
fectly equipped and provided, and being much more rapidly reenforced than my 
own. Our advance into Kentucky had not been met by the enthusiastic up- 
rising of friends, which we, and many in and out of that State, had believed 
would take place. Arms were scarce, and we had none to give them. No 
prudent commander would thus hazard the fate of an entire army, so much 
weaker than the enemy, and dependent upon support not certain to come, and 
wanting in arms and discipline if it should. 

Muldrough's Hill possessed no strategic importance, was worthless as a 
base of operations, and I had ordered General Buckner, in the first place, not 
to advance to that position, because the Green River, flowing directly across the 
line between Bowling Green and Muldrough's Hill, and being navigable, gave 
the enemy every desirable facility to cut the line in two in the rear of any force 
at Muldrough's Hill. Buckner's force was small, was illy armed, had no trans- 
portation except by rail, was deficient in many necessary appointments for 
making a campaign, and many of his men were fresh from home and wholly 
undisciplined. The enemy's forces increased much more rapidly than Buck- 
ner's ; and the ratio of increase was fully preserved after I took command. 

In another rough memorandum, General Johnston states that Buck- 
ner's force was at first only 4,000 strong. He adds : 

Arrived 14th of October ; took command, 28th. Force, 17th of October, 
about 12,000; same on 28th, Enemy's force reported by Buckner, on 4th of 
October, advancing, 12,000 to 14,000 ; 28th of October, estimated at double our 
own, or about 24,000. Tiie enemy's force increased much more rapidly than 
our own ; so that by the last of November it numbered 50,000, and continued to 
increase until it ran up to between 75,000 and 100,000. Force was kept down 
by disease, so that it remained about 22,000. 



FEDERAL PLANS. 317 

Tennessee was threatened on four lines : by the Mississippi, the 
Cumberland and Tennessee, the Louisville & Nashville Railroad, and 
East Tennessee. These four approaches were covered, as far as pos- 
sible, by the three corps already mentioned : Polk at Columbus, 
Buckner at Bowling Green, and Zollicoffer at Cumberland Gap, The 
enemy was much the stronger, and was operating on interior lines. It 
was desirable to strengthen the centre ; but Zollicoffer required all of 
his little army for the service in which he was employed, and more too. 
Its successes in Western Virginia and Missouri had encouraged the 
United States Government to plan an invasion of East Tennessee, 
which should cut the only Confederate line of railroad communication 
between Virginia and the South west of the Blue Ridge, and stir up 
the disaffected inhabitants to insurrection. Already two regiments of 
East Tennesseeans had found their way to Camp Dick Robinson ; and, 
at that time, the presence of a United States army would have roused 
a numerous and warlike population in revolt against the Confederacy. 

Van Home says ("Army of the Cumberland," vol. i,, page 37) ; 

General Thomas suggested to General Anderson the importance of con- 
centrating for an advance to Knoxville, Tennessee, to seize the East Tennessee 
& Virginia Railroad, destroy all the bridges east and west from Knoxville, and 
then to turn upon Zollicoffer, while in the passes of the Cumberland Mountains, 
and, by getting between him and his supplies, effect the capture or dispersion of 
his array. The desirableness of this movement was enhanced by tlie fact that 
Nashville had recently been made a base of supplies for the Confederate army 
in Virginia. Its success would sever the most direct connection between the 
Confederate armies East and West, and relieve from tyranny the loyal people of 
East Tennessee. 

The same pages show that this design was kept constant!}' in view, 
and demonstrate the necessity for a Confederate army in that quarter 
to guard the entrances to the land. It certainly never had force to 
spare. 

On the loth of September, 1861, in Orders No, 1, General Johnston 
assumed command of the department, and Lieutenant-Colonel W. W. 
Mackall was announced as assistant adjutant-general and chief of staff. 
A little later, Order No. 2, as follows, was issued : 

nEADQrAKTERS, WESTERN DePABTMEN'T, > 

CoLCiiBCB, Kentcckt, September 26, 1S61. ( 
Orders No. 2. 

The following officers are announced as the personal and departmental staff 
of General Albert S. Johnston, commanding, viz. : 

Peesoxal Staff. — Aide-de- Camp : R. P. Hunt, lieutenant C. S. Array. Vol- 
vnteer Aides: Colonels Robert "W. Johnson, Thomas 0. Reynolds, Samuel Tate; 
Majors George T. Howard, D. M. Haydon, and Edward "W. Munford. 

Department of Orders. — Assistant Adjutant- Generals : Lieutenant-Colonel 
"W. W. Mackall, Captain H. P. Brewster, First-Lieutenant N. "Wickliffe (acting). 



318 GENERAL POLK AND COLUMBUS, KENTUCKY. 

Quartermaster's Department. — Princijml Quartermaster: Major Albert 
J. Smith. 

Commissary Department. — Principal Commissary : Captain Thomas K. 
Jackson. 

Engineer's Corps, — First-Lieutenant Joseph Dixon. 

By command of General A. S. Johnston. 

W. "W. Mackall, Assistant Adjutant-General. 

The appointments of " volunteer aides " were made chiefly to secure 
intelligent advice on the political affairs of the department, each State 
of which was represented on the staff. 



CHAPTER XXI. 

GENERAL POLK AND COLUMBUS, KENTUCKY. 

As General Polk felt unwilling to leave his post at Columbus, just 
at this juncture, and as General Johnston wished to obtain as full a 
knowledge as possible of his line of defense, he went thither on the 
18th of September. It was a great pleasure to him to meet again, after 
the lapse of many years, his old comrade. It was no small consideration 
to feel that he had in so responsible a position a friend to whose loyalty 
of heart and native chivalry he could trust entirely, and one who, if 
long unused to arms, was yet, by virtue of early training, and a bold, 
aggressive spirit, every inch a soldier. 

General Polk's great services, his close public and private relations 
with the subject of this memoir, his anomalous position as bishop and 
general, and the wide misapprehension of his life and character by those 
who knew only one side or the other, warrant a more extended notice. 

Leonidas Polk was descended from a family noted in our Revolution- 
ary annals. It came from the north of Ireland about 1722, to Maryland; 
and about 1753, Thomas, the son of William Polk, found a congenial 
home in the Scotch-Irish settlement of Mecklenburg County, in the 
province of North Carolina. Here he married and prospered, attaining 
wealth and eminence among his people. It may be recollected that for 
Mecklenburg County is claimed the honor of making the first Declara- 
tion of Independence from the mother-country. According to the his- 
torian of these events. Colonel Thomas Polk convoked the meeting that 
took this first step in treason. He was a prime mover for resistance, an 
active patriot and soldier in the War of the Revolution, and rose to the 
rank of brigadier-general in the State forces. 



LEONID AS POLK. 3I9 

William Polk, his eldest son, then a lad not seventeen years old, left 
college in April, 1775, to become a lieutenant in the South Carolina 
line. He was actively engaged to the end of the w^ar, toward the close 
as lieutenant-colonel, and was twice desperately wounded, once in the 
shoulder and again in the mouth. In 1783, he was made Surveyor-Gen- 
eral of Middle Tennessee, and removed to where Nashville now stands. 
He returned, however, to North Carolina, where he held various honor- 
able and important trusts, and died at Raleigh in 1834, aged seventy-six 
years. Like his father, he was a fine type of that sturdy and tenacious 
Scotch-Irish stock which knows so well how to subdue the opposing 
forces of Nature and man, and to maintain its rights against all odds. 

Leonidas Polk was the fourth son of Colonel William Polk, and was 
born in Raleigh, North Carolina, i\.pril 10, 1806. He was an ardent, 
energetic, athletic youth ; and, after spending one j-ear at the famous 
college at Chapel Hill, North Carolina, went to West Point in 1823. 
Here, as has been previously told, he became the room-mate of Albert 
Sidney Johnston, who, though one year his senior in the Academy, and 
several years older, regarded him with an affection that ripened into 
life-long friendship. He applied himself with zeal to his studies, and 
stood among the first for more than two years ; but some neglect of 
duty lost him his stand, and he fell into a brief state of indifference and 
disappointment. Looking into the future from this gloom, he began to 
contemplate the mysteries of life and death, the solution of which he 
found in the religion of Christ. He entered on his new walk in life 
with enthusiasm, and it served as an incentive to every honorable deed. 
He even went beyond his strength, and, persevering in duty while ill, 
brought on an attack of pneumonia that impaired his health for years. 
He was graduated eighth in his class in 1827. 

The young soldier, after a little delay, resigned his commission, re- 
solving to devote himself to the ministry. At this time he engaged 
himself to Miss Devereaux, to whom he had been attached from early 
boyhood ; but the marriage was postponed until he had finished his 
theological education at Alexandria. He was married in May, 1830, and 
ordained in the Monumental Church, Richmond, Virginia, by Bishop 
Moore, to whom he became episcopant. To those who remember the 
stately presence and powerful form of the warrior-bishop thirty years 
later, it may sound strange to hear that for years he was often disabled 
by ill-health, and more than once pronounced on the verge of the grave. 
He was ordained priest May 31, 1831, but soon bo-took himself, on horse- 
back, to the Valley of Virginia and thence to Philadelphia, in search of 
health. He was advised by eminent physicians that a sea-voyage and rest 
from all labor could alone save his life, and at once sailed for Europe. 

Mr. Polk remained more than a year abroad, traveling in France, 
Germany, Italy, and England, and returned greatly improved in health, 
22 



320 GENERAL POLK AND COLUMBUS, KENTUCKY. 

in October, 1832. He was still warned that the open air alone would 
save him, and in 1834 settled as a farmer on a large tract of land in 
Maury County, Tennessee, which Colonel William Polk divided between 
four of his sons. Here these brethren dwelt in unity, as affluent farmers. 
His restless energy remaining unsatisfied by the management of a large 
estate and many slaves, he established a saw and grist mill, a steam 
flouring-mill, and a bagging-factory, and interested himself in other 
kindred enterprises. He also projected and raised the funds to build 
the Columbia Institute, a seminary for girls. Though Columbia was 
seven miles distant, he preached in the church there, and also weekly 
to the negroes ; attending likewise the General Convention, and per- 
forming other ministerial duties. These labors brought on two attacks 
of illness, in May, 1836, and he was obliged to desist. But he persuaded 
Bishop Otey to take the church in Columbia, while he still preached to 
his own servants, and devoted himself to good works. He was, in 
very truth, a pillar of his Church ; and his genial and affectionate tem- 
per cast a pleasant light over his happy and hospitable household, and 
throughout his neighborhood. 

In 1838 he was made Missionary Bishop of the Southwest, and was 
consecrated on the 8th of December. Though he had embarrassed him- 
self by a security debt for $30,000, his means were still ample, and he 
entered with energy upon a field embracing Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas, 
and the Indian Territory. Hardship, danger, and privation, were con- 
stant attendants of his missionary work ; and not only his salary, but 
much more, went to build up the infant church. In 1841 he was elected 
Bishop of Louisiana, and his usefulness was increased by this concen- 
tration of effort. 

A series of providential visitations, not necessary to be recounted 
here, had crippled Bishop Polk's large estate ; but his pecuniary losses 
neither shook his earnest faith nor abated his hope and zeal in all good 
works. 

The chief business of Bishop Polk's life for five or six years before 
the war, though not to the detriment of his duties as bishop, was in 
developing the plan and procuring the endowment of the University of 
the South, at Sewanee, on the Cumberland Mountains, in Tennessee. 
He secured 5,000 acres of land, and subscriptions for $400,000, and 
gave the start to an institution which is now doing a very useful work, 
and has before it a career of most excellent promise, but which he 
designed making second to none in this country — a place where South- 
ern youth could obtain all those advantages of the higher university 
education which they were then seeking at the North or abroad. The 
building up of this institution had now become the great end of his 
life, when the war broke in upon his labors. 

He was largely engaged in sugar and cotton planting, and was 



THE BISHOP-SOLDIER. 321 

growing old gracefully in the beneficent exercise of two responsible func- 
tions, as a patriarchal master of many slaves, and as an overseer of part 
of Christ's flock, when the clangor of war called him to the field of battle. 
Considerable surprise was created by Bishop Polk's action in taking 
a military command early in the war. The circumstances were as fol- 
lows, as they are detailed to the writer by Dr. William M. Polk, the 
bishop's son, himself a gallant soldier of the " Lost Cause : " 

In June, 1861, Bishop Polk went to Virginia to visit the Louisiana troops in 
bis episcopal capacity. Governor Harris, of Tennessee, had asked him to call 
upon Mr. Davis, and urged upon him prompt measures for the defense of the 
Mississippi Valley. This, together with a desire to see his old friend, induced 
him to call on the President. The bishop, knowing the transcendent ability of 
General Johnston, urged Mr. Davis to reserve that most important field for him. 
As it was known that the general could not reach us for some time, the question 
came up as to who should be sent out to take the position pending bis arrival. 
To Bishop Polk's utter surprise, Mr. Davis urged it upon him. Suffice it to say, 
that, after mature deliberation, be deemed it bis duty to accept the position, and be 
did so ; it being understood that, so soon as General Johnston had assumed full con- 
trol. General Polk should be allowed to resign and return to bis episcopal work. 

In November, 1861, General Polk, feeling that there was no longer a neces- 
sity for bis remaining in the army, and anxious to be permitted to return to bis 
episcopal work, sent in his resignation to the President. Mr. Davis declined to 
receive it, however, and gave such reasons, backed up by those of other mem- 
bers of the Government, as to convince General Polk that it was not proper, at 
that time, to urge the matter further. He therefore consented to bold liis posi- 
tion until such time as the Government should feel disposed to release him. 
Upon two subsequent occasions he made like attempts, but with like results. 
Proceeding to Memphis, be assumed command of his department. 

Bishop Polk, at this time, wrote to the patriarchal Meade, Bishop 
of Virginia, justifying his course. He said, " When I accept a com- 
mission in the Confederate army, I not only perform the duties of a 
good citizen, but contend for the principles which lie at the foundation 
of our social, political, and religious polity. " He did not resign his 
bishopric, and always hoped to resume its functions. He said, not long 
before his death : " I feel like a man who has dropped his business 
when his house is on fire, to put it out ; for, as soon as the war is 
over, I will return to my sacred calling." This was not to be ; he died 
in harness. But his great work went on in his example as a soldier ; 
for self-sacrifice is the highest consecration known to the Christian 
world. He had his martyrdom, which, if doubtful in the eyes of many, 
is yet veritable with those for whom he fought and died. 

Many anecdotes are told of him, illustrating his martial energy, 
while he was still a missionary bishop. His tall and powerful form, 
his resolute gray eye, broad, square, intellectual brow, aquiline fea- 
tures, mrssive jaw, and air of command, made him a striking figure, 



322 GENERAL POLK AND COLUMBUS, KENTUCKY. 

whether in the pulpit or in the saddle. His manner combined suavity, 
vivacity, and resolute will. When a missionary in the Southwest, he 
stopped to dine at the house of Mr. McMacken, a planter. His host, 
addressing him as "general," was corrected, and told he was ^^ Sishop 
Polk ; " but replied, quickly, " I knew he was a commanding officer in 
the department to which he belonged." 

He was once at church, where he heard a brother bishop preach, 
the subject of the discourse being principally the travels of the speaker 
in Europe. As they were coming out of the building, a friend asked 
Bishop Polk, sarcastically, " Do you call that the gospel ? " To which 
he replied : " Oh, no ! that is the Acts of the Apostles .^" 

The following is an illustration of the piety and earnestness of his 
character, as well as of the charm of his manner : After having, in 
the course of his travels, staid at the house of a gentleman, previously 
unknown to him, as the bishop drove from the gate his host remarked, 
"I now realize what the apostle meant when he said, 'Some have en- 
tertained angels unawares.' " 

In this brief sketch and these anecdotes may be discovered the signs 
of an heroic nature. Polk believed that no calling gave the citizen 
exemption from the duty of defending his home and country. As a 
priest, he had always remembered that he was a gentleman and a 
soldier of Christ ; as a soldier, he never forgot that, though consecrated 
to a mission of patriotism, he was first of all a Christian. It certainly 
does not become any preaching zealot, who served as a trumpeter call- 
ing others to the fray, to condemn or censure him who took up the 
sword. While Cornelius, the centurion, is accounted righteous, or 
Abraham is justified for rescuing Lot, the Southern people will hold 
dear the memory of the soldier-bishop. Henceforth, General Polk was 
the right arm of his commander. The currents of these two lives that 
had so nearly touched toward their sources, and afterward had parted 
so widely, moved thereafter with a common purpose to a common end. 
Their friendship was founded upon mutual esteem. When General 
Polk came from Europe, he brought with him a beautiful onyx cameo — 
the head of Washington — which he gave to General Johnston on his 
return, saying : " I could find nothing so appropriate as a present for 
you ; for I have never known any one whose character so closely re- 
sembled Washington's in all respects as j^our own." A very dear 
friend confirms this view of General Johnston thus : " Did you ever 
see Jefferson's estimate of the character of Washington ? It is better 
than the best for General Johnston." 

When General Polk took command in West Tennessee, his depart- 
ment extended from the mouth of the Arkansas River, on both sides 
of the Mississippi, to the northern limits of Confederate authority, and 
east as far as the Mobile & Ohio Railroad. For the following account 



ORGANIZATION OF TENNESSEE TROOPS. 323 

of his services, previous to General Johnston's arrival, I am again in- 
debted to Dr. William M. Polk : 

The force which he found in his command was mainly composed of a part 
of the Tennessee State army, together with some few Confederate troops in 
Mississippi. General Pillow, as the representative of the Tennessee State forces, 
was in chief command at Memphis ; and the credit of all that had heen done 
prior to that time is clearly his. A man of marked energy and executive abil- 
ity, he was in a position to be of signal service to General Polk in the work 
that lay before him, Isham G. Harris, the Governor of the State, was in truth 
. a " war Governor." Filled with energy and of great ability, he had done mucli 
toward organizing an efficient force throughout his State. This was now trans- 
ferred to the Confederate Government, that portion belonging to West Ten- 
nessee coming under General Polk's jurisdiction. He at once set himself to 
work to increase his army, and perfect its organization. Much had been done, 
but much remained to be accomplished before we could be in condition to make 
headway against the enemy. Everything was in embryo. Seizing upon the 
materials at hand, General Polk set himself to work to create out of it an 
efficient army, and to prepare his department for offensive or defensive opera- 
tions, as occasion might require. Recruiting was pushed night and day ; the 
entire country was ransacked for small-arms, and metal from which to man- 
ufacture field-orduance ; nitre-beds were opened ; and, under the supervision 
of Colonel Hunt, ordnance-officer, arrangements for the manufacture of all kinds 
of ordnance material were completed. Thus did General Polk obtaia a large 
proportion of the ordnance-supplies for his entire command. Under the man- 
agement of Major Thomas Peters, quartermaster, aided by Major Anderson, and 
of Major J. J. Murphy, commissary, quartermaster and commissary supplies 
were abundantly accumulated. When it is remembered that this successful or- 
ganization, not only of an army but of the departments necessary to equip an 
army, was the work of a few months, all being created from the raw material, 
one can afford to smile at those who pretend that the Southern people are 
without energy. 

One of the pleasantest moments of General Polk's life was at Columbus, 
where General Johnston, after inspecting his department, complimented him 
upon what had been done. They had been talking of the affairs of the Western 
Department, and General Polk, in the full confidence of that friendship which 
he knew General Johnston entertained for him, expressed himself concerning 
certain criticisms of the management of the affairs of his command. General 
Johnston replied to him affectionately : " Never mind, old friend ; I understand 
and appreciate what you have done, and will see that you are supported." 

At a later period, when the concentration at Corinth took place, it was 
chiefly from the ordnance, quartermaster, and commissary supplies belonging to 
this department that the army was supplied. This was especially the case in 
regard to that all-important element of an army's success — field transportation. 

The troops under General Polk's command were chiefly the State 
troops transferred by Tennessee to the Confederate service — the equiv- 
alent of about ten regiments of all arms, with 3,000 muskets, and a 
brigade of Mississippians under Brigadier-General Charles Clark. Polk 



324 GENERAL POLK AND COLUMBUS, KENTUCKY. 

had taken command on July 13th, and, two weeks after, sent General 
Pillow with 6,000 men to New Madrid, on the right bank of the Mis- 
sissippi. This point was important, because its occupation prevented 
any movement by the enemy on Pocahontas, by the way of Chalk 
Bluffs. While it was expected to make the campaign in Tennessee 
defensive, the intention was to carry on active operations in Missouri 
by a combined movement of the armies of Price, McCullcch, Hardee, 
and Pillow, aided by Jeff Thompson's irregular command. It has 
already been seen that this plan failed through want of cooperation. 
Both Generals Polk and Pillow felt the pressing necessity for the occu- 
pation of Columbus, and on August 28th Pillow wrote to Polk urging 
its immediate seizure. This had been Polk's own view for some time, 
but orders from the War Department had restrained him. It was only, 
therefore, when an hour's delay might have proved fatal, and when it 
was too late to prevent the seizure of Paducah by the Federals, that 
General Polk felt justified in exceeding his instructions, and thus dis- 
turbing the pretended neutrality of Kentuckj'-. The Secretary of War 
and Governor Harris both remonstrated ; but President Davis replied 
to his explanations, " Necessity justifies your action." Polk was rapidly 
fortifying, when General Johnston arrived at Columbus. About this 
time, September 10th, Grant wrote to Fremont, proposing to attack 
Columbus, which, under the circumstances, seems to the writer judicious 
though apparently bold ; but Fremont took no notice of his application.' 
After the failure of the campaign projected against St. Louis, in 
the summer of 1861, General Polk turned his attention toward per- 
fecting the river-defenses. Missouri and Arkansas were added to his 
department, but he was unable to avail himself of these increased pow- 
ers, as the defense of the Mississippi was his main object, and occu- 
pied all his resources. Dr. Polk says : 

Finding in Island No. 10 a most advantageous position, works were begun 
there. Ills design now was to make that the advanced point of defense — hold- 
ing Fort Pillow as a position to fall back upon, in the event he was driven to 
it. With those two points thoroughly fortified, he saw that the bulk of his 
force would be left free for aggressive movements upon the enemy. While 
engaged in this work, the opportunity for seizing Columbus presented itself. 
He promptly availed himself of it, and held on to it until his conduct was 
approved by his superiors. General Polk's plan for the defense of the river was 
now this: Columbus, the advanced and most important point, was to be most 
thoroughly fortified. The lines in the rear, covering the batteries command- 
ing the river, were to be so constructed as to permit of their being held by 
a fraction of his force, the larger portion remaining free to operate in the open 
field. Island No. 10 was to be fortified as a reserve to Columbus ; New Mad- 
rid to be fortified, so as to prevent the enemy getting possession of the Mis- 
souri shore at that point, and thus obstructing river navigation below No. 10; 

' Badeau's " Life of Grant," vol. i., p. 13. 



GENERAL JOHNSTON AT COLUMBUS. 325 

■\\-liile Fort Pillow wag to form the last stronghold in tho chain. Most of the 
winter was spent in strengthening these positions. From tho nature of the sur- 
rounding country the larger portion of the work was required upon Columbus 
and Pillow; and a proportionate amount was put on No. 10 and New Madrid ; 
so that when the time came to occupy them, they, as well as Fort Pillow, were 
in a proper state of defense. 

General Polk's share in this campaign will appear as the events 
arise. Of his valuable and conspicuous services after the battle of 
Shiloh, it is not within the scope of this work to give a detailed ac- 
count. At Perryville, at Murfreesboro, at Chickamauga, in baffling 
Sherman in February, 1864, and in GeneralJ. E. Johnston's retreat from 
North Georgia, his courage and skill made him one of the main sup- 
ports of the Confederate cause in the West. Whoever was at the 
head, it was upon Polk and Hardee, the corps commanders, as upon 
two massive pillars, that the weight of organization and discipline 
rested. General Polk was made a lieutenant-general, October 10, 
1862, and was killed by a shell aimed at him, June 14, 1864, near 
Marietta, Georgia, while boldly reconnoitring the enemy's position. 

Hon. Thomas C, Reynolds, the constitutional Lieutenant-Governor 
of Missouri, and, after Governor Jackson's death, its legal Governor, has 
given the writer his recollections of General Johnston at Columbus. 
Himself a gentleman of fine talents and culture, Governor Reynolds's 
opinions and impressions cannot fail to receive consideration : 

My recollections of your illustrious father are of little or no historical inter- 
est. Soon after he arrived at Columbus, Kentucky, he did me the honor of 
inviting me to come upon his staff as honorary aide-de-camp, with the rank of 
colonel ; at the same time he appointed on his staff other gentlemen holding 
high political offices in Kentucky, Arkansas, or in some other State within his 
department. lie stated to me that he had made those appointments in order to 
have near to him gentlemen of position, who could advise him on the condi- 
tion, politically and otherwise, of any State in which he might be carrying on a 
campaign, so that he might take it into consideration in deciding on his mili- 
tary operations. This was one of the many incidents which showed me that he 
was a complete general ; for, while no true soldier will permit any merely politi- 
cal influences around him, yet an able commander should always take into 
consideration, and be minutely and accurately informed of, the condition, re- 
sources, etc., of the country in which he operates. At that time General John- 
ston contemplated a campaign in Missouri, General Price having taken Lexing- 
ton about that time, and Fremont being the Federal commander in this State. 
I accepted the position on his staff with the understanding that I should not 
be expected to serve on it, except in such a campaign. We both thought my 
position, as Lieutenant-Governor of Missouri, might lead to misconstruction of 
my course, should I serve in any other State. The Missouri Unionists, we be- 
lieved, would endeavor to dampen the hopes of the Confederate element in the 
State, by representing that the second officer of its government had so little 
confidence in our holding it, that he had joined a campaign in some other quarter. 



326 GENERAL POLK AND COLUMBUS, KENTUCKY. 

The only incident at all resembling actual hostilities during General John- 
ston's stay at Columbus, Kentucky, occurred on October 11, 1861. A Federal 
gunboat commenced shelling the fortifications we were erecting on the high 
bluff immediately north of the town. That shelling continued only about an 
hour. During all of it he and his immediate staff remained near the battery 
of Captain Bankhead, which from the bluff was answering the fire of the gun- 
boat. We stood close by the battery ; and, after a shell had exploded near to 
it. Captain Bankhead came up to the general and remarked to him that the 
gunboat was .evidently " getting its range," and he should not expose his per- 
son needlessly. The general very calmly answered, " Captain, we must all take 
our risks." Afterward, the manner of his death at Shiloh impressed the inci- 
dent permanently on my memory. But, in fact, his conduct on that occasion 
was not rash, but wise. He doubtless was aware of that defect of new troops (to 
which General Joseph E. Johnston subsequently alluded in a conversation with 
Colonel Freemantle), in refusing full confidence, even to a commander-in-chief, 
unless they had seen him under fire. The rising ground back of the bluff was 
filled with those soldiers who were not under arms or on duty at the time, and 
their admiration, as they saw the tall form of the general, standing in full uniform 
next the battery, and in full view from the gunboat, was evidenced by loud cheers. 

On one occasion only did General Johnston have a case presented to him in 
which my knowledge of the border States could be of any use to him. Some 
Unionist of local prominence (whose name I forget) had been brought in as a 
civilian prisoner, and, as usual in such cases, there was a local clamor for harsh 
treatment of him. The general advised with me concerning the policy to be 
pursued in such cases, frankly stating liis own preference, on military grounds, 
for the exemption of civilians from molestation of any kind. He was evidently 
much gratified by my entirely agreeing with him on political grounds, and 
assuring him that I believed he would be sustained in such a policy by the 
civil authorities of Missouri and Kentucky, at least on the Confederate side. 

His habit was to spend an hour or two after tea with his immediate staff, 
and his conversations in those social reunions gave me the very highest opinion 
of his profound judgment. He was a man of stately but winning courtesy, 
although occasionally indulging in pleasantry. At present I can recall but two 
of those conversations. One evening we received a St. Louis paper containing 
a general order of General Fremont, announcing his staff — a numerous body, 
composed largely of gentlemen with foreign names.' After the list was read 
over to him, the general, with an expressive smile, remarked, " There is too 
much tail to that kite." I believe the United States Government soon afterward 
came to the same conclusion. On another evening, some of his staff were dis- 
cussing the question of the probable boundary-line of the Confederate States, 
in the final treaty of peace; none then doubted their achievement of indepen- 
dence. The general's opinion being requested, he answered : " In the begin- 
ning of a great war like this, I never try to prognosticate final results. I do the 
duty which, for the time being, lies before me, and I leave the rest to Providence." 

He possessed, in an admirable degree, the habit of reticence — so essential in 
a commander. When he left Columbus for Bowling Green, his departure was 

' As, for instance, General Asboth, Colonel Dc Alma, Majors Kappner and Blorae, 
Captains Emavic Meizaras, Kalmanuezze, Zagonji, Yanstein Kiste, Sacche, and Geister, 
Lieutenants Napoleon Westerburg, Addone, Kroger, etc. 



TERSONAL. 327 

conducted at night with such privacy that I doubt if any one of those he left at 
the former place, except the officer in command, had even a suspicion of his 
intention to transfer his headquarters. A few days before we left, ho called me 
out one afternoon into the lawn, to a distance from the house, beyond the possi- 
bility of being overheard by any one, and remarked to me: "Colonel, you may 
desire to go to Richmond ; I called you here to tell you that there is no need at 
present of your remaining with mo ; for a long time to come there will be no 
active operations on this line, if I can prevent them; we have no powder." 
"Wo had then been so long together, and had become so well acquainted, that he 
knew he did not need to enjoin secrecy on me. It was accordingly arranged 
that I should have an indefinite leave of absence, but return to the staff should 
ho enter on a campaign in Missouri. I accompanied him a part of the way 
toward Bowling Green, and then went on to Eichmond, Virginia. 

While he was not a martinet, his enforcement of discipline was admirable, 
and yet extremely quiet. "When he reached Columbus, the discipline of the con- 
siderable forces assembled there had been visibly relaxed. "Within a week after 
he had assumed command, a great change w-as apparent, and was noticed by 
every one, although few could understand precisely hoio it was effected. I pre- 
sume it was done simply by calling the attention of the higher officers to the 
enforcement of the army regulations. Much also was due to his habit of per- 
sonal inspection. He once remarked to me that he did not feel entirely well 
unless he rode every day about twenty miles. The figure may seem large, but I 
remember it perfectly. Every afternoon, in the fine October weather, he rode 
with some of his staff about the camps, quietly inspecting; his eye seemed to be 
everywhere. He had nothing whatever of the military demagogue in his com- 
position ; every one under him was quietly but firmly kept to his proper posi- 
tion. I remember that, from the moment I joined his staff until I left it, he 
invariably addressed me as "colonel," dropping the use of his previous saluta- 
tion of me as " Governor." The entire army, as by some instinct, soon conceived 
the greatest admiration of and confidence in him ; he looked like a great soldier, 
but had also a kindly fiice and high-bred courtesy which gained him the affec- 
tion of all who came near him. 

He paid great attention to the health of his troops and the sanitary condition 
of his camps. But a little incident made me suspect that, in his reliance on his 
iron constitution, he was not equally careful of his own health and comfort. 
The night on which we left Columbus was very cold, and the car on which we 
traveled had no stove in it, or a very small one. He complained of cold feet, 
and I at once took from my valise a pair of stout woolen socks, and put them 
over his boots. He said that he had never heard of that expedient, and, soon 
finding himself relieved, got me to explain how the effect was produced; of 
course, he was perfectly familiar with the atmospherical laws which elucidated it. 

A very warm friendship grew^ up between General Johnston and myself; my 
admiration of his character and military abilities is such that I consider his 
death to have been the greatest blow which the Confederacy received. More 
than any other officer that I have met, he appreciated the great military fact 
that the occupation of Missouri, flanUng the somewhat disaffected Northwest, 
might have totally changed the course of the war. 

I remain, ray dear colonel, sincerely your friend, 

TrioMAs C. Reynolds. 

Colonel WiLtiAM Peeston Johkston, Lexington, Virginia. 



328 EFFORTS TO GET ARMS AND TROOPS. 

CHAPTER XXII. 

EFFOKTS TO GET AEMS AND TROOPS. 

It has already been shown that, when the Confederate troops ad- 
vanced into Kentucky and established their line of operations, it was 
with the confident hope that the people of that Commonwealth would 
promptly join them in large numbers, and also that a strong army, ral- 
lied in the South, would speedily follow to support them. The first 
illusion was soon dispelled. The causes of inaction in Kentucky, already 
made sufficiently plain in Chapter XIX., continued, and destroyed the 
hope of any considerable accession of volunteers from that quarter. 
But the disappointment was even more grievous at the want of appre- 
ciation of the danger, and of the means necessary for defense, exhibited 
by the Gulf States. 

General Johnston fully foresaw the difficulties and dangers of his 
position, and his first steps on arriving at Nashville were to procure 
men and arms. It will be made manifest in this chapter that he neg- 
lected no lawful means to that end. In his address to the Memphis 
Historical Society, Colonel Munford, General Johnston's aide-de-camp, 
states the essential question, and answers it : 

To those who ask why so able a man lost Kentucky and Tennessee, and 
seemed, to fail, four words will answer, namely — he had no army. 

Colonel Munford then, in a powerful and convincing statement of 
facts, which the writer has largely followed, shows that this failure to 
assemble an army equal to the emergency was not due to General John- 
ston. While the writer will have occasion frequently to employ this in- 
teresting historical monograph, it is thought best to produce the origi- 
nal correspondence, which conclusively demonstrates that in no point 
of vigilance, decision, or energy, was General Johnston at fault. The 
narrative of military operations is therefore postponed, and the facts in 
regard to General Johnston's efforts to obtain men and arms are here 
grouped together, that the reader may arrive at his own conclusion as 
to w^here the responsibility rests. 

The only legal mode by which a Confederate general could raise 
troops or secure munitions of war was through the instrumentality of 
the State, or the General Government. Of his own motion he could do 
nothing. He had not the power to commission a lieutenant, to raise a 
company of soldiers, or to buy a gun, except through the intermediary 
channels of the civil service. Experience had taught General Johnston, 



BEGGING FOR ARMS. 329 

what subsequent events of the war proved to other generals, that the 
Southern people deeply resent any breach of legality ; and, moreover, 
he was not the man to transcend his authority. AVithout compulsory 
power of enlistment, his only resource was to induce the Governors of 
States and the Confederate Administration to send him such force as 
he required. 

Before relating his efforts to raise troops, it will be proper to show 
the means used by General Johnston to procure arms. This will be 
best done, though at the risk of some prolixity, by an exhibit of his 
correspondence. He arrived at Nashville on the 14th of September; 
on the 15th he dispatched Messrs. T. H. Hunt and D. P. Buckner, who 
had been prominent members of the Kentucky State Guard, and were 
afterward distinguished officers in the Confederate service, as special 
messengers to obtain arms.' The following letter was addressed to 
the Governor of Alabama, a duplicate being sent to the Governor of 
Georgia, and a similar communication to General Bragg, commanding 
at Pensacola : 

Nashville, Tennessee, September 15, 1861. 

Sie: The condition of the defenses of our northern frontier requires every 
possible assistance from the South. We have men in large numbers. "We are 
deficient in arms. I understand that your Excellency has a considerable num- 
ber in your arsenal. I feel justified by the circumstances in making the strongest 
appeal to your Excellency's patriotism to aid me in this respect. I shall beg to 
rely upon your Excellency to furnish us as rapidly as possible at this point with 
every arm it may be in your power to provide — I mean small-arms for infantry 
and cavalry. 

I view the matter of such urgent necessity that I send this letter by a special 
messenger, who will confer freely with you upon this subject. 

I am, etc., (Signed) A. S. JonxsToi>r. 

A. B. MooBE, Governor of Alabama. 

Executive Department, i 

MojTTGOMEBT, ALABAMA, September 23, 1861. ( 

Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of yours of the 15th inst., 
and, fully recognizing the necessity of speedy and energetic action in the direc- 
tion contemplated by your letter, regret that it is out of the power of Alabama 
to afford you any assistance in the way of arms. Our own coast is threatened 
with invasion by the Federal forces; and within the last ten days we have been 
called upon to arm two regiments for the defense of this State. "When this is 
done, I shall not have one hundred stand of muskets left which are fit for use. 
Our cavalry and sabre arms are entirely exhausted ; and I am now waiting to 
forward sabres to Tennessee, which I have contracted for in Georgia. 

Very respectfully, 
- , . „ ^ „ A. B. Moore. 

General A. S. Johnston, General 0. S. A., Nashville. 

Governor Brown made the following reply, from Atlanta, Septem- 
ber 18th : 

' See letter of September 16th to the President, p. 308. 



330 EFFORTS TO GET ARMS AND TROOPS. 

Sir: Tour letter of the 15th instant, in which you make the request that I 
will forward to you such arms as may be at my disposal for defense of our 
northern frontier, has been handed to me by Colonel Hunt and Captain Buckner. 

In reply, I beg leave to state, and I do so with much regret, that it is utterly 
impossible for me to comply with your request. There are no arms belonging 
to the State at my disposal ; all have been exhausted arming the volunteers of 
the State now in the Confederate service in Virginia, at Pensacola, and on our 
own coast — in all some twenty-three regiments. Georgia has now to look to 
the shot-guns and rifles in the hands of her people for coast-defense, and to guns 
which her gunsmiths are slowly manufacturing. I deeply regret this state of 
things, for to respond to your call with the arms you need would afford me the 
greatest gratification. 

I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

Joseph E. Brown. 

The Governors of these two great States felt that their coasts were 
more immediately threatened, and that the defense of them was of more 
vital importance than an obscure and distant danger in Kentucky, and 
trusted to fortune for the protection of the postern to their citadel. 
General Bragg's reply discusses the aspects of the situation so well, 
for the most part, that it is here given entire : 

Heatquarters, near Pensacola, Florida, I 
September 27, 1S61. i 

Dear Sir : Colonel D. P. Buckner called on me yesterday in behalf of your- 
self and our great cause in Kentucky. His accounts of our affairs there are by 
no means cheering ; but, with the blessing of Providence and your exertions, 
we yet expect a great deal in that direction. 

It is in my power to do but little for you. We have no spare arras, and are 
still deficient in ammunition. I have men, and can get any number ; and those 
who have been with us some months are well-instructed, fine soldiers. Weeks 
ago I offered four of these regiments to the President for an equal number of 
new men, believing that the cause would be advanced by such a move. This 
was all I could do, and all I can do now ; but no reply has reached me, though 
I learn from an officer who has been to Richmond that tlie department thinks 
the short time my men have to serve would not justify the expense. Upon 
hearing this, I again wrote, requesting that I might offer the alternative to 
them, satisfied a very large proportion will stay '* for the war." To this I 
ought to hear very soon. 

The mission of Colonel Buckner will not be successful, I fear, as our extreme 
southern country has been stripped of both arms and men. We started early 
in this matter, and have wellnigh exhausted our resources. Besides, there is a 
general apprehension of invasion this fall and winter, and every means in the 
country is being devoted to defense — some of it very injudiciously. Mobile and 
New Orleans are being fortified at great expense, when they should be defended 
in Kentucky and Missouri. 

The unfortunate state of affairs which has caused our troops to fall back in 
the latter State is deeply to be deplored. We are bound to accept it as neces- 
sary, though we may not see the reason. It would have been a great diversion 



SCANT RESULTS. 331 

in favor of the movements in Kentucky. In both these States all depended on 
rapid movement, to save our friends before the enemy could disarm and dis- 
organize them. "Wo fear that procrastination has cost us much ; but look with 
great confidence to the future under your control. 

Deep solicitude is felt on the subject of an appointment to the War Office. 
The health of the President is such that he cannot give his personal attention to 
the details of service ; and it is essential that he should have a man of the highest 
abilities, and of great nerve and self-reliance. 

The policy of the enemy seems now to be defensive at the North, relying on 
the winter to check us there, while he will operate by naval expeditions through- 
out the South. 

Wishing you full success in the arduous and responsible task before you, 
I am, most respectfully, your obedient servant, 

Beaxton Beagg. 

General A. S. Johnston, Nashville, Tennessee. 

But, that no stone might be left unturned to effect his object, the 
following dispatch was addressed by telegraph to the President, Sep- 
tember 19th, from Columbus, Kentucky, by General Johnston, giving 
reports received from his agents in Georgia : 

A steamer has arrived at Savannah with arms from Europe. Thirty thou- 
sand stand are a necessity to my command. I beg you to order them, or as many 
as can be got, to be instantly procured and sent with dispatch, one-half to Nash- 
ville, and the other to Trenton, on the Mobile & Ohio Railroad. 

The President replied as follows : 

The steamer was a merchant- vessel. We have purchased as much of the 
shipment as we could get, less than a sixth of your requisition ; some of the lot 
pledged the troops already in service. You shall have what can be sent to you. 
Rely not on rumor. Jeffeeson Davis. 

The Secretary of War replied thus, more fully, but even less satis- 
factorily : 

Wab Depaktment, Confedeeate States of America, ) 
EicHMOND, September 2T, 1861. ' 

Sir : The President has communicated to me your request for small-arras 
supposed by you to have arrived, per Bermuda, at Savannah. 

The whole number received by us was 1,800, and we purchased of the own- 
ers 1,780, making in all 3,500 Enfield rifles, of which we have been compelled 
to allow the Governor of Georgia to have 1,000 for arming troops to repel an 
attack, now hourly threatened, at Brunswick, Georgia. 

Of the remaining 2,500, I have ordered 1,000 sent to you, leaving us but 
1,500 for arming several regiments now encamped here, and who have been 
awaiting their arras for several months. I state these facts to evince our so- 
licitude to furnish you every aid in our power, and our disposition to share with 
you all our resources. 

We are hourly in hope of hearing of the arrival of small-arms, and the 
arsenal here is now turning them out at the rate of 1,000 per month. We 
will receive the first delivery in about ten days. I have ordered 1,200 Texan 



332 EFFORTS TO GET ARMS AND TROOPS. 

Kangers under Terry and Lubbock, fully armed and equipped, to report to you 
for service, understanding from them that you can furnish horses, which is out 
of our power. 

We have not an engineer to send you. The whole Engineer Corps com- 
prises only six captains, together with three majors, of whom one is on bureau 
duty. You will be compelled to employ the best material within your reach, 
by detailing officers from other corps, and by employing civil engineers, for 
whom pay will be allowed. 

Your obedient servant, 

J. P. Benjamin, Acting Secretary of War. 

General A. S. Johnston, Columbus, Kentucky. 

Thus, it will be seen, the only immediate result of this appeal in so 
many quarters for armament was 1,000 stand of arms. Late in No- 
vember, 3,650 Enfield rifles were received from the War Department. 
The Ordnance Bureau, ably conducted by Colonel Gorgas, used ener- 
getic measures to supply munitions of war, and eventually was quite 
successful in the importation of siege-guns, and in the purchase and 
manufacture of powder and other materiel. The chief defect was a 
lack of small-arms. This was never fully supplied so far as General 
Johnston was concerned, though he received some on the eve of the 
battle of Shiloh. 

The energetic steps taken by the State government of Tennessee, 
immediately after secession, now afforded a partial basis of supply. A 
percussion-cap factory had been started in Nashville by Mr. Samuel 
Morgan, a wealthy and patriotic citizen, and had done good work. 
Ordnance-shops and workshops had been established at Nashville and 
Memphis, which were transferred to the Confederate Government, and 
proved of the greatest service. Under the efficient command of Cap- 
tains M. H. Wright and W. R. Hunt, everything possible, with the 
means at command, was accomplished. Twelve or fourteen batteries 
were fitted out at Memphis by the 1st of October. At the same date, 
the powder-mills at Nashville were making 400 pounds of powder a 
day, and this production was afterward largely increased. 

The State government of Tennessee cooperated with the Confeder- 
ate authorities with the utmost zeal ; and General Johnston often cor- 
dially acknowledged the aid received from this source. The Governor 
of Tennessee, Isham G. Harris, was a man of courage, decision, re- 
source, and executive ability. Backed by the Legislature, he forwarded 
with untiring energy all of General Johnston's designs for recruiting 
and equipping an army. Laws were passed and enforced to impress 
and pay for the private arms scattered throughout the State, and the 
utmost efforts were employed to collect these rude and imperfect 
weapons, and to adapt them to military uses. Though far below the 
necessities of the occasion, the success of these efforts, under all the 



DEFICIENT ARMAMENT. 333 

circumstances, was admirable. The reports of Captain Wright, under 
whose direction the arms were altered and repaired, show the almost 
insuperable difficulties of equipping an improvised army. He says : 

About one-fourth of the arms brouglit in were without lock or stock, much 
worn, and utterly worthless; and these weapons, generally fowling-pieces, 
squirrel-rifles, etc., were very poor in quality, even when put in order. 

The reports and inspection returns make it evident that, during 
most of the autumn of 1861. fully one-half of General Johnston's 
troops were unarmed, and whole brigades remained without weapons 
for months. Terry's Texas Rangers, one of the best-equipped and 
most efficient regiments at the front, report, October 30th, twenty vari- 
eties of fire-arms in their hands — shot-guns and Colt's navy six-shooters 
being most numerous. Other regimental reports show a similar state 
of things. This one circumstance, with the resulting confusion and 
diversity in ammunition, will indicate to any soldier a fruitful source of 
inefficiency and confusion. 

The Government could not arm its troops, because of the inability 
of its agents to procure sufficient serviceable arms in the markets 
of Europe. They were there before the agents of the North, but 
good arms were not for sale to any considerable extent. They, 
therefore, made contracts for their manufacture as rapidly as was prac- 
ticable. They can hardly be blamed for not buying the condemned 
arms ofi"ered them. 

The war suddenly assumed an unexpected magnitude, and the 
blockade interrupted this traffic. When it is considered that the South 
was an agricultural country, the aptness, ingenuity, and resource it 
displayed in the development of the means of defense, astonished 
friend and foe alike. But neither by importation nor manufacture was 
the deficiency in number or quality of fire-arms remedied in General 
Johnston's lifetime. It was a constant obstacle to his success, prevent- 
ing not merely military operations, but even the enlistment of troops. 

It has already been shown that General Johnston was confronted by 
a powerful force, while his own line of defense was merely masked by 
Buckner's and ZollicoiTer's small commands. Hence, it became his 
first duty to organize an army for their support. The following pages 
will evince that he exhausted every legal means to that end. He com- 
prehended the magnitude of the war, and the tenacity of the assailant, 
as well as any man on either side. His uniform utterances bore testi- 
mony to this fact. To a 8tafi"-officer, who spoke of the struggle as an 
aifair of one campaign, he said, " It is more likely to be a seven years' 
war." His coi'respondence, his conversations, and his scheme of prep- 
aration, all prove his conviction of the formidable character of the con- 
test. He was equally impressed with the necessity for prompt and 



334 EFFORTS TO GET ARMS AND TROOPS. 

decisive action. He felt that, to meet the enemy, he required a large 
number of troops, and he required them at once. It will now be shown 
that his measures to recruit an army were not less energetic than his 
attempts to obtain arms and munitions of war. The urgency of his 
appeals for men was in singular contrast to the apparent apathy of the 
people. 

General Johnston's first step was to concentrate his men. Hardee's 
command was drawn in from Northeastern Arkansas, where it had been 
lying in the swamps for six months, sick and crippled, and was added 
to the nucleus of an army at Bowling Green. Terry's splendid regi- 
ment of Texan Rangers, which was detained in Louisiana, dismounted, 
was, at its own request and on General Johnston's application, allowed 
to report to him on condition that he would supply it with horses. It 
was brought to the front, and in November was on active picket-ser- 
vice. On Buckner's advance, about five hundred Kentuckians joined 
him at once ; and the Fifth, Sixth, Seventh, Eighth, and Ninth Ken- 
tucky Regiments, were gradually formed and filled up. John Morgan, 
too, joined Buckner with a cavalry company, the origin of that famous 
command which so often carried consternation within the Federal lines. 
But, under existing arrangements, the main reliance for recruiting an 
army was the machinery of the State governments. 

In a letter of the same date with General Johnston's assignment to 
command, September 10th, the adjutant-general says to him : 

You have authority to call for troops from Arkansas, Tennessee, and such por- 
tion of Mississippi as may be within the limits of your command. You have also 
authority to receive into the service such troops as may be offered from the 
States of Missouri and Kentucky, and to call on the naval service for such assist- 
ance and material of war, including boats, as may be required for the defense of 
the Mississippi River. 

General Johnston was further directed by the President, by telegram 
of the 13th, " to go by Nashville, confer with Governor Harris, and 
then decide upon the steps to be taken." 

Acting in exact conformity with these orders, he made requisitions 
for 50,000 men— 30,000 from Tennessee, 10,000 from Mississippi, and 
10,000 from Arkansas. Had they been promptly furnished, how differ- 
ent might have been the result ! The letter to Governor Harris is here 
given ; those to Governors Pettus and Rector were identical, except in 
the number of troops named, the places of rendezvous, and the clause 
referring to conversations about arms, which was omitted. 

Hkadquakteks, Pepaetment No. 2, ) 
CoLUMBXTS, Kentucky, September 21, 1861. 1 

Sir : I have the honor to inform your Excellency that, under date of Septem- 
ber 10, 1861, I was authorized by the President of the Confederate States to 



LETTERS TO TUE GOVERNORS. 335 

call upoQ the Governor of Tennessee for troops for the defense of the Mississippi 
River, and the States included in this military department. 

The defenseless condition of this department was patent, from tlie moment I 
arrived and had a hasty view of the field. 

The necessity for a strong and efficient army is present and pressing. I 
therefore avail myself of the permission above cited, to call upon your Excel- 
lency to furnish for the service of the Confederate States 30,000 men. I would 
prefer volunteers for the present war, as securing better-disciplined, more skilled, 
and effective forces ; and, if any such shall volunteer by companies, they will be 
gladly accepted, under the act of May 8th, But dispatch, now, is of the first im- 
portance, and therefore companies, battalions, and regiments, offering for twelve 
months, will be at once received. 

After the full conversations I have had with your Excellency, I need say 
nothing more of my deficiency in arms, except that it exists to the same extent 
still. I beg your influence with the volunteers to induce them to bring into the 
field every elTective arm in their possession. Rifles and shot-guns — double-bar- 
reled guns in particular — can be made eflfective weapons in the hands of your 
skilled horsemen. These arms will be replaced in the hands of the troops by 
uniform arms at the shortest practicable period. 

I have selected the following points in your States for the rendezvous of this 
force, viz. : Knoxville, Nashville, Jackson, Trenton, and Memphis. At each of 
these places officers will be in readiness to muster in companies, battalions, and 
regiments, as soon as organized, for the war, or for twelve months, as they de- 
cide to serve. 

At these designated places provision will be made for supplies, and the in- 
struction of the troops will be prosecuted until tliey can be armed and prepared 
to move to the frontier. The proportion of troops to be ordered to these dif- 
ferent points, depending upon the districts from which the volunteers are drawn, 
I leave to the determination of your Excellency, asking to be informed of the 
probable numbers you may be likely to assemble at each, in order that my prep- 
arations for their wants may be in proportion. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

(Signed) A. S. JonNSTO^r, General. 

I. G. Harris, Governor of Tennessee, Nashville. 

The Arkansas troops were directed to be sent to the aid of McCul- 
loch, for the defense of their oAvn frontier. Major Howard, aide-de- 
camp, was sent with orders conferring on McCulloch as large powers as 
General Johnston himself had for mustering, organizing, equipping, 
and supporting troops from Arkansas and Missouri ; and he was direct- 
ed to call on the supply-officers at Memphis for whatever he could not 
otherwise procure. All the Governors called on took steps to comply 
with the requisitions, but with what tardy and incomplete success will 
be seen hereafter. 

Governor Pettus, of Mississippi, sent two regiments, armed and 

equipped, immediately, and two more at a later date. But this source 

of supply was soon closed by the following correspondence. On the 

16th of October the Secretary of War wrote the following letter to 

23 



336 EFFORTS TO GET ARMS AND TROOPS. 

General Johnston, disapproving of his requisition on Mississippi, though 
it had been made in accordance with the instructions given September 
10th, and heretofore quoted : 

Your call for troops on Mississippi and other States will, I am informed, pro- 
duce embarrassment. When General Polk was sent to take command of the 
department now under your orders, he was instructed that he might use his own 
discretion in the calls on Arkansas and Tennessee, hut not to draw on Missis- 
sippi, Alabama, Louisiana, or Georgia, without the consent of this department. 
The reason for this was, that Arkansas and Tennessee had not yet been sub- 
jected to any considerable drain of men, whereas the other States mentioned 
had been furnishing largely since the beginning of the war, and it was desired 
to proportion the calls on the different States with a due regard to their numbers 
of men capable of bearing arms. 

I much lament that we are still so straitened for arms. As soon as we can 
get any you shall have your full share. I shall order four thirty-two pounders 
at once to be sent to you, for the defense of your works at Bowling Green, or 
such other point as you may desire to fortify with heavy guns. 

Kely on the active cooperation of this department to the full extent of its 
disposable means. 

Your obedient servant, 

J. P. Benjamin, Acting Secretary of War. 

General A. S. Johnston, Bowling Green, Kentucky. 

General Johnston's rejDlj was as follows ; 

In making the call for troops, I asked from the Governors of Tennessee, 
Mississippi, and Arkansas, respectively, as follows : Tennessee, 30,000 ; Missis- 
sippi, 10,000 ; Arkansas, 10,000 — confining my call strictly to those States. 
The call upon Mississippi was small compared with that on Tennessee, as only a 
part of that State is within the limits of my department. 

I had no means of ascertaining the relative proportion of troops furnished 
before by each State, nor was I aware that instructions had been given Major- 
General Polk to refrain from making further calls upon Mississippi. I was de- 
sirous that the furnishing of the quotas should operate as little onerously as pos- 
sible upon the several States of this department. 

The States, as far as I know, had previously furnished troops promptly to 
meet the exigencies of the Government, and I did not know that there had been 
any considerable disparity in proportion to population. I have asked for no 
troops from States other than those in this department. I have accepted the 
services of two regiments, by special authority of the War Department, and a 
fevy detached companies, without any special sanction, from (I believe) Alabama. 
Terry's regiment has joined ; the other, De Veuve's, from Louisiana, has not. 
I presume it could not be spared. 

Being thus excluded from Mississippi, and having ordered the Ar- 
kansas contingent to report to General McCulloch, General Johnston 
was confined to Tennessee as a recruiting-ground. All the departments 
of the State government entered zealously on the work, but the imme- 



CONDITION OF THE TROOPS. 337 

diate results hardly corresponded with their efforts. Colonel Munford 
says: 

Up to the middle of November, General Johnston mustered in only three 
regiments, under this call. 

This, probably, does not include the men, waiting arms, in camp, 
when the call was made. Colonel Hamby, the Adjutant-General of 
Tennessee in 1876, estimated that his State contributed to that army, 
before the battle of Shiloh, thirty-two regiments of infantry, ten regi- 
ments of cavalry, fourteen companies of artillery, and three engineer 
companies — about 33,600 men, exclusive of some 6,000 men with Zolli- 
coffer. But this estimate included the troops under General Polk. 
General B. R. Johnson, in charge of the organization of Tennessee 
troops in 1861, reported, on the 29th of November, that one hundred 
and twenty-seven companies had been raised under the call of 30,000 
men, sixty-five of which were fully organized^ and the remainder nearly 
ready. On Christmas-day he reported that 12,000 or 15,000 men had 
gone forward under the call. On the same day, Adjutant-General 
Whitthorne wrote him, estimating that fifty regiments were in the 
field from Tennessee. This must have included the troops in all quar- 
ters and in every stage of organization borne upon the rolls, militia as 
well as volunteers. On November 28th, Governor Rector, of Arkansas, 
reported five companies and a battalion as organized and ready to go 
to the support of McCulloch. About the same time, General Polk 
obtained, as a loan for a few weeks, from General Lovell, at New 
Orleans, two regiments, 1,500 strong. 

But the organization, equipment, and condition of these troops were 
not such as at any time to afford an effective force. It was not possible 
for the Confederate States to improvise army establishments. It was 
hard to clothe the soldiers properly. Inspection-reports, official corre- 
spondence, and the memories of men, testify how these poorly-clad vol- 
unteers bore the chilling nights of autumn and the drenching storms of 
winter without overcoats, often with but a single blanket. This poor 
and insuflScient clothing added to the ravages of camp epidemics, es- 
pecially of the measles, which severely afflicted this army. Thousands 
of recruits were prostrated at once, often to the extent of one-half of a 
command, and of those who were furloughed as convalescents a heavy 
percentage did not return to their regiments. The commander at Hop- 
kinsville reported that he had scarcely enough men well to do guard- 
duty. Under such circumstances, effective organization was seriously 
embarrassed. As it advanced, and discipline improved, many of the 
hardships incident to raw levies were mitigated, and a better state of 
things ensued ; but some of the difficulties were never removed. 

The enthusiasm of revolution, which had drawn together its fiercest 
and most eager spirits to meet the first shock of arms, had begun to 



338 EFFORTS TO GET ARMS AND TROOPS. 

subside. The victory of Manassas had begotten a vainglorious confi- 
dence ; and the people, fondly dreaming that no necessity existed for 
extraordinary effort, did not urge their youth to the field. Those at the 
head of affairs could not arouse them to the peril of the situation and 
the necessity for action. In 1861 the South was exultant and careless. 
Ignorant of the requirements of the hour, and undisciplined by suffer- 
ing, it wasted the period of preparation and the opportunity for success. 
Calamity was needed to stir it to its depths, and to rouse that spirit of 
resistance which proved equal to the subliraest efforts. 

A month after Buckner's advance, the army at Bowling Green num- 
bered only 12,000 men, 4,000 of whom were obtained not from recruits, 
but from the transfer of Hardee's army to that point. In his letter of 
October 17th to the adjutant-general, given hereafter, GeneralJohnston 
concludes thus : 

I will use all means to increase my force, and spare no exertion to render it 
effective, at any point ; but I cannot assure you that this will be sufficient, and, 
if reiinforcements from less endangered or less important points can be spared, 
I would be glad to receive them. 

General Johnston had from the first felt the embarrassments of dis- 
tant control in many minor matters. It now touched him in a point 
which he believed to be vital, and which proved so. On the 25th of 
October, more than a month after his requisitions on the Governors, the 
Secretary of War addressed him the following letter, laying down as 
the policy of the Confederate Government certain restrictions on enlist- 
ment that did as much to obstruct the organization of this army as any 
other assignable cause. Mr. Benjamin presents his line of action, and 
the reasons for it, with his accustomed force : 

CONFEDKEATE STATES OF AMERICA, WaB DePAETMENT, I 

Richmond, October 25, 1S61. I 

My DEAR General : . . . There is another point connected with your procla- 
mation calling for troops, of which I was not aware at the time, and which I 
fear is going to give us great embarrassment. 

From the beginning of the war we have been struggling against the enlist- 
ment of men for a less period than the war or three years. We were tolerably 
successful, although this policy was strongly combated in some of the States. 
This struggle lasted, however, only so long as the States had arms to furnish. 
When armed men were offered for twelve months, necessity forced their ac- 
ceptance, for we were deficient in arms. But the admirable ardor of our people 
in defense of their rights is such, that now, when they can no longer get arms 
from the Governors of States, they offer us their services "for the war," if we 
will arm them. I have about 10,000 men now in camps of instruction await- 
ing arms, and am daily adding to their number; but in Mississippi and Ten- 
nessee your nnluclcy offer to receive unarmed men for twelve months has 
played the deuce with our camps. I have just heard from Hon. Wiley P. Harris, 
a member of the Congress from Mississippi, that several " war " regiments, 



TWELVE MONTHS VOLUNTEERS. 339 

nearly completed, have been broken up, and the men are tendering themselves 
for twelve months.' 

There is this unfortunate result also. We are on the eve of winter. These 
men will be in camp four or five months, fed and paid by us, transported at great 
cost, provided with clothing, and then, when fairly able to do us service, we 
shall have to muster them out, and transport them back home at great expense.- 
However, I need not dilate to a man of your military knowledge on the vast 
advantage of " war " enlistments over those for twelve months. 

Now our Treasury is sorely pressed, and I want to avoid the very heavy 
drain that will be caused by accumulating all these twelve months men, whose 
term of service may possibly expire without our arming them, for we shall cer- 
tainly give arms on all occasions to the "war" volunteers in preference. Of 
course, I want to avoid every appearance also of running counter to your meas- 
ures. It occurs to me, therefore, that all further embarrassments will be best 
avoided by some proclamation from yourself, in which you could announce that 
you were now satisfied that the people of Kentucky were prepared to take up 
arms in defense of their liberties in much greater numbers than you had antici- 
pated, and that it was no longer necessary to appeal to her sister States of the 
South, etc., etc. I beg you will act promptly in this or some other manner, 
as shall seem to you best, but to get rid of the twelve months unarmed men, and 
I will engage to furnish you as many for the war as you can arm. It is not men 
we lack, but muskets. In the mean time I inclose you a copy of a circular let- 
ter prepared by me, which will put you in possession of our policy about accept- 
ing troops, etc., so that we may preserve uniformity and regularity in all our 
movements. I am, with great regard, yours truly, 

J. P. Benjamin. 

General A. S. Johnston, Bowling Green, Kentuckj'. 

The circular accompanying this letter states : 

1. No unarmed troops can be accepted for a less period than during the war. 

2. Unarmed troops (infantry) oflEered for the war are accepted by companies, 
battalions, or regiments, and when mustered into service are ordered into camp 
of instruction until equipped for the field. 

General Johnston, on November 2d, issued orders to all mustering- 
officers, and ■wrote to the Governors, directing them to disband the un- 
armed twelve months volunteers, and informed the Secretary of his 
action. But, on the 5tli, he wrote to him to say he would suspend the 
order for fifteen days. This was in consequence of Governor Harris's 
strong hope of arming these troops. 

'The writer is confident that Mr. Harris was in error. Mississippi is the only State 
to which it could possibly apply ; and in all General Johnston's voluminous correspond- 
ence the only case of the sort is a petition of some officers there for time to arm one bat- 
talion, on the ground that they would probably have been able to enlist their men for the 
war, but for the permission to enlist for twelve months. As the object was to raise men 
promptly, the fact that volunteers preferred the twelve months term made rapid enlist- 
ment easier under it, and hence it was injudicious to prohibit it. 

* The secretary ignores the necessity of drill, discipline, and service, which will be 
alluded to in General Johnston's letter of January 12th (p. 34'7). 



340 EFFORTS TO GET ARMS AND TROOPS. 

Colonel Munford, in his historical address already mentioned, sums 
up the consequences of Mr. Benjamin's order as follows : 

General Johnston believed the war would be protracted, and wished to call 
out troops to serve during the war. He was advised, however, by leading men 
with whom he consulted, not to call for war-men ; that the enemy had already a 
considerable army in the field in his immediate front, and were in such a state of 
forwardness with their preparations that it was all-important he should lose rot 
a moment in getting troops ; that to volunteer for twelve months was a habit 
familiar to the popular mind ; that most of these men would reenlist if needed ; 
and that his most successful course would be to follow what seemed the estab- 
lished practice. . . . 

The Governors of the three States promptly responded to the call, camps were 
established, and volunteering began. It progressed, however, much more slowly 
than was anticipated. It must be confessed that, after the first spasm of excite- 
ment upon the breaking out of the war, the popular ardor seemed to cool down. 
This fact was so clear, that General Johnston one day said to me: "I am dis- 
appointed in the state of public sentiment in the South. Oar people seem to 
have suftered from a violent political fever, which has left them exhausted. 
They are not up to the revolutionary pointy I replied, " The logic of your re- 
mark, general, is that you douit our success? " He looked at me gravely for a 
moment, and said, '■^ If the South wishes to he free, she can ie free^ 

Just at this juncture (the middle of November) an order was received from 
the Secretary of War, Mr. Benjamin, notifying General Johnston that no more 
twelve months volunteers would be armed by the Confederate Government, or 
mustered into service, and that he must communicate this information to the 
Governors of Tennessee, Mississippi, and Arkansas, that they might disband 
such volunteers of that description as were then in camps. He obeyed the 
order at once, though, for obvious reasons, he deeply regretted the necessity. 
In Arkansas and Mississippi the camps were at once broken up ; but Governor 
Harris, of Tennessee, refused to comply, saying : " Not a man shall be released. 
If the Confederate Government has no use for theto, I know Tennessee will 
soon need every one of them, and not a camp shall be broken up." He also, 
through his adjutant-general, "Whitthorne, addressed an energetic protest to 
the Government against the enforcement of the order. 

Many ill effects were produced by it. It not only extinguished General 
Johnston's hopes of being able to assume the offensive, or of even successfully 
maintaining the line of defense he had chosen, but lulled the country into a 
false sense of security at a time when it should have been roused as with a trum- 
pet. It also caused it to be bruited abroad, and generally believed, that Gen- 
eral Johnston had all the troops he wanted. It went from lip to lip, " He has 
notified the Governors that he will receive no more men." 

General Johnston, as an old soldier, as a regular officer, was fully 
aware of the disadvantages of accepting twelve months volunteers. 
In his requisition he had said : 

I prefer volunteers for the war, as securing better disciplined, more skilled, 
and more effective forces. But dispatch, now, is of the first importance ; and, 
tlierefore, companies, battalions, and regiments, offering for twelve months will 
be at once received. 



DISTANT CONTROL. 3J,1 

It was a choice of evils. There was a wide-spread prejudice against 
an indefinite term of service. Thousands would enlist for twelve 
months where hundreds only would enlist for the war. But, having 
once entered the service, these same volunteers were retained in it, 
some by reenlistment for the war at the end of their term, the others 
by force of the conscript act. 

Even if General Johnston had made a mistake, it was one sanc- 
tioned by the practice and precedents of every State, and of every army 
in the field, and should have been overlooked by his superiors. The 
enforcement of the order annulled all of his arrangements for enlist- 
ment, unsettled the views of recruits, and delayed, and, it may even 
be said, prevented the organization of an army adequate to the emer- 
gency. General Johnston's hope lay in the rapid assemblage of a 
large army. The Administration hesitated at the expense of the force 
demanded, and at the difficulties of armament. It still relied on the 
achievement of independence through diplomacy. General Johnston 
trusted to the diplomacy of the sword alone. 

No censure is implied in these remarks on the Secretary of War, 
much less on the President. No man, no cabinet of councilors, is in- 
fallible. Differences of opinion exist among the wisest. In this case, 
they were inevitable from the different standpoints of the parties. 
The writer can bear testimony to the zeal, patriotism, and versatile tal- 
ents, of Mr. Benjamin. Mr. Davis's cordial affection and confidence 
•were too often and too clearly demonstrated for a doubt to rest upon 
the loyalty of his friendship to General Johnston. Nevertheless, both 
the importance and the danger of the situation in Tennessee were under- 
estimated by the Confederate Government. The extreme Southern 
States entered on the war under the idea that, as the right of peaceable 
secession was theirs, no serious attempt at conquest would be made, 
and its political leaders adhered to this opinion till the vastness of the 
actual war dispelled the illusion. Mr. Davis, indeed, better foresaw the 
magnitude of the contest, and had predicted and endeavored to prepare 
for a long and great war ; but at this time he was rather the chairman 
of a junta modeled for counsel instead of action, than the real ruler of 
the country. His marked individuality gradually asserted itself, but 
when he became permanent President it was too late. Hence we find 
the preparations for defense in 1861 by no means equal to the ability 
or opportunities of the South. 

But, apart from these general considerations, it was natural for the 
Administration to regard the defense of Tennessee as of secondary 
importance. The political reasons for holding the capital, the early 
pressure upon that point, and the great host marshaling under McClel- 
lan at Washington, induced the Government to hazard every other 
interest for the protection of Richmond. The Gulf States would 



342 EFFORTS TO GET ARMS AND TROOPS. 

scarcely consider any other danger than that to their sea-coast, and this 
influence was so powerful at Richmond that troops were left in them 
to defend lines of no general importance. In a parliamentary and con- 
federated government it is almost impossible to ignore local interests 
for the sake of the general welfare, even when all is at stake. If the 
President had left bare the coast to concentrate in Tennessee, he would 
have encountered the opposition of the State governments, alienation 
of sympathy in the exposed districts, and the hostilit}'- of Congress. 
It was a diflGcult problem. The Government had to conduct a great 
war and a political campaign at the same time. It was the error of 
the Administration not to have perceived that the defense of Tennes- 
see was vital, and that it was in more immediate peril even than Vir- 
ginia — that a stab in the back is as fatal as one in the breast. Still, it 
must be remembered that the Government was in great difficulties, and 
that the primary cause of want of troops was the apathy of the South- 
ern people. 

It is no more than just to Mr. Benjamin to say that his letters to 
General Johnston convey the constant assurance of cooperation to the 
extent of his means ; and, with his sanguine temper, the danger not 
being under his direct observation, he naturally expected these to be 
equal to the occasion when it should arise. Again, the fearful odds 
against the Confederacy required that heavy risks should be taken 
somewhere, and it was a matter of judgment, and to some extent of 
chance, where these could be best assumed. 

In a letter to Mr. Benjamin, November 15th, in allusion to these 
matters. General Johnston says : 

Sir : I have the honor to acknowledge the reception of your telegram of this 
date, and to express the gratification which the announcement of soon being 
provided with a few thousand Enfield rifles affords me.' 

I shall endeavor, as far as practicable, in the urgency for immediate arma- 
ment, to give those arms into the hands of the troops for the war, who are 
now in service and not efficiently armed, and then distribute the remainder 
among the volunteers for shorter periods. 

I have not been able yet to ascertain how many men have joined the differ- 
ent rendezvous under the call upon the Governor of Tennessee; so far as 
heard from, I believe, not a large fraction of the number called, and very poorly 
armed. Under the belief that by proper exertions many of them might be 
furnished with arms, and at the request of the Governor, I suspended my order 
for mustering out the unarmed men, for fifteen days, in Tennessee. The call 
upon Mississippi not being approved, the order for the discharge of the unarmed 
there was not suspended ; except for those at the rendezvous, I shall further 
extend the time to give the opportunity of arming them if possible. 

> Thivty-six hundred and fifty rifles and 112,000 pounds of ammunition were soon after 
received. 



CALL FOR MILITIA. 343 

But this condition of affairs could not continue. The military press- 
ure became so great, and an increase of force so urgent, that further 
delay was impossible. All the information received, and all other in- 
dications, pointed to a speedy advance in force by the enemy. General 
Johnston determined, therefore, to attempt a levy en masse in his de- 
partment, by a method always popular in those States — subject, how- 
ever, to the condition prescribed by Mr. Benjamin's order in regard to 
arms. Accordingly, on November 19th, he made a requisition on Gov- 
ernor Harris : 

To call forth every loyal soldier of the militia into whose hands arms can 
be placed, or to provide a volunteer force large enough to use all the arms tliat 
can be procured. A volunteer force is more desirable, if it can be raised as 
promptly as the militia, as more economical and producing less inconvenience 
to the citizen ; but now time is of the first importance, that I may cover the 
homes of your citizens, and save them from the sufferings always attending an 
invasion. 

The same call was made on the Governors of Alabama and Missis- 
sippi. 

General Johnston requested also that the troops of North Alabama, 
and slave-laborers recruited in the same region, should be sent forward 
to Fort Henry, on the Tennessee River ; thus indicating, as clearly as it 
was possible, that it was to guard its own gate that the military force 
of the State was drawn upon. 

On the 29th of November, General Johnston says to the secretarj' : 

"We are making every possible effort to meet the forces the enemy will soon 
array against us, both on this line and at Columbus. Had the exigency for my 
call for 50,000 men in September been better comprehended and responded to, 
our preparations for this great emergency would now be complete. 

At the close of an important letter, written to the secretary on 
Christmas-day, General Johnston uses the following language : 

Efforts have been incessantly made by me for the last four months to aug- 
ment my force in the different army corps to an adequate degree of strength ; 
but, while the Governors of States have seconded my appeals, the response has 
been feeble, perhaps because the people did not feel or understand the great 
exigency that exists. 

I have again to-day urged most earnestly the Governors of Mississippi and 
Tennessee to send me reenforcements ; for a company now is worth a regiment 
next year; and if our force can be increased to one-half that of the enemy, the 
frontier of Tennessee will be safe, and shall be successfully defended here. 

In conclusion, I would respectfully request that the Government will ear- 
nestly and zealously aid me in my efforts to procure additional reenforcements, 
by communications addressed to the Governors of Mississippi, Tennessee, and 
elsewhere ; and that every influence should be brought to bear to convince them 
and their gallant people that a decisive battle must probably be fought here for 



344 EFFORTS TO GET ARMS AND TROOPS. 

the freedom of the South, and that every man sent forward here is of impor- 
tance to the Confederacy. 

With great respect, your obedient servant, 

(Signed) A. S. Johnston, General C. S. A. 

General Johnston did not permit the Executives of the Southern 
States to remain ignorant of his weakness and of the vast interests 
imperiled by a tardy or inadequate response to his demands. He 
made known to them the strength of the enemy, his own weakness, 
and the scope of his designs, vpith unreserved frankness. Under the 
pressure of distress, he was obliged to abandon that silence which is so 
important an element of military success, and disclose his entire situa- 
tion in many quarters. It is proper to say, however, that no indis- 
cretion enabled the enemy to profit by this. 

The following is his letter to the Governor of Mississippi : 

Headqfarteks, Western Department, i 
Bowling Geeen, Kentucky, December 24, 1861. f 

Sie: On assuming command of this department it was my chief object to 
collect a sufficient force to shield the valley of the Mississippi from the enemy, 
and assure its safety. Calls were made by me upon the Governor of Mississippi 
and other States of the Confederacy for troops ; but, notwithstanding the patri- 
otic efforts of the Governors, the response has not been such as the emergency 
demands ; and, in consequence, there is not now a force at my disposition equal 
to the emergency of my situation. 

It was apprehended by me that the enemy would attempt to assail the South, 
not only by boats and troops moving down the river, to be assembled during the 
fall and winter, but by columns marching inland threatening Tennessee, by en- 
deavoring to turn the defenses at Columbus. Further observation confirms me in 
this opinion ; but I think the means employed for the defense of the river will 
probably render it comparatively secure. The enemy will energetically push 
toward Nashville the heavy masses of troops now assembled between Louisville 
and this place. The general position of Bowling Green is good and commanding ; 
but the peculiar topography of the place, and the length of the line of the Barren 
River as a line of defense, though strong, require a large force to defend it. 
There is no equally defensible position as this place, nor line of defense as the 
Barren River, between the Barren and the Cumberland at Nashville; so that 
this place cannot be abandoned without exposing Tennessee, and giving vastly 
the vantage-ground to the enemy. It is manifest that the Northern generals 
appreciate this ; and, by withdrawing their forces from Western Virginia and 
East Kentucky, they have managed to add them to the new levies from Ohio, 
Indiana, and Illinois, and to concentrate a force in front of me variously es- 
timated at from 60,000 to 100,000 men, and which, I believe, will number 
75,000. To maintain my position, I have only about 17,000 men in this neigh- 
borhood. It is impossible for me to obtain additions to my strength from 
Columbus; the generals in command in that quarter consider that it would im- 
peril that point to diminish their force, and open Tennessee to the enemy. 

General ZollicofFer cannot join me, as he guards the Cumberland, and pre- 
vents the invasion and possible revolt of East Tennessee, Notwithstanding 



LETTERS. 345 

these adverse circumstances, relying upon the firm purpose tliat animates the 
hearts of my troops to maintain the cause of the country, I will not relinquisli 
my position without a battle ; and your Excellency can well conceive the mo- 
mentous importance of my situation. If troops are given to me — if the people 
can be made to feel how much sufiering and calamity would be avoided by the 
presence now in my camp of 10,000 or 15,000 more brave men, so that I could 
attack the enemy, and not, from a disparity of force, be compelled to await it — 
it seems to me that the same generous ardor that induced them to embark in 
the great struggle for our independence would give me such succors that vic- 
tory would be certain. I therefore ask that, for the coming struggle, every 
man shall be sent forward. A decisive battle will probably be fought on this 
line; and a company on that day will be more than a regiment next year. If 
the enemy does not attack, the North embarrassed at home, menaced with war 
by England, will shrink foiled from the conflict, and the freedom of the South 
will be forever established. If, however, the battle of independence is to be 
fought here, the history of Mississippi and the character of her gallant people 
compel me to believe that they would be among the first and stanchest to stand 
by their brethren in arms. 

I have intrusted this letter to the care of the lion, the Chief-Justice of 
your State, Judge Smith, to deliver, with my request to inform your Excellency 
of all such details as are of importance, and to urge upon you the necessity of 
sending forward to this place every armed man that can be spared from Missis- 
sippi at the earliest moment. 

With great respect, your obedient servant, 

A. S. JoHXSTOx, General C. S. A. 

Ilis Excellency J. J. Pettus, Governor of Mississippi. 

A letter to the same purport was addressed to Governor Harris, 
with a full recognition of " the energetic and efficient cooperation " he 
had all along received from him. The following extract is from Gen. 
eral Johnston's letter of January 5, 18G2, to the secretarj' : 

I desire to ask your attention to the vast and methodized preparation of the 
Northern Government to carry on the war against the Confederacy with a pur- 
pose as inflexible as malignant. 

Their large and well-appointed army, only now held back till the highest 
point of efiiciency is attained by instruction and discipline, must make every 
patriot contemplate its forward movement with apprehension for the safety of 
the country, unless, awakened to the peril that menaces it, we make a corre- 
sponding effort to meet their forces and beat them back, by an immediate de- 
velopment and application of all the military resources of the South, both of 
material and men, to that purpose. The rapid and energetic concentration of 
the force of the country to meet the mighty exigencies of the present movement 
must be brought to bear to sustain our cause, which every one feels will justify 
every sacrifice for its attainment. 

In the great questions of liberty and national existence, the magnitude of 
them will, I hope, suggest to the wisdom of the representatives of the people 
the necessity of augmenting the Executive authority sufficiently to meet the 
occasion, which now urgently calls for its exercise. 

If necessary, let us convert our country into one vast camp of instruction for 



34:6 EFFORTS TO GET ARMS AND TROOPS. 

the field, of every man able to bear arms, and fix our military establishment 
upon a permanent basis. 

Whenever a people will make the necessary sacrifices to maintain their lib- 
erty, they need have no fear of losing it. 

On the 5th of January, General Johnston was reenforced by Floyd's 
brigade, which, with Maney's brigade, was sent him from Western Vir- 
ginia. On January 9th he dispatched Colonel Liddell, of Louisiana, of 
General Hardee's staff, in whom he had great confidence, with a letter 
of introduction to the President. He says, " Colonel Liddell is charged 
with a letter from me to the Secretary of War on a subject of vital im- 
portance to my command." He also commends him as thoroughly and 
confidentially informed on the condition of things at headquarters. 
Colonel Liddell's mission was conducted with energy and tact, and was 
beneficial. But it was too late ; one blow after another was struck with 
intelligence and vigor by the Northern commanders, and a series of 
misfortunes followed that will be narrated in their place. These two 
letters were evidently written as the last resort against the impending 
disasters : 

IIeadqtjarteks, Western Department, i 
Bowling Green, January 8, 1S62. ) 

Sir : The calls made upon the Government from every assailable point on our 
frontier for additional force would make me hesitate to add to your embarrass- 
ment by asking for reenforcements, were the gravity of the occasion less which 
urges me to press upon your attention the effort about to be made by the Federal 
Government with a large army (estimated on reliable data at not less than 80,000) 
to invade the Confederacy through Central Kentucky toward Tennessee. They 
have justly comprehended that the seat of vitality of the Confederacy, if to be 
reached at all, is by this route. It is now palpable that all the resources of that 
Government will, if necessary, be employed to assure success on this line. The line 
of the Barren affords the means of a strong defense, but my force (23,000) is not 
sufficient to enable me to avail myself of it. I do not ask that my force shall be 
made equal to that of the enemy ; but, if possible, it should be raised to 50,000 men. 

I have hoped to be able to raise an adequate force by the aid of the Governors 
of the several States of this department; but, notwithstanding zealous efforts on 
their part, thus far I have been able to draw to this place only a force which, 
when compared in number to the enemy, must be regarded as insufficient. 
There are three or four regiments still to come forward from Tennessee, armed 
with guns collected from the people, and some others waiting for their arms. 
These men are reaching us too late for instruction ; and, liable to measles, etc., 
they are as likely to be an element of weakness as of strength. 

If the public service would permit, I beg leave to suggest that a few regi- 
ments might be detached from the several armies in the field and ordered here, 
to be replaced by new levies. No doubt, the strongest attack the enemy is 
capable of making will be made against this place ; we ought not, surely, to put 
in jeopardy the result, by failing to meet it with a force sufficient to place suc- 
cess beyond hazard. With great respect, your obedient servant, 

(Signed) A. S. Johnston, General G. S. A. 

Hon. J. P. Benjamin, Secretary of War. 



LETTERS. 347 

The stringency with wliich the Secretary of War enforced his order 
against twelve months volunteers may be inferred from the following 
correspondence : 

Headqtjaetees, Western Department, ) 
Bowling Green, January 12, 1S62. j" 

Sir : Adjutant-General Whitthorne, of Tennessee, has inclosed me a copy of 
the order issued by Acting Assistant Adjutant-General Groner, directing that no 
twelve months volunteer company, battalion, or regiment, shall be mustered 
into the Confederate service, unless armed ; and, also, giving notice that General 
Carroll has been directed to muster out of service Colonel Gillespie's regiment. 

Believing as I do that the public interest requires that the department over 
which you preside should fully comprehend the practical operation of this order, 
I beg leave to state the facts in the midst of which I have had to discharge the 
duties of a commander in raising forces to repel the threatened invasion. 

Tennessee is generally sparsely populated. For this reason, it is often im- 
practicable to raise even whole companies in the same neighborhood ; hence, 
squads have sometimes been transported to some common point to form a com- 
pany. The people, too, are both unwilling and often unable to subsist them- 
selves at their own expense, after they have left their homes as volunteers, and 
are awaiting organization and arms. Nor will volunteers long remain together 
unless put under the control of law ; this fact is attested by every one who has 
commanded volunteer forces. For these reasons it has sometimes been necessary 
to transport, subsist, and muster into the service, volunteers as they present 
themselves. Neither the Confederate Government nor the State of Tennessee 
was in possession of public arms to put in the hands of the men, so as to make 
the arming and mustering coincident. Indeed, in the great scarcity of public 
arms, the Legislature of Tennessee found it necessary to pass an act by which 
the private arms in the State could be impressed and afterward paid for. The 
Governor of that State and myself conferred together on that subject, and both 
concluded there was but one mode by which it was possible to get the volun- 
teers and arm them ; and I am happy to say that both the Governor and the 
Legislature of that State have most zealously and patriotically cooperated with 
me. These arms have been, aud still are being, gathered in from the people. 
Those fit for use are at once put in the hands of organized volunteers, and those 
arms requiring repairs have been, and are being, repaired as rapidly as possible. 

While this was going on, the volunteers were being collected at the rendez- 
vous, for the purpose of being organized and armed. These squads, companies, 
and battalions, were not brought together as independent organizations, but 
with the distinct understanding and for the express purpose of consolidation, 
organization, and arming. The Government thus secured their services. Oth- 
erwise they could not have been procured ; and the time between mustering 
in and arming was profitably employed in giving the men all practicable in- 
struction in their duties as soldiers. This, it will be readily perceived, was 
quite as necessary to their efiiciency in the field as placing arms in their hands. 

If the mustering in of these volunteers had been postponed in every instance 
till arms were ready to be placed in their hands, or such regiments as had been 
mustered in without arms had been, on that account, mustered out of service and 
disbanded, we would to-day have been without a force to check the advance of 
the enemy, and our borders would have been open to the invaders. In refer- 



348 EFFORTS TO GET ARMS AND TROOPS. 

ence to Colonel Gillespie's regiment, it is proper to state that General Carroll 
had reported it to me as armed, and I had ordered it to this place ; and it is 
earnestly hoped that neither this nor any other regiment will be disbanded, for 
the reason that the men have not, at the day of mustering, arms in their hands. 
The Governor of Tennessee is using every exertion to arm all the men who vol- 
unteer, and he informs me that he has every prospect of success. 

In view, therefore, of these facts, and that the enemy are immediately in my 
front in great numbers, and that we need every man it is possible to get, I reit- 
erate a respectful but earnest hope that the order will not be enforced by the 
department. I am, sir, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

(Signed) A. S. Jounston, General C. S. A. 

Hon. J. P. Benjamin, Secretary of War. 

It appearing in the correspondence that Colonel Gillespie's regiment 
had been raised under State, not Confederate authority, the secretary 
promptly revoked his order to disband it. His letter to Adjutant- 
General Whitthorne concluded as follows : 

Pray present this apology to Governor Harris, and tell him that, if he knew 
the incessant and ingenious attempts to force by indirection the acceptance of 
twelve months unarmed men against the steady refusal of the department, he 
would not be surprised at any effort to repress promptly such disingenuous 
practices. 

General Johnston's letter, however, evoked no reply as to the other 
matters involved. The secretary had probably said in a former letter, 
of December 22d, all that he had to say on the subject. These are his 
words : 

Zollicoffer reports himself in almost undisputed possession of the banks of 
the Cumberland, from the forks near Somerset, all the way down to the Ten- 
nessee line, and seems able to guard your right flank, so that your front alone 
appears to be seriously threatened, and I had hoped you had sufficient force in 
your intrenched lines to defy almost any front attack. 

I have not, unfortunately, another musket to send you. "We have an im- 
mensely valuable cargo of arms and powder in Nassau, blockaded there by a 
Yankee gunboat, that I am trying to get out. But, if we succeed, it will be too 
late for your present needs, and in the interval we must put our trust in our 
just cause and such means as we have in hand. We know that whatever can be 
done will be done by you, and rest content. 

Yours, etc., J. P. Benjamin, Secretary of War. 

It seems evident, from the foregoing correspondence, that General 
Johnston had lost no opportunity to press upon the authorities. State 
and Confederate, the whole truth in regard to his situation. He ex- 
hausted his legal powers in trying to raise men, and, though he failed 
in securing a sufficient force, his efforts vrere not without important 
results. But for the steps taken by him in the fall of 1861, it is prob- 
able that many of the battalions gathered at Shiloh would not have 
been in time to share in that battle. 



SMALL RESULTS. 349 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

BOWLING GEEEN. 

General Johnston's command in Kentucky consisted of three 
armies : Polk^ on the left, at Columbus ; Buckner 's in the centre, 
about Bowling Green ; and ZollicoJ Fer's,, on the right, at Cumberland 
Ford. Early in October, Polk had some 10,000 men to protect Colum- 
bus from Grant's 20,000 or 25,000 troops at and near Cairo. Buckner's 
force had increased to 6,000, against double that number of adversaries 
under Sherman ; and Zollicoffer's 4,000 men had 8,000 or 10,000 men 
opposed to them in Eastern Kentucky, under General Thomas. Polk 
had small permanent camps at Feliciana and Mayfield, to guard his 
flank. Similar posts were established at Fort Henry on the Tennessee 
River, and Fort Donelson on the Cumberland, near the State line. 
General J. T. Alcorn had two or three regiments, principally Missis- 
sippians, at Hopkinsville. These commands reported to Buckner. 
Colonel Stanton's regiment, and some companies, watched the roads 
to Jamestown and Jacksboro, in Central Tennessee, and reported to 
Zollicoffer. In Eastern Kentucky a small force was recruiting. 

The transfer of Hardee's a rxpy from Arkansas to Kentucky has al- 
ready been mentioned. This was not done without exciting local jeal- 
ousy, and drawing forth from Arkansas politicians a vigorous remon- 
strance. General Johnston was not indifferent to the military situation 
west of the Mississippi. He was alive to its importance in a general 
plan of operations, as was evinced in his requisition on Arkansas for 
10,000 men for McCulloch. Indeed, could he have secured the Tennes- 
see line, it was his wish to exchange the seat of war thence for an 
offensive campaign in Missouri. But Fortune denied him this advantage. 

Although his military necessities compelled him to withdraw Har- 
dee from Arkansas, General Johnston refused other applications for 
transfer thence to Kentucky. He was, at this time, encouraged to 
liope something from Jeff Thompson's activity, which promised fair, 
but was soon after extinguished by defeat. He ordered Thompson, 
September 29th, to " remove his forces to the vicinity of Farmington, 
on the route to St. Louis, in order to relieve the pressure on Price ; 
and to keep the field as long as he was able to do so with safety to his 
command." 

General Johnston remained at Columbus superintending its fortifi- 
cations, and directing the movement and organization of troops, until 
October 12th. Early in October Buckner advised him that the enemy 
was about to advance against Bowling Green. He replied : " Hold on 



350 



BOWLING GREEN. 




Bowling Green and its Surroundings — General Johnston's Map. 



to Bowling Green. Make your stand there. All the troops I can raise 
will be with you." 

To the adjutant-general he made the following report by telegraph : 

Columbus, October 12, 1861. 

The troops liere are still actively engaged in preparation for the defense of 
this point, and I hope to have the work complete soon. I anticipate no immedi- 
ate advance of the enemy on this line, but, learning they are advancing in con- 
siderable force on Bowling Green, I have ordered thither the available force 
without weakening this point materially, and will to-niglit repair there and 
take command in person. 

General Hardee has already arrived there, and by to-night three-fifths of his 
command will have arrived, and the whole of the remainder will be en route to- 
morrow. Deficiency of rolling-stock did not permit me to make his movement 
more compact. Respectfully, 

A. S. Johnston, General C. S. A. 

General Coopee, Adjutant-General, Eichmond. 

The following letter to the adjutant-general discloses more fully 
General Johnston's situation at this date : 

IIeabquaiitebs, Webteen Division, 1 
BcwLiNG Green, Kentucky, October IT, 1S61. ) 

General: I informed you by telegraph, on the 12th, that, in consequence of 
information received from General Buckner of the advance of the enemy in con- 
siderable force, I had ordered forward all my available force to his support. 
Hardee's division and Terry's regiment have arrived. Here, and in advance, our 
force may be estimated at 12,000 men. Correct returns cannot be obtained 
until after a little organization. Two Tennessee regiments (Stanton's from 



ARMY AT BOWLING GREEN. 35I 

Overton County, and ono from Union City) are yet to arrive, and may reach 
this in two or tliree days, and give an increase of about 2,000 men. 

I cannot expect immediately any additional force under the call of last 
month on the Governors of Tennessee and Mississippi. The men will doubtless 
present themselves promptly at the rendezvous, but I cannot suppose any con- 
siderable portion will be armed. When I made the call, I hoped that some 
might come armed ; I cannot now conjecture how many will do so. 

The call was made to save time, and in the hope that, by the time they were 
organized and somewhat instructed, the Confederate Government would be able 
to arm them. As at present informed, the best effort of the enemy will be 
made on this line, threatening at the same time the communications between 
Tennessee and Virginia covered by Zollicoffer, and Columbus from Cairo by 
river, and Paducah by land, and maybe a serious attack on one or . the other ; 
and for this their command of the Ohio and all the navigable waters of Ken- 
tucky, and better means of transportation, give them great facilities of concen- 
tration. As my forces at neither this nor any of the other points threatened 
are more than sufficient to meet the force in front, I cannot weaken either until 
the object of the enemy is fully pronounced. 

You now know the efforts I anticipate from the enemy, and the line on 
which the first blow is expected to fall, and the means adopted by me with the 
forces at my disposal to meet him. 

I will use all means to increase my force, and spare no exertions to render 
it effective at every point; but I cannot assure you that this will be suffi- 
cient ; and, if reenforcements from less endangered or less important points can 
be spared, I would be glad to receive them. 

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

A. S. Johnston, General G. 8. A. 

General S. Coopee, Adjutant and Inspector-Genei-al, Eichmond. 

The Confederate array assembled near Bowling Green numbered, as 
stated, 12,000 men. This included about 6,000 under Buckner ; 4,000 
under Hardee, who had left 1,600 behind him, half of them sick ; and 
some other reenforcements. The strength of the Kentucky contingent 
had now begun to define itself. General Johnston thus expresses his 
disappointment at the apathy of Kentucky, in a letter to the Secretary 
of War, October 22d : 

"We have received but little accession to our ranks since the Confederate 
forces crossed the line ; in fact, no such demonstrations of enthusiasm as to jus- 
tify any movements not warranted by our ability to maintain our own commu- 
nications. It is true that I am writing from a Union county, and it is said to 
be different in other counties. They appear to me passive, if not apathetic. 
There are thousands of ardent friends of the South in the State, but there is 
apparently among them no concert of action. I shall, however, still hope that 
the love and spirit of liberty are not yet extinct in Kentucky. 

General Johnston now addressed himself to the reorganization of his 
army, which is given in Special Order No. 51, issued at Bowling Green, 
October 28, 1861. It is given in full, as it not only exhibits something of 
24 



352 BOWLING GREEN. 

the personnel of its officers, but assists in a verification of the strength 
of the army, and will elucidate its movements : 

FIRST DIVISION. 

Major-Gen eral Haedee, commanding. 

Cavalry. 
Adams's regiment and Phifer's battalion. 

Artillery. 
Swett's, Twigg's, Hubbard's, and Byrne's batteries. 

Infantry. 
First Brigade. — Brigadier-General Hindman, commanding. 
Second Arkansas Regiment, Lieutenant-Colonel Socage. 

" " Colonel A. T. Hawthorne. 

Arkansas Battalion, Lieutenant-Colonel Marmaduke. 

Second Brigade. — Colonel P. R. Cleburne, commanding. 
First Arkansas Regiment, Colonel Cleburne. 
Fifth " " Colonel D. C. Cross. 

Seventh Mississippi Regiment, Colonel J. J. Thornton. 

Third Brigade. — Colonel R. G. Shaver, commanding. 
Seventh Arkansas Regiment, Colonel Shaver. 
Eighth " " Colonel W. R. Patterson. 

Twenty-fourth Tennessee Regiment, Colonel R. D. Allison. 
Ninth Arkansas Regiment, Colonel J. J. Mason. 

SECOND DIVISION. 

Brigadier-General Bucknee, commanding. 

Cavalry. 
Kentucky Regiment, Colonel B. H. Helm. 
Tennessee " Major Cox. 

Artillery. 
Lyon's and Porter's batteries. 

Infantry. 
First Brigade. — Colonel Hanson, commanding. 
Hanson's, Thompson's, Trabue's, Hunt's, and Lewis's Kentucky 
Regiments. 

Second Brigade. — Colonel Baldwin, commanding. 
Fourteenth Mississippi Regiment, Colonel Baldwin, 
Twenty-sixth Tennessee " Colonel Lillard. 

Third Brigade. — Colonel J. C. Brown, commanding. 
Third Tennessee Regiment, Colonel Brown. 
Twenty-third Tennessee Regiment, Colonel Martin. 
Eighteenth " " Colonel Palmer. 



WILLIAM JOSEPH HARDEE. 353 



Texas Regiment of Cavalry, Colonel B. F. Terry. 
Artillery — Harper's and Spencer's batteries. 
Infantrxj — Tennessee Regiment, Colonel Stanton. 

By command of General Johnston : 

W. W. Mackall, Assistant Adjutant- General. 

General Johnston assumed the chief command at Bowling Green, 
devolving the active duties of the field upon his two division-command- 
ers. Buckner has already been spoken of. But, though Hardee has 
been mentioned more than once, his relations to General Johnston enti- 
tle him to fuller notice. William Joseph Hardee was of a good Georgia 
family, and was born in 1815. He was graduated at West Point in 
1838, when he was commissioned second-lieutenant in the Second Dra- 
goons. He also attended the cavalry-school of Saumur, in France. 
He served in Florida and on the Plains ; he was with Taylor at Monte- 
rey, and w^th Scott from Vera Cruz to the city of Mexico, and was twice 
brevetted for " gallant and meritorious service," coming out of the 
Mexican War captain and brevet lieutenant-colonel. In 1855 he was 
made major of the Second Cavalry, and in 1856 commandant of the 
Corps of Cadets at West Point, where he remained until 1860. He was 
best known as the author of the standard book on military tactics. On 
the secession of Georgia, he promptly followed the fortunes of his State. 

Hardee was first sent to command in Mobile Baj-, but, in June, 1861, 
was promoted to brigadier-general, to take command in Eastern Ar- 
kansas. Here the diseases of camp and want of cooperation among 
the commanders prevented any valuable achievement. Under General 
Johnston, however, Hardee was with a superior officer, whom he knew, 
under whom he had served before, and who esteemed him highly. His 
subsequent career is that of the Army of the West, and deserves a 
biography from some faithful and judicious hand. The more exact, the 
more balanced, the more temperate in plan and tone, the better would 
such a work portray the man. 

The writer's estimate of General Hardee, based upon both social 
and official intercourse, is very high. His personal appearance was 
striking. In form he was tall and sinewy, and his bearing was emi- 
nently military. His features were somewhat harsh in repose, but his 
frank and genial smile lit them with a most winning expression. He 
was good-tempered, friendly, and intelligent in conversation with men, 
and very charming with women. His deference and gallantry were of 
the old school. His social success belonged to his perfect poise, in 
which were mingled frankness, amiability, and tact — qualities which, a 
classmate says, already characterized him while a cadet at West Point. 



354 BOWLING GREEN. 

Hardee was an accomplished soldier. His qualities were such as 
command respect. • He was an excellent horseman, an impressive figure 
on the field. Though somewhat stern and exacting as a disciplinarian, 
expecting full performance of duty, he was reasonable, and his judg- 
ment was sound. He thoroughly knew the business of war in the camp 
and on the battle-field. He was a real teacher, disciplinarian, and 
organizer, with the troops of the West. While fond of recreation and 
social enjoyment, no delight could tempt him from the work of war. 

He was a perfectly courageous man, cool and calculating in victory 
or defeat. His idea was to hurt the enemy and save his own men. 
Not anxious to push doubtful points, he was shrewd to see his own ad- 
vantage, and hammered heavily on a discomfited foe. Some in the old 
army thought Hardee ambitious. If so, his ambition was well regulated. 
He doubted his own fertility of original suggestion, and certainly did 
not value himself more highly than he was valued by others. He did 
not wish independent command, and, when appointed as General Bragg's 
successor at Dalton, refused the honor. There was no better lieuten- 
ant-general in the Confederate army, Stonewall Jackson excepted. 

Among the subordinates were many meritorious officers, and some 
who afterward rose to deserved distinction. Hindman, who commanded 
the advance, was a man of energy, audacity, and restless ambition. 
He had been a lawyer at Helena, Arkansas, and a member of Congress. 
Cleburne, who likewise practised law at Helena, was an Irishman by 
birth, had served in the British army, and was a man of broad, sober, 
noble nature. He died sword in hand at the head of his division in the 
assault on the Federal intrenchments at Franklin, Tennessee. Mar- 
maduke was here as a lieutenant-colonel ; and John C. Brown was a colo- 
nel, who since the war has been twice elected Governor of Tennessee 
in successive terms, and President of the Constitutional Convention 
which relieved the people from reconstruction disabilities to vote and 
hold office. All of these were subsequently major-generals.' 

' The estimation in which Cleburne was held by the soldiers is illustrated in the fol- 
lowing anecdote, told the writer by General Randal L. Gibson : When the Federal army 
made a stand at Franklin, Tennessee, Cleburne's and Brown's divisions were pushed for- 
ward on the turnpike, and captured the outer works and part of the second line after a 
desperate conflict, in which bayonet and clubbed musket were freely used. The carnage 
was terrible. Twelve Confederate general officers were disabled. General Gibson, in 
leading forward the advance next morning, stopped at early dawn where the Confederate 
line occupied the works. The ditch was full of the Confederate dead. Here he heard an 
Arkansas veteran relating to his comrades, in the cold gray of the morning, the story of 
yesterday's fight. The soldier ended it thus : " You see we were on this side of the works, 
and the enemy was on the other side of the works ; and we kept getting over, but they 
woidd roenforce and drive us out. And finally we said, ' Let's pass the word along the 
line to keep quiet till General Cleburne gives the word to charge, so we'll all get over 
together ; then we know we'll drive them. And we waited, and we waited, and we waited. 



ZOLLICOFFER'S OPERATIONS. 355 

General ZollicoflFer entered Kentucky with orders to fortify Cumber- 
land Gap, Cumberland Ford, and the intervening passes, so as to ren- 
der them tenable by the smallest practicable force. It was General 
Johnston's intention that he should then be moved to where he could 
act in cooperation with Buckner. Zollicoffer was deficient in facilities 
for effective fortification, and was prompted by an ardent and enterpris- 
ing temper to more active operations. In the centre of a hostile pop- 
ulation, and of a poor, mountainous country, he was urged both by the 
want of supplies and the necessity for vigilance to send out frequent 
expeditions. One of these brought on the first hostile collision in Ken- 
tucky. 

General Zollicoffer sent out Colonel J. A. Battle, who, with about 
800 men, on the 17th of September, attacked and dispersed a camp 
of 300 Home Guards at Barboursville, eighteen miles distant from 
the position of the main body of the Confederates. The Confed- 
erates lost two killed and three wounded, and reported the known 
loss of the enemy as twelve killed and two prisoners. Having captured 
twenty fire-arms, and destroyed " Camp Andrew Johnson," they returned 
to Cumberland Ford. 

On September 26th an expedition, sent by Zollicoffer to get salt, 
broke up a large encampment at Laurel Bridge, capturing its baggage, 
a few prisoners, 8,000 rounds of ammunition, and 200 barrels of salt. 
Zollicoffer reported that some plundering occurred on this expedition, 
which he regretted, and would punish. It was alike his interest and 
his desire to conciliate the population. Captain Bledsoe, with a com- 
pany of Tennessee cavalry stationed near Jamestown, Tennessee, on 
September 30th, attacked and routed a camp of Federals near Albany, 
Kentucky, capturing some sixty muskets. Zollicoffer was active in 
these minor operations, breaking up and capturing small bodies of Union 
recruits. 

General Johnston was anxious to fortify rapidly and formidably the 
strategic points in his line, so as to mobilize his troops. The strong 
points about Cumberland Gap, thus secured, would dominate a disloyal 
region, arrest an invader, and release an army for service elsewhere. 
But Zollicoffer's enthusiastic temperament impelled him to follow up 
the small advantages he had gained in the field, and he obtained Gen- 
eral Johnston's permission to fight when it seemed right to him, a dis- 
cretion not to be withheld from the general of a detached army of obser- 
vation. 

As soon as Zollicoffer received this authority, he sought the ener 
Deficient in staff, in organization, in transportation, and in subsi = 

And the bojs kept crying for the word, and they wondered why it did- ' 
when it didn't come, I knew Pat Cleburne was dead ; for, if he had b 
have given that order.' And, sure enough, he was dead, and aH ' ' 



356 BOWLING GREEN. 

he moved slowly over the mountain-paths of the rugged and barren 
" Wilderness " of Kentuck}'. Bad roads, broken wagons, and short 
rations, impeded his march ; but, on the 20th of October, he found him- 
self at Rockcastle River, eight miles from the enemy. On that same 
day. General Johnston wrote him that there were probably 4,000 Fed- 
erals at Rockcastle Hills, 6,000 at Dick Robinson, and a formidable re- 
serve in Northern Kentucky. But this was too late, of course, to reach 
him. 

General Thomas, who had his headquarters at Dick Robinson, had 
been anxious to assume the offensive. His plan was to penetrate East 
Tennessee, cut the railroad communications east and west, and raise the 
Unionists there in revolt.' It is hardly doubtful that all the arrange- 
ments for this scheme had been made. Thomas had pushed forward 
his advance to Rockcastle Hills, where, on notice of Zollicoffer's ap- 
proach, the commander. General Albin Schoepf, took a strong, in- 
trenched position, known as " Wild Cat," with six regiments, number- 
ing from 3,500 to 4,000 men. Zollicoifer had 5,500 men, but believed 
that only two Federal regiments were at " Wild Cat," not knowing 
that the rest of the vanguard had been concentrated there, the whole 
strength of which he estimated at 3,300 men. He reported to General 
Johnston that he " threw forward two regiments and a battalion to feel 
the enemy." This force assaulted the Federal position on the 21st of 
October, but, finding it too strong to be taken, withdrew with the loss of 
eleven killed and forty-two wounded." He took forty prisoners and 
some arms. General Schoepf reported his loss as five killed and eleven 
wounded. 

As this affair has been much exaggerated, the following brief sketch 
from the pen of Colonel Albert S. Marks is here given. Colonel Marks 
was a thoughtful and gallant officer, and has since the war attained 
distinction on the bench of Tennessee. He says : 

The hill which the enemy had fortified was at the head of a gorge about one- 
fourth of a mile wide. This fortified hill commanded the road over Eockcastle 
Hills. The day before the enemy was reached we foimd the road approaching 
the Hills, miles away from it, obstructed by fallen trees. A pioneer corps was 
put to work to clear them away. The men were not allowed to eat or sleep 
until the enemy was reached next morning. When as much as a hundred yards 
was cleared away, the brigade would be moved up, and this process went on the 
whole niglit. When the hill was reached, the road was found utterly impassable 
with fallen timber. 

The regiment to which I belonged, the Seventeenth Tennessee Infantry, was 

in line of battle to the right of the road. The advance was through the 

When the hill was reached, it was found that the face of it was a pre- 

'ff. At the centre of the regiment where my company was, the hill 

" Army of the Cumberland," vol. i., p. 37. 

-^••v of the War." — Southern Literary Messenger, 1862, p. 203. 



I 



REPULSE AT "WILD CAT." 357 

was accessible. My company, with a part of the companies on the right and 
left of it, could ascend the hill. "We did so. As soon as the crest of the hill 
was reached we found the intrenchments of the enemy about sixty yards from 
the crest with a solid abattis in front. I pressed my company into the abattis. 
The firing went on for half an hour. I had six men killed, and over twenty 
wounded.' The balance of tlie killed were out of the fragments of the compa- 
nies with me. Their officers were with mo, and the men would have been 
there, but our line covered the whole assailable ground. There was no attempt 
to support us. There was no assault or attempt at assault elsewhere. Indeed, it 
was impossible. I was ordered to withdraw my company, and did so, and thus 
ended the affair. We did not have out a skirmisher. The liill could have been 
turned either way without trouble, and if it had been attempted the enemy 
would have abandoned the place. 

The skirmish at " Wild Cat " was a misadventure, the ill effects of 
which were not measured by its magnitude. The Confederates retreated 
to Cumberland Ford depressed, and with loss of reputation in a region 
where prestige was everything. The Federals, believing, or pretending 
to believe, that they had repulsed ZoUicoffer's whole army, took heart 
and exulted in their prowess. Their projects of invasion were resumed, 
and the angry and elated Unionism of East Tennessee broke into open 
revolt. 

ZollicoflFer, in accordance with orders from General Johnston, Octo- 
ber 28th and November 7th, having left about 2,000 men at Cumber- 
land Gap, moved eastward, and finally took position guarding the 
Jamestown and Jacksboro roads, in defense of which line he carried on 
his subsequent operations. From this point he advanced, slowly feel- 
ing his way, until he established himself at Mill Spring on the Cumber- 
land. On November 24th Major-General George B, Crittenden assumed 
command of this military district, having been assigned thereto by the 
War Department. 

A general attack along the whole Federal line was attempted early 
in November, in concert with an insurrection in East Tennessee. Al- 
though the various combats and enterprises of this movement are re- 
corded by the Federal annalists, their simultaneous and concerted char- 
acter is not alluded to, if it was observed, by any of them. When the 
movement proved abortive, neither General Grant nor General Sher- 
man felt it necessary to call attention to that fact, nor to disclose their 
purpose in it. Yet a simple narrative of the events of the different ex- 
peditions made under these commanders will, in time, character, and 
relation, evince concert, as parts of a general plan. 

Grant's movement, beginning on November 3d, by an expediti' 
from Cape Girardeau into Missouri, under Oglesby, and closing 
the battle of Belmont, November 7th, will be related in the up 
ter. Sherman's central army gave every evidence of prepar 
* About one-half the entire loss. 



358 BOWLING GREEN. 

advance. On the Cumberland and Lower Green River the gunboats and 
cavalry showed unusual activity. On the 26tli of October a gunboat 
expedition, under Major Phillips, was made against a Confederate re- 
cruiting-station, near Eddyville, Kentucky. Phillips, with three com- 
panies of the Ninth Illinois Regiment, surprised and broke up the sta- 
tion, where Captain Wilcox had assembled about seventy-five men, 
capturing, killing, or wounding, a third of their number, with slight loss 
to his own command. On October 28th Colonel Burbridge, with 300 
men, crossed Green River at Woodbury, and Colonel McHenry, with 
200, at Morgantown, and engaged some small scouting-parties in that 
quarter. These were inconsiderable skirmishes. On Sherman's right 
flank, Schoepf was pushed forward, by Thomas, to London. At the 
same time the Unionists of East Tennessee burned the railroad-bridges 
and took up arms. But this episode will be given hereafter. 

While Grant was counting his losses on the day after Belmont, 
another contest was occurring at the other extremity of the hostile 
lines in Kentucky. Although the eastern part of the State had ad- 
hered with great unanimity to the Federal cause, many localities and 
families were favorable to the South. About 1,000 men, poorly armed 
and equipped, had enrolled themselves as Confederate soldiers at 
Piketon, near the head of the Big Sandy River. Their commander, 
Colonel John S. Williams, was endeavoring to supply and equip them 
from the resources of the neighborhood. But he was not to be left 
unmolested. Brigadier-General Nelson, who had advanced to Preston- 
burg with a Federal force, now pushed forward, and attacked Williams 
on the 8th of November. Nelson had four large regiments, a battalion, 
and two sections of artillery — nearly 4,000 men. Williams made a 
stand for time to get off his stores, which he did with little loss. A 
sharp fight ensued ; and Williams finally fell back, having suffered 
little. He admitted a loss of eleven killed, eighteen wounded, and 
some forty missing. The Federal accounts are inconsistent. One of 
them acknowledged a loss of thirteen killed and thirty-five wounded. 
Williams conducted his retreat with success ; and reached Pound Gap 
on the 13th of November with 835 men, the rest having scattered. 
Here he was met by Brigadier-General Humphrey Marshall, who had 
lately been assigned to the command of that district. Marshall had 
1,600 men, 500 of them unarmed. With these troops he took position 
in observation, secure in these mountain fastnesses, but without power 
'or an advance. 

It will be observed that all these events took place in the last days 

^■•tober or early in November. General (then Colonel) John C. 

* 'forms the writer that, at this juncture, he was accompanying 

^nston on a reconnaissance, from Bowling Green, up the 

■^■^, and through the country toward Glasgow. The 



GENERAL FEDERAL ADVANCE. 359 

general was enjoying the recreation of the march, and the pleasures of 
the bivouac, when, late one night, while they were sitting around the 
camp-fire, a telegram was handed him, advising him of Grant's move- 
ment upon Belmont. After reading it carefully, he passed it round to the 
other officers, and remarked, " This indicates a simultaneous movement 
along the whole line." He at once ordered Colonel Brown to take 100 
mounted men, before daylight the next morning, and proceed down the 
Big Barren River to Bowling Green — about fifty miles by the meanders 
of the river — examine every ford upon the river, and report to him that 
night at Bowling Green. Colonel Brown said that he would prefer 
not to have more than half a dozen men ; to which General Johnston 
replied, " Well, as my friend Captain Jack Hays used to say, on the 
plains of Texas, when about leaving camp of a morning, looking at his 
revolvers — ' Perhaps I will not need you to-day ; but, if I do, I will need 
you damned badly ' — so with you and the cavalry, Colonel Brown; you 
may not need them at all ; but, if you do, you will need them quick 
and very badly ; so you had better take them along with you." Colonel 
Brown accepted the escort, examined the fords, and reported promptly 
at Bowling Green that night, whither General Johnston had preceded 
him with all speed. 

Discerning the signs of a general movement against his lines be- 
fore it began. General Johnston took such steps as were in his power 
to frustrate it. He knew that he had a force of 20,000 men opposed 
to him on his front,' and that he was threatened on both flanks ; but 
he felt able to repel a direct attack on Bowling Green, and considered 
Columbus secure. At Columbus there were some 12,000 effectives, in 
a commanding position, behind strong fortifications, and with sufficient 
heavy artillery. Indeed, not having been properly informed of the 
reductions in the garrison from sickness and other causes, he estimated 
the force there at 16,000 men, and sought to strengthen his line where 
most vulnerable by a detachment from it. For this purpose, he ordered 
Polk to send Pillow, with 5,000 men, to Clarksville, where, with the 
troops at Fort Donelson and Fort Henry, he could defend that section 
from sudden irruption. The battle of Belmont, however, intervened, 
delaying Pillow's removal ; after which, on the ground of an imperious 
necessity, all his generals concurring, Polk suspended the order. It 
was represented to General Johnston that but 6,000 effectives would 
be left at Columbus, confronted by 25,000 men, who were being largely 
reenforced from Missouri. In a letter to the Secretary of War, No- 
vember 15th, General Johnston thus explains his situation : 

I therefore revoked my order. General Polk's force is stated far b^ 
what I have estimated it ; and, with a knowledge of the case as he pre'- 

' Sherman had in all, including Thomas, 40,000 men, fully organized. ' 
A, p. 364.) 



360 BOWLING GEEEN. 

I had left but the choice of difficulties — the great probability of defeat at Colum- 
bus or a successful advance of the enemy on my left.' I have risked the latter. 
The first would be a great misfortune, scarcely reparable for a long time ; the 
latter may be prevented. I have, however, at Nolin, on my front, about 
twenty-seven regiments, and a large auxiliary force at Columbia, on my right. 

The force on my front will await the success of movements on my left. My 
force must soon be put in motion. I am making every preparation with that 
object. It has taken much time to provide transportation (which is nearly 
accomplished), and all else, for a force suddenly raised. A portion of my force 
is well armed and instructed ; the remainder badly armed, but improving in all 
other respects. A good spirit prevails throughout. 

General Zollicoffer is taking measures to suppress the uprising of the dis- 
affected in Rhea and Hamilton Counties, Tennessee ; and, if it is true that Williams 
has retreated through Pound Gap, Marshall could easily suppress the insurrection 
in Carter, Johnson, and other counties, and then unite his force with Zollicoffer. 
The force under Zollicoffer, as everywhere else on this line, should be reenforced ; 
but this you know without my suggestion. The effective force here is 12,500. 

It was not without cause that General Johnston regarded the left 
centre of his line with apprehension. A full narrative of the defenses 
of the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers will be given in another 
chapter. Here, it is only necessary to state that there were garrisons 
at the forts and obstructions in the rivers, thought to be sufficient to 
prevent the passage of gunboats. But the country in front, between 
the Cumberland and Green Rivers, was a debatable ground, in which 
the Federals had recruited more soldiers than the Southern army. It 
was continually menaced by these native corps, and also by gunboat 
expeditions up these rivers from the Ohio. Small commands were 
kept at Russellville and Hopkinsville ; but these, as well as the gar- 
risons at the forts, suffered extremely from disease. 

Brigadier-General J. T. Alcorn, who was stationed at Hopkinsville 
with two or three regiments, to protect that region from the approach 
and depredations of the enemy, thus describes his ill success, and the 
causes for it, in one of his reports : 

My command, after furnishing nurses for the sick, is reduced to a battalion. 
It appears that every man in my camp will directly be down with the measles. 
The thought of a movement in my present condition is idle. I am not more 
than able to patrol the town. In relation to the movements of the enemy at 
Eddyville, I have reliable information. The gunboat steamed up to the town, 
and steamed back again. A company or squad of twenty-five cavalry, from 
Smithland, marched within four miles of Eddyville, took all the double-barreled 
guns they could find, robbed some women of their jewelry, seized several horses 
nd mules, destroyed some property, insulted some women, captured one citizen 
risoner, and returned to Smithland. 

reports at Calhoun, Owensboro, and Henderson, about 3,000 
^ops, " who shift from one post to another, and when mov- 
• At Donelson or Henry. 



WESTERN DISTRICT. 361 

ing steal everything' that they meet, and take everything valuable that 
they can carry." This is not an unfair sample of the reported conduct 
of the Federal troops on this line, Brigadier-General Tilghman, who 
succeeded Alcorn in command at Hopkinsville, reported, November 2d, 
that he was threatened by a heavy body of the enemy. He adds that 
he had 750 sick, and only 285 for duty. To meet a scouting-party of 
the enemy he raked up a battalion of 400 men, but the surgeon de- 
clared that only one-half of them were fit for duty. Tilghman de- 
scribed them as " the poorest clad, shod, and armed body of men I ever 
saw, but full of enthusiasm." Four days later, Gregg reached him, 
vmder orders from General Johnston, with 749 Texans, after marches 
of almost unexampled speed from their homes. Forrest, too, passed 
to the front on a scout. 

Such was the condition of affairs in the western district of his de- 
partment when General Johnston wrote, as above, November 15th. He 
could trust for protection against marauders to this force and the troops 
at the forts. They would of course be inadequate to meet a column, 
but that risk he had to take. He depended a good deal on the char- 
acter of the country between Columbus and the Cumberland River for 
its defense. It was generally covered by heavy forest and under- 
growth, and intersected by numerous roads, and thus capable of defense 
by a force inferior to the invader. 

General Johnston, desiring to improve the organization of the 
army, had directed its withdrawal from its advanced positions near 
Green River ; but, upon consideration, he countermanded this order, 
for the reasons given in the following letter, which also indicates his 
policy at the time : 

Hbadqttaetees, Westekn Depaetmrnt, \ 
Bowling Grebn, Kentucky, October il, 1861. 1 

Sir : I am instructed by General Johnston to say that his order to you was 
based on the great deficiency in, and the great necessity for, organization of 
this army corps. But, on further reflection, this must yield to other considera- 
tions, and be effected by other means. 

The backward movement from Green Eiver might, and probably would, be 
interpreted by the enemy into a retreat, and, if it did not encourage them to a 
move in rapid advance, would discourage our friends and elate our enemies in 
Kentucky. He therefore arrests it. He desires you to maintain yourself in 
observation of Green River, disposing of the forces now with you so as, in your 
judgment, will best accomplish this, and impress the enemy with an expectation 
of an advance by us. Secure yourself at the same time from his enterprise on 
your rear from the right and left. 

Let that portion of your command which, fur want of teams, depends f' 
transportation on the railroad be posted at Dripping Springs. 
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

W. W. Maokall, a. a. r 

Brigadier-General W. J. Habdee, commanding, etc. 



362 BOWLING GREEN. 

It will be seen that the execution of these orders was effective in 
arresting the combined movement projected against him at this time. 

General Johnston's policy from the beginning had been to keep up 
such an aspect of menace as would deter the enemy from an advance. 
A crushing blow delivered by Sherman, on any part of his line, would 
discover his weakness ; and his wish was to parry, rather than to meet, 
such a blow. It could only be averted by inspiring the enemy with an 
exaggerated notion of the Confederate strength, and with such expecta- 
tion of immediate attack as would put him on the defensive. Having 
no sufficient force to make formidable demonstrations, the same result 
was attained by frequent rapid expeditions through a wooded and 
sparsely-settled country, spreading rumors that had their effect at the 
Federal headquarters. 

These enterprises were too numerous and uneventful to enter into 
this narrative. Among others, may be mentioned that of Colonel Alli- 
son who, with 250 men of the Twenty-fourth Tennessee Regiment, and 
120 cavalry, routed a large camp, known as Jo Underwood's, on Octo- 
ber 24th. Besides killing and wounding some Federals, he captured 
fourteen prisoners and some arms. 

In pursuance of this policy, on the 9th of November General 
Johnston sent Colonel Cleburne, with 1,200 infantrj', half a section of 
artillery, and a squadron of Terry's Rangers, on a reconnaissance. He 
was to go to Jamestown, Kentucky, and Tompkinsville, while Zollicoffer 
was coming westward by Jacksboro and Jamestown, Tennessee. Five 
hundred of the enemy were reported at Jamestown, and 500 at Tomp- 
kinsville. His orders ran : 

If the enemy are there, attack and destroy them. . . . Create the impression 
in the country that this force is only an advanced guard. 

Cleburne marched as directed, but the Federals did not wait for 
him. They moved off at his approach, carrying reports of an advan- 
cing host. He found the people bitterly hostile. The able-bodied 
men had run away or joined the enemy. The women and children, ter- 
rified by calumnies that recited the atrocities of the Southern troops, 
hid in the woods or collected in crowds, imploring mercy. Cleburne 
says : 

Everybody fled at our approach ; but two people were left in Tompkinsville ; 
not a friend from there to Jamestown. One old woman met us with an open 
Bible, saying she was ready to die. 

Of course, he treated every one kindly. Trunks found in the woods 

the flankers were restored to the houses with labels stating the 

A few articles were stolen by teamsters or camp-followers ; but 

at once paid for them out of his own pocket. This conduct 

oeople, and he found a very good feeling on his return. 



SHERMxVN PARALYZED. 363 

This reconnaissance of Cleburne, and other movements of troops, 
produced the effect intended. Sherman was greatly troubled with the 
apprehension of an attack upon him by overwhelming numbers. The 
following extracts from his " Memoirs " prove conclusively that he 
thought exactly what General Johnston wished him to think in regard 
to the Confederate army. His statement, probably unintentional, is 
liable to convey an erroneous impression, where he says only about 
18,000 men were allotted to him, if his remarks apply to this period. 
The Secretary of War reports that his force, November 10th, was 
49,617 men,* and his own statements show that his force was not less.* 

General Sherman says in his " Memoirs " (vol. i., page 199) : 

As to a forward movement that fall, it was simply impracticable; for we 
were forced to use divergent lines, leading our columns farther and farther 
apart ; and all I could attempt was to go on and collect force and material at 
the two points already chosen, viz,, Dick Robinson and Elizabcthtown. General 
George II. Thomas still continued to command the former, and on the 12th of 
October I dispatched Brigadier-General A. McD. McCook to command the lat- 
ter, which had been moved forward to NoUn Creek, fifty-two miles out of Lou- 
isville, toward Bowling Green. . . . 

I continued to strengthen the two corps forward and their routes of supply ; 
all the time exjiecting that Sidney Johnston, who was a real general, and who 
had as correct information of our situation as I liad, would unite his force with 
ZohicofFer, and fall on Thomas at Dick Robinson, or McCook at NoHn. Had he 
done so in October, 1861, he could have walked into Louisville, and the vital 
part of the population would have hailed him as a deliverer. Why he did not, 
was to me a mystery then and is now ; for I know that be saw the move, and 
that his wagons loaded up at one time for a start toward Frankfort, passing 
between our two camps. Conscious of our weakness, I was unnecessarily 
unhappy, and doubtless exhibited it too much to those near me. (Page 200.) 

McClellan had 100,000 men, Fremont 60,000, whereas to me had only been 
allotted about 18,000. I argued that, for the purpose of defense, we should 
have 60,000 men at once, and, for offense, would need 200,000 before we were 
done. . . . (Page 203.) 

I complained that the new levies of Ohio and Indiana were diverted East 
and "West, and we got scarcely anything ; that our forces at Nolin and Dick Rob- 
inson were powerless for invasion, and only tempting to a general, such as we 
believed Sidney Johnston to be ; that, if Johnston chose, he could march to 
Louisville any day. (Page 202.) 

General Sherman, under the conviction that General Johnston was 
about to move on him in force, on the 11th of November ordered 
Thomas to withdraw behind the Kentucky River; and Thomas ordered 
Schoepf, who was at London, to retire to Crab Orchard. Schoepf fell 
back, but with such precipitation as to produce all the features and 
consequences of a rout. The weather was inclement; the roads very 
bad ; and the order of march ill preserved. Tons of ammunition and 
* See Appendix A. « See Appendix B. 



364 BOWLING GREEX. 

vast quantities of stores were thrown away. Broken teams and other 
abandoned property marked the line of retreat. A Federal reporter 
says: 

Our march has temporarily disabled the entire brigade, and large numbers 
will be in hospital in a day or two. So ends the great Cumberland Gap ex- 
pedition. 

The men became demoralized ; and the retreat degenerated into a 
flight. Some soldiers died of exhaustion, and many were disabled.' 
Zollicoffer's repulse at Wild Cat and this " Wild-cat stampede," as it 
was called, were offsets to each other in moral effect. 

The conspiracy for a general insurrection in East Tennessee was 
rendered abortive by Schoepf 's sudden retreat and Zollicoffer's posses- 
sion of the Gaps. With Schoepf 's column were Andrew Johnson and 
other civilian leaders, whose presence was expected to give a powerful 
impulse to a great popular uprising. As they sullenly retired, this 
hope faded from the minds of their followers. Nevertheless, the ar- 
rangements for revolt were too forward to be arrested without some 
outbreaks, as the first steps had already been taken on the da)' ap- 
pointed. Bands and squads of the hardier and bolder spirits had as- 
sembled in arms and begun the work of bridge-burning, which was to 
be the first chapter in the programme of this counter-revolution. 

On the night of November 8th five railroad-bridges were burned : 
two over Chickamauga Creek, one over Hiwassee River, on the Georgia 
State Railroad, one on Lick Creek, and another over Holston River, 
on the Virginia & East Tennessee Railroad. At Strawberry Plains a 
single sentinel, James Keelan, guarded the bridge. It is said that six- 
teen incendiaries attacked him at midnight on the platform of the tres- 
tle-work. He defended the bridge, and killed the ringleader in the act 
of setting fire to it. He received three bullet-wounds, and many cuts 
and gashes, and his hand was nearly severed from his wrist ; but he 
fought his assailants so fiercely that at last they fled. He reached the 
house of the railroad agent, where, as he sank down bleeding and ex- 
hausted, he said, " They have hilled me, but I have saved the bridge.''^ 
Happily, he recovered from his wounds. 

General Johnston ordered General Carroll from Memphis with his 
brigade. After Carroll's arrival in East Tennessee, there were 6,000 
Confederate soldiers there, and, a month later, 7,000 ; but only 1,000 of 
them were fully armed. Among 2,000 men at Knoxville, only 600 had 
any arms. The insurgents were said to consist of half a dozen bands, 
numbering from 500 to 2,000 men each. These numbers were, probably 
greatly exaggerated, the more so because they rose in scattered bands. 
Some slight skirmishes took place ; but they made no effective stand. 

' " Rebellion Record," vol. iii., p. 394. 



EAST TEXXESSEE INSURRECTION. 3G5 

Everywhere they dispersed on tlie approach of troops, and hid in their 
mountain retreats ; or, following by-paths, escaped to the enemy in 
Kentucky. Some of the ringleaders were arrested, and a few men were 
captured in arms ; but there was no disposition on the part of the 
authorities to treat them with severity, and, after a brief detention, 
most of them were released on taking the oath of allegiance to the 
Confederate States. 

General W. H. Carroll, commanding at Knoxville, proclaimed mar- 
tial law on the 14th of November; but, becoming satisfied that there 
was no longer a necessity for its enforcement, rescinded the order on 
the 24th of November. His order said : 

It is not the purpose of the commanding general at this post to impose any 
restrictions or enforce any law not required by stern necessity. Those persons 
who remain at home, submitting to the established laws of the country, will not 
be molested, whatever their previous political opinions may have been. 

Though there was considerable ferment and disloyalty in East Ten- 
nessee, requiring the presence of troops, its disloyalty demanded no 
further active measures of repression. The Governor of Tennessee, by 
his firm, judicious, and temperate conduct, aided greatly in restoring 
order to the disaffected region. 

APPENDIX A. 

Through the politeness of the Secretary of War, Mr. Belknap, the writer 
received the following statement of the strength of Sherman's command on the 
10th of November : 

War Department, Adjutant-General's Office, 1 
Washington, December 14, 1S75. ) 

Official transcript from the return of the Department of the Cumberland, 
showing the strength, present and absent, on the 10th day of November, 1861, 
the date of the last report received at this office before Brigadier-General Sher- 
man was relieved of that command : 

No. in commands that furnished returns to department headquarters, 30,917 

" " not furnishing returns, about ..... 9,100 

Regiments in process of formation, estimated 9,600 

Total 49,617 

E. D. TowxsEXD, Adjutant- General. 

APPENDIX B. 

General Sherman (vol. i., pp. 206-208) undertakes to give a statement of his 
strength, about the 3d or 4th of November. He states that General McCook 
had at Nolin four brigades, consisting of fourteen regiments of volunteers and 
some regulars, besides artillery — a force 13,000 strong. General Sherman also 
furnishes a tabulated list of the regiments under his command, which must 



36G TEE BATTLE OF BELMONT. 

have been compiled from imperfect sources. He mentions eleven regiments in 
easy supporting distance of McCook, and assigns seven to Thomas at Dick 
Robinson, with three more near by, besides seven others at different points. 
This makes forty-two regiments. Nelson's command, elsewhere mentioned as 
containing five regiments, of which three contained 2,650 men, is probably 
intentionally excluded from this table. But the list contains no mention of a 
number of Kentucky regiments then actually or nearly completed, some of which 
were then doing service, such as those commanded by Garrard, Pope, Ward, 
Hobson, Grider, McHenry, Jackson, Burbridge, Bruce, and others. 

By reference to Van Home's work, it will be found that a number of these 
were brigaded December 3d. Nor is any account taken of the numerous or- 
ganizations of Home Guards. General Sherman estimated the Confederate 
force from Bowling Green to Clarksville at from 25,000 to 30,000 men — double 
their real numbers. 

APPENDIX B (2). 

General Johnston estimated the Federal force in his front at 15,000 to 
20,000 ; in the Lower Green River country at 3,000 ; near Camp Dick Robinson, 
at 10,000 ; and elsewhere in Northern Kentucky, at 10,000. These figures were 
substantially correct. 

Sherman's command, from his own account, may be tabulated thus : 

Fourteen regiments at Nolin (his figures) 13,000 

Twenty-eight regiments mentioned (estimated) 26,000 

Nelson's command 4,000 

Ten regiments not mentioned 5,000 

Total . . 48,000 

This does not include Home Guards. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 



THE BATTLE OF BELMONT. 



On the 7th of November, 1861, a battle was fought at Belmont, 
Missouri, opposite Columbus, Kentucky. General Grant's reports and 
authorized biographies claim this as a victory, and that it was the cul- 
mination of an expedition undertaken for good strategic reasons, and 
justified by complete success. It is admitted that such vs^as not the 
popular estimate of the time ; and elaborate apologies have been framed 
to prove the substantial advantages gained by the fight. The merits 
of a hard fighter, of boldness, persistence, and coolness, will be cheer- 
fully accorded to General Grant by friend and foe alike ; and his repu- 
tation as a soldier need not rest on this battle. His first essay was a 



OUTLINE OF BATTLE. 367 

disaster to his arms. The verdict of the hour must be the verdict of 
history. 

General Polk's dispatch, announcing the battle of Belmont, and 
summing up its results, was as follows : 

Headquarteus First Division, Wkstern DEPAnTMENT. J 
Columbus, Kentucky, No-vemher 7, 1861. S 

The enemy came down on the opposite side of the river to Belmont to-dar, 
about 7,500 strong, landed under cover of gunboats, and attacked Colonel Tap- 
pan's camp. I sent over three regiments under General Pillow to his relief; 
then at intervals three others, then General Cheatham. 

I then took over two others in person, to support a flank movement which I 
had directed. It was a hard-fought battle, lasting from half-past 10 a. m. to 5 
p. M. They took Beltzhoover's battery, four pieces of which were recaptured* 
The enemy were thoroughly routed. We pursued them to their boats, seven 
miles, and then drove their boats before us. The road was strewed with their 
dead and wounded, guns, amumnition, and equipments. Our loss, considerable ; 
theirs, heavy. 

L. Polk, Major-General commanding. 

To general headquarters, through General A. S. Jounston. 

This report, made on the day of battle, is substantially accurate, 
except that the force of the enemy is over-estimated. 

General Grant represents his purpose and procedure in this move- 
ment as follows, in his report from Cairo, of November 12, 1861 : 

On the evening of the 6th instant I left this place with 2,850 men, of all 
arms, to make a reconnaissance toward Columbus. The object of the expedition 
was to prevent the enemy from sending out reenforceraents to Price's army in 
Missouri, and also from cutting off columns that I had been directed to send out 
from this place and Cape Girardeau, in pursuit of Jetf Thompson. Knowing 
that Columbus was strongly garrisoned, I asked General Smith, commanding 
at Paducah, Kentucky, to make demonstrations in the same direction. lie did 
so by ordering a small force to Mayfield, and another in the direction of Colum- 
bus, not to approach nearer, however, than twelve or fifteen miles. I also sent 
a small force on the Kentucky side, with orders not to approach nearer than 
Elliott's Mills, some twelve miles from Columbus. 

The expedition under my immediate command was stopped about nine miles 
below here on the Kentucky shore, and remained until morning. All this served 
to distract the enemy, and led him to think he was to be attacked in his strongly- 
fortified position. At daylight we proceeded down the river to a point just out 
of range of the rebel guns and debarked on the Missouri shore. From here the 
troops were marched by flank for about one mile toward Belmont, and then 
drawn up in line of battle, a battalion also having been left as a reserve near the 
transports. Two companies from each regiment, five skeletons in number, were 
then thrown out as skirmishers, to ascertain the position of the enemy. It was 
but a few moments before we met liim, and a general engagement ensued. 

On the 3d of November Grant had sent Colonel Oglesby with four 
regiments (3,000 men) from Commerce, Missouri, toward Indian Ford, 
25 



368 THE BATTLE OF BELMONT. 

on the St. Francis River, by way of Sikestown. On the 6th he sent 
him another regiment, from Cairo, with orders to turn his column tow- 
ard New Madrid, and, when he reached the nearest point to Columbus, 
to await orders. The ostensible purpose of this movement was to cut 
off reenforcements going to General Price, and to pursue Jeff Thomp- 
son. There could not have been at this time any serious apprehension of 
Jeff Thompson, whose band had dissolved ; and, as there were no such 
reenforcements going to Price, the detachment was, in these points of 
view, futile — as, indeed, was the entire expedition. Oglesby's position 
and strength might have supported Grant in case of successful lodg- 
ment, or have afforded him a secure line of retreat, in case he had been 
cut off from his gunboats ; but no such intentions have been admitted 
by General Grant. Unless the whole movement was tentative, with 
ulterior designs on New Madrid, it does not seem clear why so large a 
contingent should not rather have been massed with Grant's command 
in his assault on Belmont. 

General Grant says his object was " to make a reconnaissance." 
Badeau says : 

At two o'clock, on the morning of tlie 7th, he received intelligence that the 
rebels had been crossing troops from Columbus to Belmont the day before, with 
the purpose of cutting off Oglesby.' He at once determined on converting the 
demonstration on Belmont into an attack, as it was now necessary to be prompt 
in preventing any further eiForts of the rebels either to reenforce Price or to 
interrupt Oglesby. He still, however, had no intention of remaining at Belmont, 
which was on low ground, and could not have been held an hour under the guns 
at Columbus. His idea was simply to destroy the camps, capture or disperse 
the enemy, and get himself away before the rebel garrison could be reenforced. 

Belmont was the inappropriate name given a settlement of three 
houses on the western bank of the Mississippi River, opposite Columbus. 
It was situated in a dreary, flat " bottom-land," cut up with sloughs, 
heavily timbered, and approached from the river by two natural ter- 
races or banks. On the upper bank, a clearing bad been made in the 
forest of some 700 acres. In this clearing was the encampment of 
Colonel Tappan's Thirteenth Arkansas Regiment, and a light battery 
named " Watson's," under Colonel Beltzhoover, placed there as an 
outpost of the stronghold at Columbus. 

General Polk had information that led him to expect an attack on 
Columbus. Learning, early on the morning of the 7th, of Oglesby's 
march, he believed the attack would be general, and this opinion was 
confirmed by the Federal demonstrations on the Kentucky side of the 
river. The approach of Grant's gunboats and transports was observed, 

^ If such information was conveyed to General Grant, it is sufficient to say it was 
without foundation. 



THE COLLISION. QQQ 

though a bend in the river and an intervening forest concealed the 
landing and subsequent movements of his troops. While preparations, 
thought sufficient to defend the position at Belmont against Grant's 
column, were made, General Polk was unwilling to weaken the force at 
Columbus too much, lest the weight of the attack should fall there. 
Accordingly, he retained the greater part of his troops at Columbus, 
until the failure of the enemy to advance against it and the necessities 
of the case developed at Belmont induced him to cross over in force. 

The language of General Pillow's report will best describe the 
opening of the battle on the Confederate side. He says : 

Under instructions delivered in person by Major-General Polk, on the morn- 
ing of the 7th inst., I crossed to the village of Belmont, on the Missouri shore, 
four regiments of my division, and, as rapidly as possible, placed them in posi- 
tion about four hundred yards from the river-bank, in line with Colonel Tappan's 
regiment and Beltzli cover's battery, to receive the large force of the enemy ad- 
vancing on the small encampment at that place. These regiments, from measles 
and diseases incident to the Mississippi bottom, and absentees, had been reduced 
below 500 men for duty, as shown by the daily morning report. They were 
formed into line of battle, with Colonel Wright's regiment on the left of Beltz- 
hoover's battery, and with Colonels Pickett's, Freeman's, Tappan's, and Russell's 
regiments (the last now under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Bell), on the 
right of the battery. These regiments, all told, numbered about 2,500. 

General Pillow threw forward three companies of skirmishers, who 
disputed the ground until his alignment was hastily made. He was 
unacquainted with the ground and hurried for time. The Confederate 
line of battle was formed in somewhat crowded order, in the edge of 
the forest, nearly parallel with the river, with the " clearing," or open 
ground, behind it. The Federal column had landed around a bend of 
the river, and followed the road, which ran from that landing nearly 
parallel with the course of the river at Belmont, and a couple of miles 
back from it. A line of ponds and sloughs extended through the for- 
est from the landing to Belmont, and the road turned the head of 
these ponds and entered the Confederate position on its extreme left. 
When Grant was opposite to the Confederate position, he formed line 
of battle, and entered the woods to attack it. The sloughs, at this 
season, were dry, and offered no serious obstacle. He engaged the 
skirmishers sent out by Pillow, at twenty minutes past nine o'clock, 
and at about ten o'clock encountered his line of battle. 

Grant's strength was apparently greatly over-estimated b}'^ both 
Polk and Pillow, and by the Confederates generally, who placed it at 
7,500. Grant, in his report, puts it at 2,850, and, in a letter to his 
father, at 3,000. Badeau says there were 3,114 men. A soldier corre- 
spondent, writing from the battle-field, states the force engaged at 3,500. 
General Badeau's statement, as the most deliberate, ought to be the 



370 THE BATTLE OF BELMONT. 

most correct, though much below the average strength of Federal regi- 
ments at that time. The " skeleton " regiments, as General Grant calls 
them, were made up of picked men. The Confederate exaggeration of 
their numbers may well be accepted by these hardy Northwestern vol- 
unteers as a high tribute to their prowess, which on that day was very 
great. But it was in part due to their more open formation in line of 
battle. The Federal regiments were separated in their advance by the 
nature of the ground, and the men themselves were compelled to em- 
ploy a looser order. 

The Federal force was composed of five regiments of infantry, Tay- 
lor's battery of light artillery, and two squadrons of cavalry. The cav- 
alry, following the road, in advance and skirmishing, turned the Con- 
federate left. The infantry was arranged as follows : On the right, the 
Twenty-seventh Illinois, Colonel N. B. Buford; next, the Thirty-first 
Illinois, Colonel John A. Logan ; next, the Thirtieth Illinois, Colonel 
Philip B. Fouke — making a brigade, under command of Brigadier-Gen- 
eral John A. McClernand. The rear of the column, forming the left 
wing, was composed of the Twenty-second Illinois, Colonel H. Dough- 
erty, and the Seventh Iowa, Colonel Lauman, and was commanded by 
Colonel Dougherty. The first attack was made by the right wing ; 
but, as it advanced, the Twenty-seventh Illinois, in passing around 
the head of a pond, was separated from the command, and found itself 
on the left flank of the Confederates. McClernand's other two regi- 
ments struck them on the right flank and front ; and Dougherty's bri- 
gade, passing behind the Thirtieth and Thirty -first Illinois to their right, 
occupied the interval, and thus became the centre. 

Whether there was really a greater disparity of force than the Fed- 
eral writers suppose, or, whatever the cause, the Federal army pre- 
sented the greater front, and attacked both in front and on each flank 
of the Confederates at the same time. Such is Pillow's statement, and 
it is corroborated by the reports of the Northern generals. McClernand 
was disappointed that the movement of the Second Brigade was not 
made on the left, as originally intended, " which," he says, " would 
have perfected a line sufficient to inclose the enemy's camp on all sides 
accessible to us, thus enabling us to command the river above and below 
them, and prevent the crossing of reenforcements from Columbus, in- 
suring his capture as well as defeat." Later on he says, "A combined 
movement was now made upon three sides of the enemy's works." 

The battle opened at about half-past ten o'clock, with an assault 
upon the right front and flank of the Confederate line, by the Thirtieth 
and Thirty-first Illinois and the artillery, led by General McClernand. 
He says, " The struggle, w^hich was continued for half an hour with 
great severity, threw our troops into temporary disorder, but they were 
promptly rallied." They were, in fact, repulsed by Tappan's and Rus- 



THE FIRST ENGAGEMENT. 371 

sell's regiments. On the Confederate left, Buford's Twenty-seventh 
Illinois, aided by the cavalr}', assailed Wright's regiment, which was 
supported by Beltzhoover's guns, and partially defended by a rough 
abattis. This attack was also repulsed. 

Colonel Dougherty led the Second Brigade in such a direction that 
he encountered the Confederate centre, composed of the regiments of 
Pickett and Freeman. The whole Federal line advanced through rough 
forest and fallen timber, which, though it impeded and annoyed, gave 
great advantages of shelter. This applied especially to the Second Bri- 
gade. Pickett's and Freeman's regiments, being in the cleared ground, 
were more exposed. They were broken several times by the vigorous 
assault of Dougherty's men, but were as often rallied by the officers, 
and by General Pillow in person. Dougherty, in his report, saj's : 

The enemy for some time obstinately resisted any advance at this point, and 
a storm of musketry raged along the whole line of the Second Brigade. . . . 
Step by step we drove them, until they reached a secondary bank, such as abound 
througli the river-bottoms of the West, under which they were protected from 
our fire ; and, when they made another desperate stand for about thirty minutes, 
our fire became so hot that they retreated to some open ground near their en- 
campment, covered by a rude abattis of felled timber, strewing the ground as 
they went with guns, coats, and canteens. Our brave troops followed them 
with shouts, pouring volley after volley into them. Here the enemy's movements 
at this point gave unmistakable evidence of being panic-stricken and defeated, 
retreating to the river and up the river-bank behind the shelter of some brush 
and timber. 

The resistance was, indeed, even more resolute than this Federal 
report concedes. The artillery-ammunition gave out, and a regiment 
and battalion also fell short of ammunition. Pillow ordered a bayonet- 
charge, which was made gallantly, driving back the Federal line. But 
it retired with such a deadly fire that the Confederates in turn fell back 
to their original position. This was repeated a second and a third time, 
the Federals being each time driven back, but, in the final charge, pre- 
vailing. Pillow says he ordered his line to fall back to the river-bank. 
Of course, raw troops could not, under such circumstances, successfully 
execute this manoeuvre, and his line reached the river-bank a broken 
and disordered mass. 

The resistance to the attack on the right and left had been similar but 
even more stubborn. Indeed, the lines, after the first shock, were contin- 
uous, and the contest general. The Thirtieth and Thirty-first Illinois, 
led and encouraged by both Grant and McClernand, thrice attacked, 
and were thrice driven back by the bayonet. At length, the entire 
Federal army was united in a final combined attack, before which the 
Confederates gave way. This was about two o'clock. The Federal 
army, emerging from the woods, captured the abandoned guns of the 



372 THE BATTLE OF BELMONT. 

Watson Battery, and entered the Confederate encampment on three 
sides, almost simultaneously, the honor being conceded to the Twenty- 
seventh Illinois of being the first to break through the obstacles, and 
snatch the prize of victory. Thus ended the first engagement of the 
day, in the apparent rout and total defeat of the Confederates. 

It is very probable that the Union army would not have allowed the 
Confederates to escape up the river-bank without pursuit, if their on- 
ward career had not been sharply checked at the secondary bank. Just 
as the shattered Confederates took refuge behind this bank. Pillow, 
who had sent to Polk for an additional regiment, found Knox Walker's 
regiment, the Second Tennessee, coming to his support. He pushed it 
forward to the edge of the bank, and it sustained the attack of the Fed- 
erals, until the dispersed and beaten Confederates had made their way 
through the timber, up the river-bank, and, with the tenacity of Ameri- 
can soldiers, had rallied for a renewal of the contest. But, though 
Walker's regiment maintained itself stubbornly for a while, it could not 
bear the entire brunt of the contest under the deadly fire of the Feder- 
als, flushed with success. At last it retired up the bank, keeping up a 
steady fire as it fell back. 

When the Federals had obtained possession of the whole river-front 
of the camps, they advanced to the bank, and opened an artillery-fire 
on Columbus, and on some crossing transports, which they drove back. 
The heavy guns at Columbus now opened on the Federals with serious 
purpose. So crushing was this cannonade, plunging in from the com- 
manding heights opposite, that the Federals rapidly recoiled. It was 
seen that their position at Belmont was not tenable. At the same 
time, they learned that General Polk had been crossing reenforcements, 
and was landing them some distance above, with the evident design of 
cutting off the retreat to the transports. Badeau says,* Grant's troops 
were " plundering," while their colonels, " equally raw, shouted, and 
made stump-speeches for the Union." Grant was more complimentary 
at the time, attributing much of the gallantry of his troops " to the cool- 
ness and presence of mind of the officers, particularly the colonels." 
Doubtless, they were a good deal disorganized. Badeau continues : 

He (Grant) was anxious to get back to his own steamers before these reen- 
forcements could arrive, and strove to reform his men, but in vain ; they be- 
haved like so many schoolboys, until, finally, to stop the plundering, he ordered 
his staff-officers to set the camps on fire. 

Gathering their booty and captured guns, the column began its re- 
treat to the transports and the protection of the gunboats. 

The account of this retreat is not related in the Federal reports with 
candor. It is hard to see the fruits of victory wrested away ; and the 

1 " Life of Grant," vol. i., p. 16. 



FEDERAL RETREAT AND ROUT. 373 

disastrous rout they suffered is denied, or glozed over, in all these nar- 
ratives. The facts are these : During the retreat of his beaten regi- 
ment, Pillow found at the landing, some distance above the battle- 
ground, two regiments — Marks's Eleventh Louisiana and Carroll's Fif- 
teenth Tennessee. Pillow determined to try to retrieve the fortunes 
of the day, and ordered Colonel Marks to lead these two regiments in 
pursuit, while he would support him with the fragments of the regi- 
ments then reforming. His directions were, " to lead the advance in 
double quick time through the wood and to the enemy's rear, and to 
attack him with vigor." 

The discrepancies between the Federal and Confederate accounts of 
this second engagement can be reconciled only by supposing that, in 
approaching the Federals through the woods, Marks's line of battle en- 
countered the head of their column at such an angle that his extreme 
flankers on the right were interposed on the line of retreat. These, of 
course, offered no serious obstacle to that column going home. They 
were pushed aside. When the column came in collision with it, Badeau 
says : 

It was instantly cried, ""We are surrounded! " and at first some confusion 
prevailed. An oflBcer of Grant's staff, lately from civil life, rode up, a little 
flustered, with the intelligence. " "VTell," said Grant, " if that is so, we must cut 
our way out as we cut our way in." The men were brave enough, but it had 
not occurred to them before that, being surrounded, there was anything to do 
but surrender. 

Colonel Dougherty, in his report made at the time, attributes this 
remark to himself; and a newspaper reporter puts it in the mouth of 
Colonel Logan ; so that, after all, there was a co?isensus here in a senti- 
ment as old as Pelopidas — or at least as his biographer. Badeau adds: 

As soon as the troops found that their leader meant to fight, the confusion 
was past ; they promptly charged and dispersed the rebel line, which made but 
a faint resistance, not half so vigorous as that of the morning, and disappeared a 
second time over the banks. 

The Confederates know nothing of this engagement, and it is not 
to be explained except as above, unless it was a mere stampede oc- 
casioned by the appearance of some squad of stragglers, which, lost in 
the woods, fired before it fled. 

There was an engagement, however, which, though almost ignored 
by their writers, was disastrous enough to Grant's army. Pillow sajs : 

Marks attacked the column, and the enemy after, a feeble resistance, broke 
and fled, in great disorder, and was hotly pursued by our troops. 

In this pursuit, Marks's command was aided by the troops that had 
been rallied by Pillow, and by General Cheatham, who had preceded his 



37-i THE BATTLE OF BELMONT. 

brigade, and gave his personal assistance in this action. They assailed 
the Federals on both flanks, and routed them, Polk, in his report, de- 
scribes this part of the held, over which he passed later, as strewed with 
wounded and dead. 

Badeau denies any rout, and says, " The hot pursuit was after the 
national troops got aboard." General Grant says in his letter to his 
father : 

There was no hasty retreating or running away. Taking into account the 
object of the expedition, the victory was complete. 

General McClernand, with more frankness, says : 

In passing through the woods, the Thirtieth, the Seventh, and the Twenty- 
second, encountered a heavy fire on their right and left successively, which was 
returned with such vigor and effect as to drive back the superior force of the 
enemy, and silence his firing, but not until the Seventh and Twenty-second had 
been thrown into temporary disorder. Here Lieutenant-Colonel Wentz, of the 
Seventh, and Captain Markley, of the Thirtieth, with several privates, were 
killed, and Colonel Dougherty, of the Twenty-second, and Major McClurken, of 
the Thirtietli, who was near me, were severely wounded. 

General McClernand this day lost three horses. 
Colonel Dougherty says : 

At this time the Seventh Iowa was in rear of the Twenty-second Illinois, and 
was somewhat confused; all the field-officers and many of the company-officers 
of that brave regiment being either killed, wounded, or taken by the enemy. 

Colonel Dougherty was called away ; but, after an interval, returned 
to this command. He continues his account thus : 

On my return I found many of the Seventh Iowa considerably scattered ; 
while cheering them up and hurrying them forward, I received a small shot in 
the shoulder, and one on the elbow, and shortly afterward a ball through the 
ankle ; my horse was also shot in several places, which fell with me, and soon 
expired. I found myself unable to travel, and was consequently captured by the 
rebels, who treated me with respect and kindness. 

The rear-guard of the Federals did, in fact, make a stubborn defense, 
and suffered severely, but were so beaten and broken that they fled 
into the woods. Pillow halted his men to reform, and drew them off 
to await the arrival of the reenforcements which had landed and were 
now advancing under General Polk in person. There had been delay 
in landing the reenforcements, and a failure to get ashore some artillery, 
owing to neglect of the transport to provide staging, and from the 
nature of the river-bank there. Polk, as soon as he got his men ashore, 
attempted to lead them so as to interpose them between Grant and his 
transports, but the haste of the retreat saved the Federal column. On 



GRANT'S ESCAPE. 375 

coming up with Pillow, Polk ordered the pursuit to be renewed, himself 
taking command and directing the movement. The troops he had 
brought up were Smith's One Hundred and Fifty-fourth Tennessee 
Militia Regiment, Neeley's Fourth Tennessee, and Blythe's Mississippi 
Battalion. These were part of Cheatham's command. As the Confed- 
erates advanced, they found the road strewed with abandoned plunder 
and material of war. The hospital of the enemy was captured, with 
some seventy wounded. Four of the six guns lost in the morning were 
recovered, and one of the enemy's guns was taken. Every evidence of 
precipitate retreat was found. 

The gunboats Taylor and Lexington, which had convoyed the 
transports, thrice engaged the Confederate batteries during the day, 
and received some shells which killed and wounded several men. The 
transports also found themselves within range of the batteries, and all 
drew off farther up the river than the point of debarkation. 

When the retreating column came up, it found the small reserve 
already on board, and a hasty embarkation began. Before it was con- 
cluded, the whole Confederate force suddenly appeared from a corn- 
field, in which it had been deployed, and fronting along the river-bank, 
in line of battle more than a mile in length, opened a heavy fire upon 
the transports. The cables were cut, and the boats put off hastily, 
the gunboats firing, and doing what they could to cover the retreat. 
General Grant was one of the last on board. Sliding his horse down 
the bank, he went in on a plank pushed ashore for him. The boats ran 
the gantlet, and, when well up the river, stopped to take on board a 
mass of fugitives who had fled along the bank. The Confederates 
claimed that the slaughter on the transports was immense, and their 
own loss trifling. Their adversaries insisted that they themselves had 
met no serious loss, but that the slaughter on shore was dreadful. It 
is probable that the troops crowded on the transports suffered more 
than those in line of battle. It was sunset when the action ended. 

The Confederates had on the west bank of the river that day ten 
regiments and a battalion, possibly 5,500 men. It has been seen that 
in the first engagement the Federals had the advantage of numbers 
and of the ground. In the second encounter, though the Confederate 
attack was made by only two regiments and the fragments of the routed 
army, and three Federal regiments were certainly engaged, yet it was 
upon the rear-guard of a retreating column, so that the contest was not 
greatly unequal. The third engagement was merely a parting salute 
to an escaped foe. Had Polk's force been at that landing half an hour 
sooner, he would probably have struck there a decisive blow. 

Six hours of hard fighting had inflicted cruel losses on both sides. 
In Beltzhoover's battery 45 horses were killed, and all but one wounded. 
The Confederates lost 105 men killed, 419 Avounded, and 117 missing 



376 THE BATTLE OF BELMONT. 

— total, G41 ; of whom 562 were in the five regiments originally en- 
gaged. 

General Polk says in his report : 

The number of prisoners taken by the enemy, as shown by their list fur- 
nished us, was 106, all of whom have returned by exchange. 

After making a liberal exchange of prisoners with the enemy, 100 of their 
prisoners still remain in my hands, one stand of colors, and a fraction over 
1,000 stand of arms, with knapsacks, ammunition, and other military stores. 

The Rev. P. C. Headley, in his "Life of Grant," says, " The rebels 
lost 2,800 men." 
Badeau says : 

At Belmont, General Grant lost 485 men in killed, wounded, and missing; 
125 of his wounded fell into the hands of the rebels; he carried off 175 prison- 
ers and two guns. 

General Polk, writing November 10, 1861, could not be mistaken as 
to the number of prisoners. The number of dead must have been much 
over 100 ; and, if the wounded were in any ordinary ratio to the other 
losses, the writer is constrained to believe that General Badeau is in 
error in his statement of the losses of Grant's army at Belmont. The 
universal testimony of those who remained masters of the field made 
it much greater that he sets it down. 

General Grant, writing to his father soon after the battle, says : 

General McClernand and myself each had our horses shot under us. Most of 
the field-officers met with the same loss, besides one-third of them being killed 
and wounded. 

Pillow, in his report, says : 

We buried of the enemy, 295. The enemy, under a flag of truce, were en- 
gaged at the same labor a large portion of the day. We have near 200 Federal 
prisoners. 

Major J. D. Webster, making report to General Grant of the flag of 
truce sent, asking permission to bury their dead, says he had a working- 
party on the 9th thus employed ; and learns from the Confederate com- 
missioner that " the number (of Federals) reported buried by them (the 
Confederates) on the field yesterday, was 68." 

General Polk estimates the Federal loss at 1,500. Howison, a care- 
ful writer, comparing the current accounts of the day, says : 

The Federal loss, as stated in their own accounts, was 607 ; but this is far 
below the truth. According to this account they had 6-4 killed, while it is cer- 



RESULTS. 377 

tain more than 200 of their dead were found on the battle-field. According to 
the usual proportion, their total loss was probably not less than 1,200. 

Those interpreters of Scripture who find in every event of their own 
time a fulfillment of prophecy, noted a curious verbal coincidence in 
the fact that the troops of Southern Illinois, popularly known as 
Egypt, were slain and buried by Tennessee soldiers, many of whom were 
recruited at Memphis : " Egypt shall gather them, and Memphis shall 
bury them." 

Grant showed his usual bravery and coolness on the field. On the 
other side, Pillow displayed conspicuous gallantry, and but one of his 
stafi" escaped untouched. General Polk complimented Pillow and his 
officers for their courage. 

A member of Taylor's battery (Federal), writing home next day/ 
tells his friend : 

"We returned home last night from the hardest-fought battle our troops have 
had since Wilson's Creek. It is the old story. We were overpowered by supe- 
rior numbers and driven from the field, leaving many of our dead and dying, 
although we had once fairly gained the victory. . . . The whole thing was an 
awful " bungle." 

This, possibly, may be the criticism of many a military (or non- 
military) reader of the varied accounts of this opening battle of the 
campaign. 

Whatever other comment may be made, or lesson drawn from it, 
its story is highly honorable to the individual courage, tenacitv, and 
intelligence, of the American soldier. Those Western troops, who, 
fighting forward among fallen timber, broke through a Confederate 
line not much weaker than their own, were no ordinary men. The 
shattered and routed Southerners, who, after an hour's interval, were 
ready to join in an irresistible charge that reversed the fortunes of 
the day, evinced the spirit that made them famous on so many fields. 
Federal and Confederate alike may look back and feel that there was 
nothing to be ashamed of in the fighting at Belmont. 

It is, indeed, conceded by the Federal writers that the prestige of 
the day remained with the Confederates. Although they admit this 
fact, they claim that it was unjust, and that Grant and his men learned 
valuable lessons in warfare that day, which is doubtless true. Before 
the battle, General Polk, in the interests of humanity, had proposed an 
exchange of prisoners, to which General Grant made a haughty reply, 
that he recognized no " Southern Confederacy." After the battle, how- 
ever, Grant had himself to send a flag of truce to reopen the negotia- 
tions he had spurned. It is believed he ever after recognized the Con- 
federates as belligerents. 

» " Rebellion Record," vol. iii., p. 293. 



378 THE FALL CAMPAIGN. 

President Davis, on the 8th of November, replied to General Polk's 
dispatch announcing the victory of Belmont : 

Your telegraph received. Accept for yourself, and the officers and men 
under your command, my sincere thanks for the glorious contribution you have 
just made to our common cause. Our countrymen must long remember grate- 
fully the activity and skill, courage and devotion, of the army at Belmont. 

J. Davis. 

General Johnston, in General Order No. 5, after thanks and congratu- 
lations to Generals Polk and Pillow, and to the men engaged, concludes : 

This was no ordinary shock of arms , it was a long and trying contest, in 
which our troops fought by detachments, and always against superior numbers. 
The 7th of November will fill a bright page in our military annals, and be re- 
membered with gratitude by the sons and daughters of the South. 

At Belmont the gallant Major Edward Butler fell mortally wounded. 
He was a man of splendid presence and chivalric nature, the grandson 
of one of " Washington's four colonels." He said to his brother, " Take 
my sword to my father, and tell him I died like a gentleman and a 
Butler." 



CHAPTER XXV. 

THE FALL CAMPAIGJf, 



It has been seen that the early part of November was a season of 
hostile activity with the enemy. It was also marked by important 
changes in the assignment of their generals. On November 1st Major- 
General George B. McClellan was assigned to the chief command of the 
army, in place of Lieutenant-General Scott, retired. On November 9th 
the Department of the Cumberland was discontinued by the United States 
War Department, and the Department of the Ohio constituted, em- 
bracing the States of Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Kentucky (east of the 
Cumberland River), and Tennessee ; and Brigadier-General D. C. Buell 
was assigned to its command, which he assumed November 15th.* At 
the same time General H. W. Halleck superseded Fremont in command 
of the Department of the West. Sherman was removed from Kentucky, 
and sent to report to Halleck. His memoirs evince that he left Ken- 
tucky in disappointment and bitterness of spirit, and deeply distrusted 
by his Government — a distrust which it required all the great political 
influence of his family to remove. 

Buell, Sherman's successor, had sterling qualities — integrity, ability, 
and a high sense of the soldierly calling. He had a fine faculty for 
organization, improved by long training as an assistant adjutant-gen- 

1 "Army of the Cumberland," vol. i., p. 46. 



THE REFUGEES. 379 

eral. He was calm and resolute, and a formidable antagonist for any 
general. Much of the subsequent efEciency of that army was due to 
the share Buell had in its formation. 

It was to General Johnston's advantage that Buell knew him only 
as an officer cautious and provident in military conduct, and that he 
could not presume him to have taken such risks as he did. It happens 
to be within the writer's knowledge that General Johnston regai'ded 
what he conceived to be Buell's opinion of him as one of the considera- 
tions to be weighed in determining his own course of action. 

The camp at Bowling Green was a city of refuge for Kentuckians 
whose sense of duty forced them to side with the South in the pending 
contest. When Buckner entered Kentucky, in the middle of Septem- 
ber, the Union leaders and the United States military authorities feared 
greatly an immediate revolt of the State-rights party. Breckinridge 
was counseling the people, but with his usual prudence, to organize 
against encroachments on their State-rights. William Preston and 
Humphrey Marshall, with more vehemence, were urging them to meas- 
ures of resistance. Southern sympathizers everywhere denounced the 
fraud which had been practised in the name of neutrality. A dan- 
gerous excitement existed, which, if left longer, might have produced 
serious results. But the propitious moment had long passed when suc- 
cessful revolt was possible in Kentucky. The time had come when the 
Federal Government could give the final blow to the cherished doctrine 
of neutrality, and it did not hesitate at stern measures of repression, 
altogether alien to American ideas. It took its warrant in its fears. 

On September 19th Hon. Charles A. Morehead, a man eminent for 
character and ability, was seized at his home, near Louisville, and, with- 
out warrant of law, was hurried off to prison in Boston Harbor. More- 
head had been Governor of the Commonwealth, and the intimate friend 
of Clay. Though a strong sympathizer with the South, he had been 
conservative and opposed to disunion. His arrest gave a great shock in 
Kentucky, in proportion to its rude lawlessness. It evinced that in war 
the laws are silent, and that no bulwark was left against the terrorism of 
brute force. On the same night, Reuben T. Durrett, formerly editor of 
the Louisville Courier, and Martin W. Barr, of the telegraph-office, were 
arrested; and these arrests were rapidly followed by others, of aged, 
wealthy, and eminent citizens, who were carried off to captivity in the 
free States. On the same day, September 19th, Colonel Bramlette, 
with his command, reached Lexington, to arrest Breckinridge, Preston, 
and other Southern-rights men. But these received timely intimation 
of their danger, and escaped. Humphrey Marshall, George B. Hodge, 
John S. W^illiams, Haldeman and McKee, of the Courier, and many 
other Southern sympathizers, warned by these events, or by secret 
friendly messages, also found their way to the Confederate lines. 



380 THE FALL CAMPAIGN. 

These fugitives resorted either to Richmond or to Bowling Green, 
according to the direction of their escape, or for other reasons. Breck- 
inridge, after a short stay in Richmond, went to Bowling Green, where, 
on October 8th, he issued a noble and stirring address to the people of 
Kentucky. It recites the causes that drove so many loyal and patriotic 
citizens into that attitude of armed resistance to the United States Gov- 
ernment which Northern people are pleased to call rebellion. The 
writer would be glad to embody this address here, but space does not 
permit. It may be found in the " Rebellion Record," vol. iii., page 254. 
In concluding his address, Breckinridge used this language : 

For those who, denied by the Legislature the protection due to the humblest 
citizen, have been delivered over to the tender mercies of foreign mercenaries, 
and hunted like partridges on the mountains, what remains, but imprisonment, 
exile, or resistance? As one of tliem, I intend to resist. I will avoid conflict 
with Kentuckians, except in necessary self-defense, but I will unite with my fel- 
low-citizens to resist the invaders who have driven us from our homes. To this 
course we are impelled by the highest sense of duty and the irresistible instincts 
of manhood. To defend your birthright and mine, which is more precious than 
domestic ease, or property, or life, I exchange, with proud satisfaction, a term of 
six years in the Senate of the United States for the musket of a soldier. 

Breckinridge returned to Richmond soon after issuing this address. 
He was appointed a brigadier-general, and sent to General Johnston, 
who assigned him to the command of the Kentucky Brigade, November 
14th. We here behold a man, who had lately been Vice-President and 
a candidate for President, exchanging the senatorial rank for the com- 
mand of a little band of exiles, in obedience to principle ; and this they 
call treason ! 

In Breckinridge's eloquent peroration, quoted above, there was an 
antithesis that struck agreeably on the popular ear. A friend has sent 
the writer a shrewd remark of General Johnston in regard to it. To 
one inquiring of him what had become of Breckinridge, he replied, "He 
has gone to Richmond to get his musket.''^ 

General Johnston set a high value, however, on the talents as well 
as the prestige of Breckinridge. His calmness and reticence, his manly 
courtesy and high courage, his good judgment and tenacity, not less 
than more striking qualities, commended him to his commander. Hence 
General Johnston gave him exceptional opportunities for distinction, 
and on his own last great day at Shiloh gave him a corps to command, 
with which Breckinridge made a record that fixed his reputation as a 
soldier. 

Besides Breckinridge and others who entered the army, many civil- 
ians had gathered at Bowling Green. Some of these were men of mark 
in the State ; very many had a local importance that pointed them out 



KENTUCKY PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT. 381 

to the vengeance of the Federal Government, and almost all were em- 
bittered by exile, disappointment, and wounded patriotism. They saw 
the recreant Legislature registering orders from military headquarters 
as legislative acts against them, which, if impotent, were yet insulting 
— a burlesque on law-making — statutes for divorce from their wives, 
statutes threatening the penitentiary as a penalty, statutes condemning 
them to death. It was suggested that a provisional government, repre- 
senting the Southern outlawed element of the people, would serve as a 
rallying-point for Confederate sentiment, and give color of legality to 
many things necessary to be done. 

The plan of a provisional government was privately proposed to 
General Johnston, and the leaders of the movement were much aston- 
ished and disappointed to find that he disapproved of it. In fact, though 
he could not make known to them his reasons, he already contemplated 
the contingency of being driven from the State, and foresaw the aggra- 
vated force with which this disappointment would react on Kentuckians, 
and he did not desire the additional embarrassment of the perambulating 
pageant of a State government on wheels. Hence he offered such dis- 
couragement as he could to the project, without taking any open or 
active stand against it ; recognizing indeed, too, the good side of the 
scheme. It was not possible to arrest the movement without an ungra- 
cious thwarting of men ardent in the cause of the South and devoted 
to its interests. Hence it was gradually determined, from the various 
motives that control men under such circumstances, to establish the 
provisional government. 

A conference was held at Russellville, October 29th, in accordance 
with previous notice, which was numerously attended, and over which 
presided Henry C. Burnett, who had retired from the United States 
Congress. Resolutions were passed, denouncing the United States 
Government and the State government, and recommending that a con- 
vention should meet November 18th. Accordingly, a convention, irreg- 
ularly chosen, it is true, and professedly revolutionary, met on Novem- 
ber 18th at Russellville. Henry C. Burnett again presided, and Robert 
McKee was secretary. An ordinance of secession was passed, and a 
provisional government was set up, with a Governor and ten council- 
men of ample powers, including authority to negotiate a treaty with 
the Confederate States, and to elect Senators and Representatives to 
its Congress. 

The Governor elected by the convention was George W. Johnson, 
of Scott County. He was a nephew of Richard M. Johnson, who had 
been Vice-President under Van Buren, and belonged to a numerous, 
wealthy, and powerful connection, in Kentucky and the South. George 
\V. Johnson was of a very lofty and noble nature. He was impetuous 
and sensitive, and his impassioned temperament sometimes warped the 



382 THE FALL CAMPAIGN. 

correctness of his judgment ; but his talents were fine, his impulses 
generous, and his ideas of public duty very high. He had received an 
excellent education, and had acted as a professor of mathematics in his 
youth. He was fond of reading, and had both wealth and culture. 
Dispensing liberal hospitality, he yet practised for himself a total absti- 
nence from all liquors. He was a friend of General Johnston, and per- 
sonally every way acceptable to him. Much beloved by the Eentuck- 
ians in life, his self-sacrifice and heroic death endeared to them his 
memory. 

An act had been passed by the Confederate Government, August 
28th, appropriating a million dollars to aid Kentucky in repelling inva- 
sion. It was five or six months too late. Employed early enough, it 
might have been a fair offset to the millions used in the State by the 
United States Government. By an act of Congress, approved Decem- 
ber 10th, Kentucky was " admitted a member of the Confederate States 
of America on an equal footing with the other States of this Confed- 
eracy." 

On November 11th a large Dahlgren gun burst at Columbus, killing 
Captain Reiter, Lieutenant Snowden, and five gunners. General Polk 
was injured, the shock producing deafness, sickness, and great nervous 
prostration, which lasted several weeks. In the mean time his duties 
devolved on General Pillow. Polk offered his resignation, Avhich was 
declined. He wrote to General Johnston, November 28th, " I have 
waived my resignation, as Davis seems very much opposed to it, and 
shall endeavor to do my duty." 

A reference to Chapter XXII. will show that General Johnston was 
earnestly striving to raise troops during November and December, and 
it was about this time, November 19th, that he called on Tennessee, 
Mississippi, and Alabama, to furnish him militia, using the most urgent 
appeals. 

On the 27th of November he wrote the Secretary of War, reporting 
a continued increase of the enemy's force, which had augmented in his 
front to thirty-seven regiments. The rest of the letter is as follows : 

I suppose a change of the plan of operations has been made, and that the 
force intended for East Tennessee will now be combined with the force on this 
line, making an aggregate strength of probably more than 50,000 men to be ar- 
rayed against my forces here. 

If the forces of the enemy are manoeuvred as I think they may be, I may be 
compelled to retire from this place to cover Nashville with the aid of the volun- 
teer force now being organized, which could in that way be brought in coop- 
eration. 

It is understood that General Halleck, who will command at Columbus, and 
General Buell, who is in command on this line, will make a simultaneous attack. 

I doubt if Buell will make a serious attack on my position here. I hope he 
may. I have requested General Crittenden to send a portion of his force to 



MORGAN AND DUKE. 353 

Nashville, if in his judgment it can be done without weakening his force too 
much. . . . 

We still have a great many sick, but the measles which so affiicted our troops 
spreads much more slowly. The workmen of the enemy are rebuilding the 
railroad-bridge over Green River. 

At daybreak, on the 4th of December, a body of forty or fifty Fed- 
eral Home Guards, under Captain Netter, attacked Wbippoorvvill 
Bridge, five or six miles from Russellville, on the railroad from Bowling 
Green to Memphis. It was guarded by a detail of thirteen men from 
the Ninth Kentucky Infantry (Confederate). All were asleep, except 
four on guard. These fired on the assailants, with effect, as was sup- 
posed. A volley was returned, which killed two and wounded another 
of the guard. The rest, being surrounded, surrendered. The enemy 
then set fire to the bridge, but left too hurriedly to do it much damage. 
Some of the prisoners escaped. 

On the 6th of December Captain John H. Morgan, with 105 men, 
crossed Green River, near Munfordsville, and made a dash on Bacon 
Creek railroad-bridge, which was within the enemy's lines, and had 
just been rebuilt. This he burned and utterly destroyed, and then re- 
turned to his camp without loss. 

John H. Morgan was the captain of a volunteer company in the 
Kentucky State Guard, at Lexington. His brother-in-law, Basil W. 
Duke, had been prominent in St. Louis as a secessionist before the 
discomfiture of his party there. He then came to Kentucky, and en- 
tered Morgan's company as a lieutenant. Both became brigadier- 
generals during the war. It was a question among Confederates which 
of the two was the more excellent as a partisan leader. In truth, both 
had the qualities that make success in this form of warfare — audacity, 
wariness, enterprise, and unfailing resources. Morgan lost his life in 
the war, and his friend and comrade became his biographer. Duke's 
" Life of Morgan," without any attempt at art, has the rare merit of 
combining truth and picturesqueness in narration. It is the work of an 
intelligent soldier and an honest gentleman. 

When Bramlette invaded Lexington, Morgan secured his arms and 
got away with his company on the 20th of September. He was joined 
at Bardstown by Captain Wicklifi"e's company, and they reached Buck- 
ner in safety on the 30th of September. Morgan was soon put in com- 
mand of a squadron, composed of his own company. Captain Bowles's, 
and Captain Allen's, and did excellent service on outpost duty, getting 
here the training that afterward made him famous. It has already 
been mentioned that seven regiments of Kentucky infantry were re- 
cruited at Bowling Green during the autumn of 1861, though some of 
them were feeble in numbers. 

To carry out General Johnston's designs already indicated, and for 
26 



384: THE FALL CAMPAIGN. 

the special purpose of breaking up the railroad south of Woodsonville, 
General Hindman moved on that place, December 17th, with 1,100 
infantry, 250 cavalry, and four pieces of artillery. Woodsonville is 
the railroad-station on the south bank of Green River, and was occupied 
by Willich's Thirty-second Indiana Regiment. Willich seems to have 
been an officer of merit ; and his regiment of Germans, commanded in 
this affair by Lieutenant-Colonel Von Trebra, showed soldierly quali- 
ties. Having lost some pickets a few days before, they were on the 
alert ; and, on the approach of Hindman, threw out some companies as 
skirmishers. The Federal advance was in force on the north bank. 
The south bank was fringed with timber, in front of which were open 
fields, bordered by another forest. Through this Hindman advanced 
almost to the edge of the opening; but halted, while still concealed in 
the woods, three-quarters of a mile from the river. 

Von Trebra's skirmishers were driven in by a vollej'. Hindman's 
purpose was to decoy the Federals up the hill, out of range of the 
enemy's batteries, where he could employ his infantry and artillery 
against them ; and he gave Colonel Terry orders to that effect. The 
Confederate cavalry were chiefly used as flankers, watching the fords. 
But Terry took seventy-five of his Rangers, and fell upon a body of the 
enemy, said in their account to be a company, deployed as skirmishers. 
When he found himself in front of a foe, Terry's fierce and impetuous 
courage, trained in the border warfare of the West, broke through the 
rules of prudence. The spirit of combat was upon him ; and, charging 
witli half a dozen comrades in advance, he rushed upon the squads, or 
"nests," as he called them, who were rallying by fours, using his re- 
volver with deadly effect. Bursting upon one of these "nests," he 
killed two Germans, when he was himself slain by a ball through the 
brain. A companion instantly avenged his death. The Federals fled 
to the shelter of their guns, and the Texans bore the dead body of their 
chief from the field. Thus fell a fearless leader. 

McCook now began to send over troops to the support of Von 
Trebra ; and, after some further skirmishing and artillery-practice, the 
firing ceased on both sides. The opponents remained awhile in observa- 
tion ; when Hindman, having accomplished the chief purposes of his 
demonstration, and finding that nothing more was to be done without 
drawing upon himself the whole weight of the Federal force, which he 
did not desire, slowly withdrew without being followed. His loss was 
four killed and ten wounded, all from Terry's regiment except two 
slightly wounded in Marmaduke's battalion. The Federal loss was ten 
killed, twenty-two wounded, and eight prisoners. 

The Texan Rangers had been allowed, at their own request, to 
report to General Johnston. Terrj' was his personal friend. They had 
since been very actively and usefully employed on this front ; but in 



TEXAX EAXGERS AND FORREST'S CATALRY. 385 

this, their first engagement, they had the misfortune to lose their 
colonel. They left Houston 1,160 strong, and were augmented during 
their term of service by 500 recruits ; they shared in more than one 
hundred engagements from first to last ; and finally surrendered, at the 
close of the war, 244 men in all, with but one deserter during that time ! 
This is a noble record ; but their fame was dearly bought with the 
blood of most of these peerless horsemen, who, following the example 
of their chivalric leader, rode gayly and dauntlessly down to death. 

In the second week in October a cavalry battalion of eight com- 
panies wa's organized at Memphis, of which Nathan Bedford Forrest 
was elected lieutenant-colonel. It was soon after increased to a 
regiment. Both this command and its leader were greatly distinguished 
during the war. Forrest's biography * has been written, and his ex- 
ploits are well known. He was a man whose indomitable energy and 
eager spirit would have won distinction in any active vocation. With- 
out the aid of influence or education, he had achieved wealth and local 
power in time of peace. Without military training, or special ad- 
vantages, he became famous in a four years' war as a bold and enter- 
prising trooper, and a formidable soldier wherever he crossed swords. 

Forrest was forty years of age when the war broke out. Deter- 
mined to raise a cavalry command, he ventured to Louisville, Kentucky, 
after the battle of Manassas, and with his OAvn money bought and 
brought away the arms and equipments requisite to put them in the 
field. His eight companies numbered 650 men, Alabamians, Tennes- 
seeans, Kentuckians, and Texans — a mixed command. They rendez- 
voused at Fort Donelson late in October, and, moving thence to Hop- 
kinsville, were thrown forward, about the middle of November, by 
General Tilghman, commanding there, to observe the section between 
the Green and Cumberland Rivers. 

Major Kell}', with one squadron, traversed the country to the Ohio 
River, where he captured a supply-transport, well loaded. Having 
rejoined Forrest, they attacked the Federal gunboat Conestoga at Can- 
ton Landing. The novel sight was there witnessed of a fight between 
cavalry and a gunboat ; the latter belching thunders from nine heavy 
guns, the former rattling her iron sides with a four-pounder and show- 
ers of Minie-balls, Little damage was done on either side ; and, after 
six hours' firing, the gunboat retired. 

Forrest was almost constantly on picket until the 28th of Decem- 
ber, when he had a heavy skirmish at Sacramento, which further en- 
couraged the Confederates. General T, L. Crittenden was reported 
at Calhoun, on the north bank of Green River, with a large force, and 
with designs looking to an advance. General Johnston ordered a cav- 
alry reconnaissance, and Forrest moved, December 26th, with 300 men, 
1 " Life of General N. B. Forrest," by Colonel Thomas Jordan. 



386 THE FALL CAMPAIGN. 

over muddy, icy roads, toward Greenville, which he reached on the 
28th. Learning, about eight miles beyond Greenville, that some 400 or 
500 Federal cavalry were not far off, Forrest went forward rapidly 
along the heavy roads to overtake them. Near the village of Sacra- 
mento, a young girl, full of patriotic ardor, galloped down to point out 
to the Southerners the enemy's position. 

When Forrest overtook the rear-guard of the Federal cavalry, his 
dash of thirty miles had left him but 150 men. He drove the rear- 
guard into the village where the Federals had posted themselves. 
Charging up, he found th^ enemy too strong for his jaded and scat- 
tered command, and retired to reform it. The elated Federals took 
heart, and, leaving their vantage-ground, followed him. But Forrest, 
by this time reenforced by the arrival of many stragglers, turned upon 
his pursuers, routed them, and chased them pell-mell from the field for 
three miles. In this hot pursuit Forrest was among the foremost ; and 
is said, single-handed, to have engaged three adversaries at once, kill- 
ing a trooper, mortally wounding Captain Bacon, and overthrowing 
and capturing Captain Davis. The story is not improbable, as his per- 
sonal prowess was extraordinary. Forrest's report puts the Federal 
loss at sixty-five killed and thirty-five wounded and captured ; includ- 
ing a captain and lieutenant killed, and a captain and lieutenant 
wounded. Captain Albert Bacon was from Frankfort, Kentucky, and 
his courage and soldierly conduct are noticed by Forrest. On the 
Confederate side the chivalric Captain Meriweather and private Terry 
were killed, and three privates wounded. 

Forrest returned to Hopkinsville, and was employed in routine duty 
imtil January 10, 18G2. He then made another reconnaissance toward 
Green River, where he found a heavy Federal force, and, in returning, 
burned the bridges over Pond River, a tributary of Green River. 
When General Clark retired from Hopkinsville to Clarksville, Febru- 
ary 7th, Forrest covered his retreat. Thence he went to Fort Donel- 
son, in time to take part in the defence there. 

The following letters to tlie Secretary of War explain the situation 
in Kentucky in December. It will be remembered that it was at the 
date of the second of these letters, Christmas-day, that General John- 
ston addressed his energetic appeal for aid to the Southern Governors: 

Headqitakteks, Western Departmekt, | 
Bowling Green, December 8, 1S61. ) 

Sir: The enemy, from the best information I am able to obtain, have made 
no material change in the disposition of their forces in front or on either flank. 
Their advance in front is six miles north of Bacon Creek, near the Louisville 
Railroad, a large force at Nolin, and, farther north, toward Louisville, they are 
massed in considerable force at different points convenient for concentrating 
them. I do not doubt that the Federal Government is augmenting their force 
in Kentucky in this direction to the extent of their ability. 



LETTERS TO SECRETARY BENJAMIN. 337 

The inclosed letter will serve to show the disposition they are making of 
different army corps, which have been elsewhere employed. As to the estimate 
of their forces, I suppose it is a gross exaggeration. With tlie addition of Nel- 
son's and Rosecrans's columns their force on this immediate line I believe ought 
not to be estimated over 65,000 men. 

Our returns at this place show a force of between 18,000 and 19,000, of 
which about 5,000 are sick (about 3,600 at Nashville), and our effective force is 
under 13,000 men. 

The volunteers, I hear, are turning out well, but the time taken up in pro- 
curing arms has thus far prevented much accession to our force from that 
source. . . . 

To the Hon. J. P. Benjamin, Secretary of War. 

Headqfaeteks, Westben Department, > 
Bowling Geeen, December 25, 1S61. I 

SiK : The recent movement of the enemy, and the concentration of heavy 
masses of troops, indicated an early advance ; and the weather, which has been 
unusually fine, resembling the fall rather than winter, rendered it probable that 
a battle would be fought in this vicinity. 

Information from various sources shows that every effort has been made by 
General Buell to concentrate all his strength for a movement upon Tennessee 
through Central Kentucky, and that not less than 75,000 men are assembled in 
front of me, while I have not more than 17,000 men for active operations. 

After a careful examination, I have found the line of the Barren River the 
only good defensible one between Green River and Nashville. Bowling Green, 
from its topography, is naturally a strong position, and gives command over 
Central Kentucky, south of Green River, and has easy communication by rail- 
road and turnpike to Nashville. Its local advantages for defense are good 
though requiring a large force for that purpose, as it is situated in an amphi- 
theatre of some extent. The place has been strengthened by good defensive 
works, requiring about 4,000 men for their defense, and to be supported by a 
large force. I have, as a further precaution, ordered intrenchments to be 
thrown up, under the direction of ray chief-engineer, Uajor Gilmer, at Nash- 
ville. These arrangements are such that they perhaps double the efficiency of 
my force for the defense of this line. 

The enemy have recently reconstructed the bridge between Green River and 
Louisville, and have thrown forward a strong advance to "Woodsonville, with 
which Terry's cavalry had a successful rencounter on the 17th instant, in which 
we had the misfortune to lose the gallant leader of it. These forces, in heavy 
masses, are stationed at Woodsonville, Bacon Creek, Nolin, etc. There is also a 
corps of about 6,000 men at Columbia, which is being rapidly reenforced. 
There is another considerable force at Lebanon, at the terminus of the Louis- 
ville Railroad, and another at Somerset. The banks of Green River from Mun- 
fordsville down are unoccupied, as the country is quite rugged, except by a force 
under General T. L. Crittenden. 

These dispositions of their troops are in accordance with information re- 
ceived from various sources, and lead to the belief that a forward movement 
will very soon be made in this direction ; but, at present, I can only conjecture 
whether they will make their attack here, or turn my right, or, relying upon 
their superiority of numbers, attempt both at the same time. If Floyd's bri- 



388 THE FALL CAMPAIGX. 

gade, from Virginia, and Bowen's division, en route from Columbus, reach 
here as I expect in a few days, they will be compelled to attack nie here with 
my force thus considerably increased. I do not think they will attempt to 
turn my position. 

General Hindman, with his brigade of Hardee's division, is at Bell's, on the 
railroad and pike, with Swett's battery; his front is covered with the Texas and 
Arkansas Cavalry. Breckinridge, with his brigade of Buckner's division, is at 
Oakland, ten miles in rear of Hindman's, with Morgan's cavalry, in the direction 
of Brownsville. Helm, with his regiment of Kentucky Cavalry, has been or- 
dered back to Skegg's Creek bridge and the Barren bridge, on the route from 
Scottsville to Glasgow. His scouts keep the country under observation toward 
"Woodsonville and Columbia. Should the enemy move in force on this route, 
the bridge across the Barren and other streams toward Glasgow will be burned. 
The remainder of the divisions of Hardee and Buckner, and the sixty days' State 
troops from Mississippi, recently arrived, under the command of Major-General 
R. Davis, are stationed here — my whole force amounting, as before remarked, to 
17,000 men. 

A brigade, under General Clark, is posted at Hopkinsville, to guard against 
the movements of the enemy on the Lower Green River toward Clarksville, and 
to follow their movements should they attempt to cooperate with the movements 
of the enemy in my front; his force should be much greater for these purposes. 

The measures adopted at Columbus render that place comparatively secure 
from any immediate attempt of the enemy. 

The position of General Zollicoffer on the Cumberland holds in check the 
meditated invasion and hoped-for revolt in East Tennessee, but I can neither 
order Zollicoffer to join me here, nor withdraw any more force from Columbus, 
without imperiling our communications toward Richmond, or endangering Ten- 
nessee and the Mississippi Valley. This I have resolved not to do, but have 
chosen, on the contrary, to post my inadequate force in such a manner as to 
hold the enemy in check, guard the frontier, and hold the Barren till the 
winter terminates the campaign ; or, if any fault in his movements is com- 
mitted, or his line become exposed where his force is developed, to attack him 
as opportunity offers. 

If the campaign closes without any striking success to their arms, and with- 
out any impression on our territory, the North must shrink disheartened from 
the contest, and, with embarrassed relations if not hostile attitude toward Eng- 
land, the first step toward our independence is gained. The contest here must 
be relinquished for the winter by the enemy, or a decisive blow soon struck; 
to make the latter is their true policy. ... 

To the lion. J. P. Benjamin, Secretary of War. 

On the 23d of December the office and storehouse of the Ordnance 
Department at Nashville were set on fire by an incendiary, and entirely 
consumed. " The loss was heavy : between 400 and 600 sets of artil- 
lery-harness, 10,000 to 12,000 sets of accoutrements and equipments for 
infantry, 300 cavalry-saddles, 2,000,000 percussion-caps, 6,000 friction- 
primers, besides numerous other articles of supply." ' 

J Report of Lieutenant-Colonel M. H. Wright, December 23, 1361. 



ANECDOTES. 389 

The following little anecdote is furnished by a friend, as an illustra- 
tion of General Johnston's natural fitness for command, and quiet mode 
of self-assertion. It was related to him by a gallant Louisiana colonel : 

" In the days around Bowling Green," said , " I was in command of 

the Louisiana Cavalry, and was required to picket over an extensive dis- 
trict. The work was onerous, and I became restive under it, and made several 
requests and suggestions with the view to being relieved ; none of which, how- 
ever, were approved. Feeling myself aggrieved, and not having yet acquired 
even the small modicum of discipline which later on we learned, I determined 
to call at headquarters and state my grievances in person. As I entered the gen- 
eral's tent, I saw a tall, soldierly man writing, with his back to me. Full of my 
own consequence and fancied wrongs, I broke forth, 'I would like to know, 
General Johnston, why all my suggestions and recommendations are over- 
slaughed or treated Avith silent contempt? ' Looking around, with due delibera- 
tion, he quietly asked, ' Was your remark addressed to me, sir ? ' Fortunately," 

added , " there was a camp-stool convenient, into which I dropped, mcm- 

hra dejecta^ as if a Minie had struck me. The truth flaslied across me, as if by 
intuition, that I was in the presence of the greatest man in the world, and first 
impressions were confirmed by subsequent intercourse. The first was the last 
time that ever I essayed ' to beard the lion in his den, the Douglas in his liall.' " 

Another friend has related to me the following incident as occurring 
at Bowling Green : 

A distinguished Tennessee politician called on General Johnston, and re- 
quested him to make a contract with parties in Nashville for the manufacture of 
spears, with a billhook or sickle attached to the head, with which foot-soldiers 
could attack cavalry, the sickle to be used in cutting the bridle-reins and pulling 
the troopers from their horses. Fie also demanded General Johnston's opinion 
on the plan. General Johnston endeavored to avoid a discussion of the merits 
of the plan for which the gentleman was warmly enlisted, by assuring him that 
it was a matter for the Ordnance Department to decide, and by referring him 
to that bureau. But the petitioner would take no denial, repeating and reiter- 
ating the merits of his " plan." General Johnston could only adhere to his 
original suggestion. At last the gentleman made a sarcastic allusion to " red- 
tape," when General Johnston asked him, ""VThat do you think the Federal 
horsemen would be doing with their revolvers, while our spearmen were trying 
to cut their bridle-reins? " But, though there was no sufficient answer to this 
question, gentlemen of this class are not to be satisfied with such considerations, 
and he left, convinced of the red-tape of headquarters. 



390 BATTLE OF FISHING CREEK. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

BATTLE OF FISHING CREEK. 

The movement of the Federal army, which had been frustrated in 
November, was renewed with better success earlj' in January. General 
Johnston was now confronted by Halleck in the West, and by Buell in 
Kentucky. With the exception of the army sent under Curtis against 
Price in Southwestern Missouri, about 12,000 strong, the whole re- 
sources of the Northwest, from Pennsylvania to the Plains, were turned 
against General Johnston's lines in Kentucky. Halleck, with armies at 
Cairo and Paducah, under Grant and C. F. Smith, threatened equally 
Columbus, the key of the Mississippi River, and the water-lines of the 
Cumberland and Tennessee, with their defenses at Forts Donelson and 
Henry. Buell's right wing also menaced Donelson and Henry, while 
his centre was directed against Bowling Green, and his left was advan- 
cing against Zollicoffer at Mill Spring on the Upper Cumberland. If 
this last-named position could be forced, the way seemed open to East 
Tennessee by either the Jacksboro or the Jamestown routes, on the one 
hand, and to Nashville on the other. At the northeastern corner of 
Kentucky there was a Federal force, under Colonel Garfield, of Ohio, 
opposed to Humphrey Marshall's command. Here it was that the fight- 
ing first began again. 

General Johnston had requested Marshall to send him a regiment, 
but Marshall replied that " to send him a single man was to risk the 
ruin of his whole command ; " so that the matter was dropped. Mar- 
shall had nearly 3,200 men in the district under his command, including 
350 enlisted for special service in Virginia, who would not leave that 
State, and were, therefore, retained at Pound Gap ; but all of his troops 
were not available. Humphrey Marshall was the grandson of one of 
the earliest Senators from Kentucky, a cousin of Chief-Justice Marshall. 
He was a graduate of West Point, and had served in the Black-Hawk 
War, and afterward as a colonel of Kentucky volunteer cavalry in the 
Mexican War, and at Buena Vista had won distinction. He was a 
very vigorous and able lawyer, a shrewd politician, and a man of wit, 
humor, acumen, and judgment. In fact, his mind was essentially judi- 
cial. The writer has rarely known any man who impressed him so 
strongly in this regard. But he was not a man of action. Besides, his 
unwieldy size, weighing as he did some 300 or 350 pounds, unfitted 
him for the field. 

Marshall moved forward to Paintsville, on the Big Sand}' River, about 



MAP OF THE BATTLE OF FISHIXG CREEK. 



891 



POSITIONS 

3. CONfEO. 











BATTLE OF FISHEXG CREEK, 

as prepared by 

Captain N. Michlke, U. S. A. 



392 BATTLE OF FISHING CEEEK. 

the middle of December. This place was thirty-three miles above 
Louisa, and sixty from the Ohio River. At and near the mouth of the 
Big Sandy, and in the intervening region, were clustered some half- 
dozen towns of from 1,000 to 5,000 inhabitants each. The industries 
supporting this population were chiefly the working of coal and iron, 
with capital furnished by Ohio men. Hence, the people were generally 
hostile to the South. Marshall's force, when he reached Paintsville, 
was 2,240 in number; but his eflfectives were only 1,967 on January 3, 
1862. The following is his force in detail : 

Triggs's Fifty-fourth Virginia Regiment 5*78 

Williams's Kentucky Regiment 594 

Moore's Twenty-ninth Virginia Regiment 327 

Simms's Mounted Battalion 360 

Jeffries's battery (four guns) 58 

Worsham's company 60 

Total 1,967 

This force was still further reduced to about 1,600 effectives, by mumps 
and measles, before the engagement with the enemy. 

x'^bout the same time that Marshall advanced into Kentucky, Buell 
organized an expedition up the Big Sandy, under Colonel J. A. Garfield. 
This officer moved up that river, on December 22d, with the Forty- 
second Ohio Regiment, the Fourteenth Kentucky, and McLaughlin's 
battalion of Ohio Cavalry, about 1,500 strong. After delaying a week 
at George's Creek, he passed on to Paintsville. He was reenforced by 
BoUes's West Virginia Cavalry, 300 men, and by 300 men of the Twenty- 
second Kentucky Regiment. While this column was moving up the 
Big Sandy, another, consisting of the Fortieth Ohio Regiment and 
three battalions of Wolford's cavalry, advanced from Mount Sterling to 
take Marshall in the rear. To avoid this danger, Marshall fell back 
some fifteen miles, and took position on Middle Creek, near Preston- 
burg. On the 3d of January the Confederates captured a sergeant and 
three men of McLaughlin's cavalrj', with their horses, in front of Paints- 
ville. On January 7th Bolles's cavalry engaged the Confederate cavalry- 
pickets, with a loss of two or three on each side. 

On the 9th of January Garfield advanced against Marshall's position 
at Prestonburg, and on the next day attacked him. The engagement 
was not a serious one. Garfield reported that he fought all day, engag- 
ing only about 900 of his own men, inflicting a heavy loss on the Con- 
federates, and losing only one man killed and twenty wounded. Gar- 
field's report claimed a victory. He says : 

At half-past four o'clock he (Marshall) ordered a retreat. My men drove him 
down the slopes of tlie hills, and at five o'clock he had been driven from every 
point. 



BATTLE OF PRESTOXBUKG. 393 

He also claimed to have captured stores of value. On the next daj-, 
however, Garfield retired, and fell back to Paintsville. 

General Marshall's report, made to General Johnston, differs radi- 
cally from this. Writing from his camp in Letcher County, January 
23d, he says : 

General : Since I last wrote, the enemy assailed me in largely superior force, 
and was eflFectually and gallantly repulsed by the troops under my command. 
My loss in the action of the 10th of January is accurately stated at ten killed and 
fourteen wounded. The loss of the enemy was severe. 

Garfield had stated that he captured one captain and twenty-five 
soldiers. Marshall in his report replies to this that the captain was a 
sick man, too ill for removal, and that the prisoners were not soldiers, 
but citizens — 

who have been running ever since the war began like frightened hares — afraid 
to take arms, afraid to offer a single effort of resistance— and who, if pressed 
to it, would submit to have their ears cropped to show they have a master. 

The report continues : 

The firing was kept up, with some intervals, for about four hours, and was, 
occasionally, very sharp and spirited. My troops behaved remarkably well, had 
decided advantage in the situation, and maintained it throughout the day. . . . 
The enemy did not move me from any one position I assumed, and at nigljtfall 
withdrew from the field, leaving me just where I was in the morning. After he 
had withdrawn, I called my troops down from the hills, and pursued the march 
which I was executing when the enemy came in sight. 

I see by the telegraphic dispatches that the enemy represents his achievement 
of a victory over me upon the occasion to which I am referring, and says that 
my troops fled in confusion, etc. I state that this is not only false, but it is an 
after-thought. ... He came to attack, yet came so cautiously that my left wing 
never fired a shot, and he never came up sufficiently to engage my centre or left 
wing. His force was fired upon by the twelve-pounder howitzer, and at once 
cleared my front ; but, concealed by a point of the hills from my artillery, con- 
fined his further efforts to assaults up6n my right wing, by which he was re- 
pulsed three times. 

General Marshall goes on to state that he sent forward Trigg's 
regiment ; but the enemy withdrew, and did not dispute the ground on 
■which the fight had taken place : 

The repulse was final. It proved final, for he has never since that day sought 
in any manner or form to reiingage. 

Garfield is said to have fallen back fifteen miles to Paintsville ; Mar- 
shall, seven miles, where he remained two days at the foot of a lofty 
mountain. He then slowly pursued bis retreat. He informed General 



394 BATTLE OF FISHING CEEEK. 

Johnston that he could not advance with less than 5,000 men ; and he 
could not procure subsistence in the mountains for the men he had. 
He then fell back, through Pound Gap, into Virginia. Thus Marshall's 
report is a denial and a contradiction, general and specific, of Garfield's 
report ; and, as it is impossible to reconcile the discrepancies between 
them, the reader is left to draw his own conclusion. 

While Garfield was at Paintsville, he was ordered by General Buell 
to advance, and got as far as Piketon in February. A month later, he 
advanced to Pound Gap, with 600 infantry and 100 cavalry ; and, 
having displayed himself in force there, returned down the Big Sandy, 
without an engagement, and was withdrawn, with his forces, to another 
theatre of action. 

General Felix Kirk Zollicoffer, who commanded the corps in Eastern 
Kentucky, was the popular idol of the hour in Tennessee, and on many 
accounts deservedly so. He was of a Swiss family , of knightly rank, 
settled in North Carolina before the Revolutionary War, in which his 
grandfather was a captain. His father was a prosperous farmer in 
Maury County, Tennessee, where Zollicoffer was born May 19, 1812. 
He began life as a printer, and in 1835 was elected Printer for the 
State. After several essays in journalism, he became editor of the 
Repuhlican Samxer in 1812, and was noted as a champion of the Whig 
party. He was then elected Controller of the State, which position 
he held until 1847. In 1848 he was elected a State Senator, and in 
1852 a Eepresentative in the United States Congress, to which posi- 
tion he was reelected. When war seemed almost inevitable, he was 
elected by the General Assembly of Tennessee as a commissioner to 
the Peace Congress, from which he returned dejected by its failure to 
accomplish any useful purpose. Governor Harris offered to appoint 
him a major-general ; but he would only accept the place of brigadier, 
on account of his inexperience.* 

It, however, fell to General Zollicoffer's lot to command a separate 
army. No man could have brought a more unselfish devotion or a 
braver heart to the task ; but talents which might have rendered the 
highest services on another arena were here neutralized by want of 
adaptation to the particular work in hand. What he might have ac- 
complished as a commander, under more favorable circumstances, it is 
hard to estimate. He certainly had, however, exceptional diflSculties 
to contend with of every possible description ; and the tests to which 
he was subjected might well have overborne native ability of a high 
order, if unversed in the habits and knowledge of the camp. But the 
habits of Zollicoffer's entire hfe and thought had been bent not only into 
a different, but into an opposite direction. He could not drill a squad 

' These facts arc taken from a spirited slietch in Ware's Valley Monthly (April, ISVC), 
by General Marcus J. Wright. 



FELIX K. ZOLLICOFFER. 395 

himself, nor was his brigade ever drilled or put in line of battle by 
anybody. Though he had a splendid courage, and traits that endeared 
him to his troops, the cast of his mind was no more military than his 
training. But he was a good, brave, noble, patriotic man ; and his 
memory deserves well of his country. 

It will be remembered that General Zollicoffer, having fortified the 
gaps of the Cumberland Range, had moved westward, under instruc- 
tions from General Johnston, with the view of taldng position where 
he could command the approaches toward both East Tennessee and 
Nashville from Central Kentucky ; while, at the same time, he might, 
to some extent, protect the right of the position at Bowling Green. 
The lack of telegraphic communication, and the wretched character of 
the roads, made any rapid correspondence, much more any effective 
cooperation, almost impossible. Still, Zollicoffer could not be drawn in 
nearer to Bowling Green, without laying open tp the enemy a choice 
of roads into East Tennessee. General Johnston desired to place Zol- 
licoffer, with his limited supplies and half-disciplined troops, in observa- 
tion merely, until such time as he could reenforce his army or incor- 
porate it with the main body under his own command. 

As Zollicoffer proceeded north, through Jamestown, Tennessee, and 
Albany, Kentucky, he reported that the country in Tennessee was 
sterile and unproductive ; while Wayne and Clinton Counties, and part 
of Pulaski County, in Kentucky, were comparatively abundant in for- 
age and subsistence. The Cumberland River, making a big bend to 
the north from Cumberland Ford, describes almost a semicircle before 
it enters Tennessee, near Martinsburg. At one of its most advanced 
salients to the north is Mill Springs, on the south bank of the river. 
Zollicoffer describes this point as commanding the converging roads 
from Somerset and Columbia, as in a fertile and well-stocked country, 
with provisions plenty and cheap, and as possessing the advantage of a 
grist and saw mill, which would aid materially in supplying food for 
his army and lumber for huts. He stated that there was- plenty of wood 
and water, and that the position was capable of easy defense. Already, 
on the 24th of November, before he reached Albany on his march, he 
had been warned by snow, succeeding the cold rains, that winter was 
at hand. 

On November 30th, Zollicoffer, writing from Mill Springs, tells 
General Johnston that his cavalry had failed to seize the ferry-boats on 
the river ; but that he is " preparing to provide the means of crossing 
the river." He also says, *' So soon as it is possible, I will cross the 
river in force." But it was not clear from the context whether he was 
going to cross for a lodgment, or merely on an expedition to harass the 
enemy. 

General Johnston had written a letter to General Zollicoffer, on 



396 BATTLE OF FISHING CREEK. 

December 4th, approving entirely of every one of his moves so far, and 
informing him of the steps taken to send him supplies, etc. He adds : 

The most essential route to be guarded is that leading through Somerset and 
Monticello, as, in my opinion, most practicable for the enemy. 

On the same day, General Johnson wrote again, using this lan- 
guage: 

Mill Springs would seem to answer best to all the demands of the service ; 
and from tliis point you may be able to observe the river, without crossing it, as 
far as Burliesville, which is desirable. 

On the 9th of December ZollicofFer informed General Johnston that 
he had crossed the Cumberland that day, with five infantry regiments, 
seven cavalry companies, and four pieces of artillery, about two-thirds 
of his whole force, which in all reached less than 6,000 effectives. On 
December 10th he wrote again : 

Your two dispatches of the 4tli reached me late last night. I infer from 
yours that I should not have crossed the river, hut it is now too late. My means 
of recrossing are so limited I could hardly accomplish it in face of the enemy. 

Major-General George B. Crittenden had been assigned to the com- 
mand of this district by the President. The high rank given him has 
been cited by Pollard, who speaks of him as a captain in the old army, 
as a piece of favoritism. But this is an error. He was one of the 
senior officers who resigned. He was a graduate of West Point, of the 
year 1832. He resigned, and was reappointed a captain in the Mounted 
Rifles in 1846, was brevetted major for " gallant and meritorious con- 
duct in the battles of Contreras and Churubusco, Mexico," was made a 
major in 1848, and lieutenant-colonel in 1856. He was a Kentuckian, 
of a family distinguished for gallantry and talents, and known as an 
intelligent and intrepid officer ; and it was hoped that his long service 
would enable him to supplement the inexperience of the gallant Zol- 
licoflfer. Crittenden took command of the district, November 24th, 
and made his headquarters at Knoxville. Thither General Johnston 
telegraphed him to dispatch without delay the supplies and intrench- 
ing-tools sent there for Zollicoffer, and to send at once a regiment 
and battery to his support. He added this significant intimation, 
sufficient for a trained soldier : " He has crossed the Cumberland at 
Mill Springs ; has the enemy in front and the river behind, and is se- 
curing his front." Still, General Johnston did not contemplate any 
aggressive movement by Zollicofi"er, after the instructions given, unless, 
of course, the enemy could be taken at disadvantage. 

Had Zollicoffer, when he reached the Cumberland, succeeded in 
seizing the ferry-boats, as he attempted, and, crossing promptly, at- 



MILL SPRINGS. 397 

tacked Schoepf at once, be would probably have met but slight re- 
sistance. Schoepf had three regiments, a battery, and some cavalry, 
scattered through that neighborhood. ZollicoflPer, as related above, 
was delayed in crossing. The movements then made by his forces re- 
vealed, to a great extent, both his strength and his purposes to his 
adversary. "While constructing his ferries he sent some troops, on 
December 3d, and shelled a small force of the enemj- posted on the 
north bank, and compelled it to move. On the 4th he threw over a 
small cavalrj'-picket, which drove back the Federal horse, and caused 
a precipitate retreat of the Seventeenth Ohio, which was advancing on 
reconnaissance. Next day the pickets wounded and captured Major 
Helvetti and Captain Prime, engineer-oificers, and along with them a 
corporal. On the 7th and 8th the cavalry crossed Fishing Creek and 
reconnoitred the Federal camps near Somerset. On the 8th, at Fishing 
Creek, the cavalry was fired on by Wolford's cavalry and the Thirty- 
fifth Ohio Infantry, but charged these forces, killing ten and capturing 
sixteen, inclusive of the wounded. One Confederate was wounded, 
and two horses killed. On the 11th an expedition sent out by Zolli- 
coffer attacked a small body of Federals, who were posted at Lairsville, 
thirty miles distant toward Columbia. It routed the Federals, killing 
three and capturing ten. One Confederate was drowned, the only loss 
sustained. 

In the mean time Schoepf, overawed and put upon his guard, retired 
three miles behind Somerset, intrenched himself in a strong position, 
and called loudly in every quarter for reenforcements. General Carter, 
who was at London, brought two regiments to his aid, arriving on the 
7tli. Thomas sent him a regiment and a battery, and on the 11th another 
regiment. Several regiments also concentrated at Columbia under Gen- 
eral Boyle. Zollicoffer's letters correctly estimate the force of the ene- 
my at Somerset at seven infantry regiments and some cavalry, which 
agrees with Van Home's account. He expected to be attacked, but 
kept his force divided, five regiments in his intrenchments, and two on 
the south bank to protect his communications. 

General Thomas's command, occupying the country east of Lebanon, 
consisted at this time of a division made up of sixteen infantry regi- 
ments, a regiment and squadron of cavalry, and three batteries. The 
force at Columbia was not included in this estimate. On the 18th 
Schoepf discovered, by a reconnaissance in force, that ZollicofFer was 
intrenching, and justly reached the conclusion that his purpose was de- 
fensive. 

On the 29th of December General Buell ordered Thomas to advance 
against Zollicoffer, moving by Columbia, and to attack his left so as to 
cut him off from his bridge, while Schoepf attacked hiru in front. He 
adds : 



398 BATTLE OF FISHING CREEK. 

The result should be at least a severe blow to him, or a hasty flight across 
the river. But, to effect the former, the movement should be made rapidly and 
secretly, and the blow should be vigorous and decided. There should be no 
delay after your arrival. 

On December 31st General Thomas started from Lebanon. His 
column consisted of eight and a half regiments ; namely, Manson's 
brigade of four regiments, three of McCook's regiments, Wolford's cav- 
alry, a battalion of Michigan engineers, and three batteries of artillery. 
Rains, high water, and bad roads, impeded their progress ; so that it 
was the 17th of January before they reached Logan's Cross Roads, ten 
miles from ZoUicofFer's intrenched camp.* Here Thomas took position to 
await four of his regiments that had not come up. To secure himself 
he communicated with Schoepf, and obtained from him a reenforcement 
of three regiments under General Carter, and a battery. This gave him 
eleven regiments, and a battalion, besides artillery. The remainder of 
Schoepf's force must have been near b)^, and in supporting distance, as 
they joined in the pursuit. Such was Thomas's position on tlie morning 
of the 19 th of January. 

About New-Year's-day General Crittenden had arrived at Zollicoffer's 
headquarters at Beech Grove. In his letter of December 10th Zolli- 
coffer had written as follows : 

This camp is immediately opposite to Mill Springs, one and a quarter 
mile distant. The river protects our rear and flanks. We have about 1,200 
vards' fighting front to defend, which we are intrenching as rapidly as our few 
tools will allow. ... I will endeavor to prevent the forces at Somerset and 
Columbia from uniting. The proximity of the terminus of the railroad at Leb- 
anon would seem to give them the means of rapidly reenforcing my front. The 
position I occupy north of the river is a fine basis for operations in front. It 
is a much stronger natural position for defense than that on the south bank. I 
think it should be held at all hazards. But I ought to have a stronger force. 

With further reference to this position, General Zollicoffer said : 

Fishing Creek runs south into the Cumberland, five miles below* Mill 
Springs, and lies between our position and Somerset. It is more than thirty 
miles long, runs in a deep ravine 200 to 300 feet deep, and its summit level on 
the east ranges from half a mile to one and a half mile distant from that on the 
west. There are two crossings to Somerset, seven and eleven miles from here. 

Crittenden's weekly return for January 7, 1863, of the troops at 
Beech Grove, shows some increase of force. He had eight infantry 
regiments, four battalions of cavalry (seventeen companies), and two 
artillery-companies ; an aggregate, present and absent, of 9,417 men, 

'The particulars of Thomas's movements are from his ofiadal reports, and from Van 
Home's " Army of the Cumberland." 
' Probably a slip of the pen for above. 



BEFORE THE BATTLE. 399 

but, numbering eflFectives (present for duty), of 333 officers and 6,111 
rank and file. As his army was composed of the same commands on 
the day of the battle, the above numbers give his approximate force at 
that time. 

General Crittenden informs the writer that, as soon as he learned 
that Zollicofi'er had crossed the river, he sent a courier post-haste order- 
ing him to recross. When he arrived at Mill Springs he found Zolli- 
coffer still on the north side, waiting his arrival before retiring. Crit- 
tenden immediately detailed parties to construct boats, but they were 
not ready when he learned of Thomas's approach. 

His first intimation to General Johnston of Thomas's approach was 
the following letter, written January 18th : 

Sir : I am threatened by a superior force of the enemy in front, and, finding 
it impossible to cross the river, I shall have to make the fight on the ground I 
now occupy. If you can do so, I would ask that a diversion be made in my 
favor. 

A diversion was made by Hindman, on the receipt of this, but 
with no important consequences, as the next day decided the fate of 
Crittenden's army. 

Crittenden's letter was inaccurately worded, and must probably have 
referred rather to the impossibility of removing his stores and artil- 
lery than to the feasibility of retiring with his troops from the posi- 
tion at Beech Grove. He had a stern-wheel steamboat sufficient for 
the latter purpose, though probably not available for the former. In 
fact, on the morning of the 18th, he did take over three regiments 
from the south to the north bank of the river; and between midnight 
and daylight on the 19th his whole army, though demoralized, and 
with many wounded, was carried over by it. His supplies were scanty, 
but not exhausted ; and, though his communications with Nashville 
were threatened by Thomas's approach, he had time and means to re- 
tire upon supports more easily before than after a battle, though not 
without such loss of artillery and prestige as no general would incur 
except in the most desperate circumstances. 

It was stated apologetically, after the battle, that the ground in 
front of the intrenchments gave no range for the Confederate artil- 
lery, and yet ofi'ered no formidable obstacle to an infantry assault. 
This would imply a serious error in the estimate of the strength of 
their position by the Confederate generals — in Zollicoffer's selection, 
and Crittenden's maintenance of it. Another statement was, that 
the Confederate force was insufficient to man the intrenchments. Zolli- 
cofi'er states the length of his line at 1,200 yards. Six thousand 
men would fully man 2,000 yards, and, according to the Confederate 
notions, double that distance. Crittenden, however, arrived at the con- 



400 BATTLE OF FISHING CREEK. 

elusion to assail Thomas after a full consultation and the unanimous 
approval of his officers. 

While awaiting the attack of the enemy, a heavy winter rain fall- 
ing, Crittenden learned that a rise in Fishing Creek was inevitable, 
and would separate Thomas from Schoepf. It was afterward alleged 
that he was deceived by a treacherous guide, but this rumor is suffi- 
ciently accounted for by the ill-success of the expedition, and an 
incident related by General Walthall which will be given in its place, 
Crittenden, therefore, came to the sudden resolution of marching out 
and attempting to take the enemy in detail, attacking Thomas first. 
He called a council of officers, however, and laid the matter before 
them. All of them were in favor of the movement under the cir- 
cumstances, and many of them thought the attack the best thing 
to be done under any circumstances. General Crittenden's special 
error was not in attacking at Logan's Cross Roads, instead of defend- 
ing Beech Grove ; it was in being caught on the north side of the 
river, and having to fight at all. General Johnston's instructions 
looked to a defensive campaign by that corps, and there was nothing 
in its condition to warrant an aggressive movement. . 

It is apparent to us now that Thomas, after thirty-six hours' delay 
at Logan's Cross Roads, would be in full communication with and sup- 
porting distance of Schoepf, and that to surprise or rout him there 
was almost hopeless ; but such was not the information on which Crit- 
tenden acted, and we should guard our censure of the general who 
leads his whole force to attack, even when he fails. 

The men had been standing all day in the trenches exposed to a 
constant and pelting rain, and, having been suddenly called to arms 
and hourly expecting an attack, had had neither time nor opportu- 
nity to prepare food. They were now hurriedly put in motion. At 
midnight, on the 18th of January, the Confederate army marched 
against the enemy in this order : First, with Bledsoe's and Saunders's 
independent cavalry companies as a vanguard, Zollicoffer's brigade ; thus 
Walthall's Fifteenth Mississippi Regiment in advance, followed by 
Rutledge's battery, and Cummings's Nineteenth, Battle's Twentieth^ 
and Stanton's Twenty-fifth Tennessee Regiments. Then came Carroll's 
brigade, as follows : Newman's Seventeenth, Murray's Twenty-eighth, 
and Powell's Twenty-ninth Tennessee Regiments, with two guns under 
Captain McClung, and Wood's Sixteenth Alabama Regiment in reserve. 
Branner's and McClelland's battalions of cavalry were placed on the 
flanks and rear. 

A cold rain continued to fall upon the thinly-clad Confederates, 
chilling them to the marrow, but they toiled painfully along. The 
road was rough, and very heavy with the long rain following severe 
freezes. Unencumbered with artillery, the infantry would have made 



THE ATTACK. 401 

poor progress in the darkness, rain, and mud, but, as the guns from the 
first began to mire down, the foot-soldiers were called on to help them 
along. Hence it was six o'clock, or daylight, before the advance- 
guard struck the enemy's pickets, two miles in front of the Federal 
camps. It had been six hours getting over eight miles, and the rear 
was still fully three miles behind. 

When the Mississippians under Walthall, followed by Battle's Ten- 
nessee Regiment, encountered the Federal pickets, they met no re- 
sistance, and, pressing rapidly forward in obedience to orders, in- 
creased the interval between themselves and the next regiment in the 
column to about one mile. It was thus that Walthall's and Battle's 
regiments came upon the first line Thomas had thrown forward to re- 
ceive them. 

General Thomas's troops were encamped on each side of the road, 
with a wood in their front from one-fourth to a half a mile through. 
In front of the wood were fields about 300 3'^ards across, and beyond 
this, again, a low ridge parallel with the wood. The Confederates 
promptly crossed the ridge and fields, and found a force in the edge of 
the wood in their front. This consisted of the Fourth Kentucky and 
Tenth Indiana Regiments. General Crittenden had warned them, in the 
council of war, of the danger of firing into their friends, especially as 
many of the Southern troops wore blue uniforms, and to avoid this 
risk the\' had adopted as a password " Kentuck3%" The morning was 
dark and misty, and nothing could be seen of the opposing force ex- 
cept a line of armed men. The skirmishers reported to Walthall that 
this was Battle's command. Walthall made his regiment lie down 
behind a slight elevation, and, going forward to some high ground, 
hailed the troops in his front, "What troops are those?" The an- 
swer was, " Kentuck}^" He called again, "Who are you?" and the 
answer came as before, " Kentucky." He then went back and got his 
colors, and, returning, once more asked the same question, and received 
the same answer. He then unfurled his flag, and immediately the 
Federal line opened upon him with a volley. He turned to order for- 
ward his regiment, and found that Lieutenant Harrington, who had 
followed him without his knowledge, was lying dead by him, pierced 
by more than twenty balls. The flag was riddled, and the staff cut, 
but Colonel Walthall was untouched. It was this incident that led 
to the belief that the password was betrayed to the enemy by the 
guide ; but the answer, coming from the Fourth Kentuckj^, was the 
natural and proper one. 

The Mississippians drove this regiment from its cover, and, after a 
severe struggle, it fell back fighting. In the mean time the Tenth 
Indiana Regiment, coming to the aid of the Fourth Kentucky, was 
met by the Mississippians and Battle's Twentieth Tennessee, which 



402 BATTLE OF FISHING CREEK. 

had formed on their right. A strenuous combat ensued at the forks of 
the road, Wolford's cavalry supporting the Federal troops. The Ninth 
Ohio also became engaged ; but, after a desperate conflict, the whole 
Federal line was driven back. It now appeared as if the Southern 
troops, having carried the rest of the field, were about to win the crest 
of a hill, which was the key to the position. Just then the Second 
Minnesota came up, and held the ground until the beaten regiments 
could rally upon it, which they did with spirit. The Confederates still 
seemed for a good while on the point of gaining the summit, where 
the Federals made a desperate stand, but were unable to carry it. 

In the mean time the Nineteenth Tennessee had come up on the 
left of the Mississippians, and found itself opposed in the woods to the 
Fourth Kentucky, which had returned to the conflict. In the dark- 
ness of the morning it was difficult to distinguish between the Federals 
and Confederates, many of the latter still wearing blue uniforms. Gen- 
eral Zollicoff"er was convinced that the regiment in his front was Con- 
federate, and peremptorily ordered the Nineteenth Tennessee to cease 
firing, as they were firing upon their own troops. He then rode across 
toward the Federal line to put a stop to the firing there. Just as he 
entered the road, he met a Federal officer. Colonel Speed S. Fry, of the 
Fourth Kentucky, and said to him quietl}^, " We must not shoot our 
own men." General ZoUicoff'er wore a white gum overcoat, which con- 
cealed his uniform, and Colonel Fry, supposing him to be a Federal 
officer, replied, " I would not, of course, do so intentionally." Zollicof- 
fer, then, pointing to the Nineteenth Tennessee, said, " Those are our 
men." Colonel Fry then started toward his regiment to stop their 
firing, when Major Fogg, Zollicoifer's aide, coming out of the wood at 
this instant, and clearly perceiving that Fry was a Federal, fired upon 
him, wounding his horse. Fry, riding away obliquely, saw his action, 
and turning, discharged his revolver. The ball passed through Gen- 
eral Zollicoffer's heart, and he fell exactly where he had stood. Zolli- 
colfer was near-sighted, and never knew that Fry was an enemy. His 
delusion was complete, as Major Fogg and others had remonstrated 
with him about going to the front. Major Fogg was also wounded. 

The Nineteenth Tennessee now stood waiting for orders, without 
firing a gun, until it was flanked and broken. In the mean time the 
Twenty-fifth Tennessee entered the wood without direction, and en- 
gaged the enemy. Immediately its colonel was severely wounded; 
and, being without support on either flank, it, too, sufi'ered and retired. 
The remainder of the column had come up and taken position in reserve, 
and toward the left of the field Murray's regiment, which last entered 
the fight, now experienced the same fate with the Twenty-fifth Tennes- 
see. Rutledge's battery, which had been for some time in position in 
reserve, retired under orders, as is said, of General Crittenden, without 



THE RETREAT. 403 

having fired a gun. The Federal right, in pressing upon the front and 
left flank of the Tennesseeans, was able to come to very close quarters 
without much loss, while their adversaries suffered a good deal, owing 
to the disparity in arms. The Tennesseeans were armed with old flint- 
lock muskets, which having got Avet were almost useless. Nevertheless, 
the Federal line was arrested at about one hundred yards' distance, and 
held at bay some twenty minutes. The Confederate line then gave 
way, and was allowed to retreat without pursuit. On the Confederate 
right, Walthall's regiment had continued its struggle with the Second 
Minnesota, and Battle's regiment had held Carter's brigade at bay, 
until these three regiments closed upon its flank and almost in its rear, 
and it, too, retired. Walthall, now finding one of these regiments 
almost across his path, and his command nearly surrounded, also with- 
drew his men, having with him in his retreat a portion of Battle's regi- 
ment, under Captain Rice. 

The Mississippi Regiment and Battle's Twentieth Tennessee had 
borne the brunt of the day. The former had lost over 220 men out 
of 400 who had gone into battle. The Twentieth Tennessee lost half 
as many more, those two regiments thus suffering over three-fourths 
of all the casualties on that day. They had the advance, and were 
better armed than the other troops. But, had they been supported hy 
the remainder of the column with half the valor and determination 
which the same troops subsequently exhibited on other fields, the re- 
sult would probably have been different. Their inferior arms, want of 
discipline, bad handling, and fatigue, sufficiently account for their ill- 
success. 

The defeated army was followed by the victorious Federals nearly 
to the intrenchments at Beech Grove. In the pursuit, if their cau- 
tious advance can be so called, checked as it was repeatedly by a 
rear-guard formidable even in defeat, the Fourteenth Ohio and Tenth 
Kentucky, with General Schoepf 's whole brigade, joined. Approaching 
the intrenched camp at Beech Grove, General Thomas opened an 
artillery-fire on it, to little purpose, however. He also made his ar- 
rangements to assault it next morning. 

The situation of the Confederate army was now extremely perilous. 
In its disorganized condition it could not have resisted the combined 
attack of Thomas and Schoepf. There was but one thing to be done, 
and that was to get away. The troops remained quietly in the intrench- 
ments until midnight, and then between that hour and daylight escaped, 
by means of a steamer and some barges at the landing, without having 
excited the suspicions of the enemy. Crittenden got his whole force 
safely across the i-iver, including all the wounded able to travel ; but 
he was compelled to leave behind him all of his badly wounded, all of 
his cannon, his supplies, and, indeed, whatever constitutes the equip- 



404 BATTLE OF FISHING CREEK. 

ment of an army. Having thus saved the remnant of his command, lie 
burned his boats, and moved his tired army, on the Monticello road, 
toward Nashville. 

The condition of the Confederate army was truly deplorable. On 
the night of the 18th it had marched ten miles; and on the 19th, after 
a fierce battle, had retreated to its camp. That night it had stood at 
the breastworks till midnight, then crossed the river; and now, without 
sleep and without food, it struggled through the rain and cold of a 
winter night to reach some place where it might be secure from as- 
sault. For several days the troops endured terrible hardships. The 
scanty supplies of a wasted country, hastily collected and issued with- 
out system, were insufficient for the subsistence of the army ; and, 
though the commissary department made extraordinary efforts, many 
of the troops had nothing better than parched corn to sustain life. 
Crittenden marched his army through Monticello and Livingston to 
Gainsboro, and, finally, by General Johnston's orders, took position at 
Chestnut Mound, where he was in reach of relief from Nashville. Dur- 
ing his retreat his army became much demoralized, and two regiments, 
whose homes were in that neighborhood, almost entirely abandoned 
their organization, and went every man to his own house. A multitude 
deserted, and the tide of fugitives filled the country with dismay. 

The battle fought at Logan's Cross Roads, also called the battle of 
Fishing Creek, or of Mill Springs, was most disastrous to the Confed- 
erate arms. General Thomas lost 39 killed and 207 wounded in the 
five regiments most hotly engaged. The casualties are not reported in 
other organizations. General Crittenden thought the Confederate loss 
was about 300. It was estimated by some as high as 500. At the time, 
it was stated in the Confederate accounts that the loss was 115 killed, 
116 wounded, and 45 prisoners. This could not have included many of 
the wounded who escaped with the army. Van Home says : " He lost, in 
killed, wounded, and prisoners, 392 men. Of this aggregate, 192 were 
killed." The writer is not aware of the data on which Van Home 
bases his statement, but is inclined to think his estimate of the aggre- 
gate loss nearly correct. In every point of view, the large number of 
killed compared to the wounded is a very striking fact, and indicates 
fighting at close quarters, and the superiority of the firearms of the 
Federals. Van Home also reports the capture of " twelve pieces of ar- 
tillery, a heavy amount of ammunition, a large number of small-arms, 
150 wagons, more than a thousand horses and mules, and abundant 
quartermaster and commissary stores." 

The death of Zollicoffer was a great blow to the Tennesseeans. He 
was more than a mere popular leader ; he was a patriot, full of noble 
and generous qualities. His people felt his death as a personal bereave- 
ment, and still cherish his memory with tender and reverent regret. His 



ZOLLICOFFER AND CRITTENDEN. 405 

fall and the Confederate slaughter were treated with indecent and 
ferocious exultation by camp-followers who wrote for the Northern 
press, and by others. But a better and more generous spirit also pre- 
vailed, which, it is to be hoped, more truly represented the feelings of 
the brave men who won the victor3\ Zollicoffer's body was borne into 
a tent, by Thomas's orders, and identified by Colonel Council, of the 
Seventeenth Ohio, and others who knew him. An eye-witness, writing 
to the Cincinnati Enquirer, thus describes him : 

A tall, rather slender man, with thin brown hair, high forehead somewhat 
bald, Roman nose, firm, wide mouth, and clean-shaved face. A pistol-ball had 
struck him in the breast, a little abo/e the heart, killing him instantly. His 
face bore no expression such as is usually found on those who fall in battle — no 
malice, no reckless hate, not even a shadow of physical pain. It was calm, 
placid, noble. But I have never looked on a countenance so marked with sad- 
ness. A deep dejection had settled on it. 

General Zollicoffer's body was embalmed, carried around by Leba- 
non, and sent by General Buell through his lines under flag of truce. A 
negotiation for an exchange of prisoners was begun by General Buell, 
during which he accepted a proposal of General Johnston to exempt 
from captivity surgeons in charge of the wounded. General Buell's 
conduct and this correspondence evince that the usages and amenities 
of civilized warfare had not been forgotten in these armies. 

Crittenden had a lot still harder for a brave soldier than that of his 
dead colleague. Skulking slanderers were charging him, up and down 
the country, with cowardice and treasonable correspondence with the 
enemy. He was also charged with drunkenness ; but the writer has 
the evidence of impartial witnesses, who saw him on that day, that he 
was perfectly sober. No shadow of doubt rests, in any fair mind, on 
his simple fidelity, his spotless integrity, and his dauntless courage. 
Though unfortunate, he was a stout soldier and an honorable gentle- 
man. With most of his troops, personal devotion to a leader was almost 
essential to success. He was new and strange to them ; and, when Zol- 
licoffer fell, they were ready to despair. 

One circumstance in connection with this battle, which has not been 
sufficiently pointed out, deserves consideration. It is the great dispar- 
ity in arms. While the Federals were fully equipped and well supplied 
with good weapons, the Confederates, with the exceptions already men- 
tioned, had but few good arms ; the remainder, old squirrel-rifles and 
fowling-pieces. Such disparity makes an incalculable difi"erence in effec- 
tiveness of fire ; and, with anything like equal numbers and equal 
prowess, such effectiveness must decide most battles. Raw troops, 
decimated before they can bring the enemy within range, become dis- 
heartened and demoralized, and are beaten before they strike a blow. 
Such was the case in this instance with most of the Southern troops. 



406 BATTLE OF FISHING CREEK. 

Crittenden's attack on Thomas was as much a surprise to General 
Johnston as the result could have been to the defeated commander. His 
line was broken ; his position at Bowling Green apparently turned on 
that flank, and an army on which he counted demolished. His corre- 
spondence, however, shows no vestige of reproach, no trace of harsh- 
ness that might add to the pain of his unsuccessful subordinate. This 
biography has evinced that he was singularly tolerant of the faults of 
others, and he was too wise to treat calamity as a crime. It is true 
that Crittenden, stung by popular clamor, demanded a court of inquiry, 
which was subsequently ordered by the Secretary of War. But Gen- 
eral Johnston's letters make no allusion to the defeat. That was past. 
His whole attention was turned to saving what could be saved of that 
army ; and all his letters were directed to the business of restoring its 
efficiency — to its proper location, to its commissariat, transportation, re- 
armament, and reorganization. 

General Johnston, in writing to General Crittenden, February 3d, 
after enumerating the various steps taken for his assistance, closes thus : 

When Colonel Claiborne returns, I shall be informed of all the wants of 
your command, and take measures to have you amply provided. 

Writing about the same time to the adjutant-general, he concludes 
his letter : 

I have taken every measure necessary to reorganize and place immediately 
on an efficient footing the command of Major-General Crittenden. 

Schoepf followed Crittenden to Monticello, and then returned. 
Thomas did not pursue his victory, for reasons sufficiently obvious. The 
season of the year, the rugged and exhausted country, drained of its 
supplies, the almost impassable roads, and the danger of concentration 
against him by forces of whose strength he was ignorant, made a further 
advance hazardous. Moreover, his troops could be more efficiently em- 
ployed on another field, and he was recalled by General Buell to take 
part in a combined movement against Bowling Green. Before his com- 
mand reached there, the condition of affairs had changed; and it was 
moved round by water, in the early days of March, to Nashville, which, 
by that time, had fallen into Buell's hands. 



LOCATIOX OF TnE FORTS. 407 



CHAPTER XXVII. 



FOET HEXET. 



When Tennessee seceded, her authorities assembled volunteers at 
the most assailable points on her borders, and took measures for guard- 
ing the water-entrances to her territory. All the strong points on the 
Mississippi were occupied and fortified — Memphis, Randolph, Fort 
Pillow, and Island No. 10. The last-named place, though a low-lying 
island, was believed to be a very strong position. Captain Gray, the 
engineer in charge when General Johnston assumed command (Sep- 
tember 18th), reported that Island No. 10 was " one of the finest stra- 
tegic positions in the Mississippi Valley," and, "properly fortified, 
would offer the greatest resistance to the enemy ;" and that "its in- 
trenchments could not be taken by a force four or five times superior 
in number." It is not necessary here to enter upon a narrative of the 
defenses of the Mississippi River. Columbus was relied upon as the 
chief barrier against invasion ; and was found sufficient, until, for stra- 
tegic reasons, it was deemed expedient to abandon it. The defense of 
the points lower down the Mississippi, however important in a general 
history of the war, did not greatly influence the catastrophe of this 
biography, and hence may be here omitted. 

In the location of her water-defenses, comity forbade Tennessee to 
invade the soil of another sovereign State under the plea of fortifying 
for her own defense ; so that, despite the supreme value of Columbus 
to her security, the Southern troops did not seize that stronghold until 
the last shadow of neutrality vanished, and its occupation became an 
absolute necessity. The same consideration governed the selection of 
points for the defense of the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers. Gov- 
ernor Harris wished to locate the forts as near the Kentucky line as he 
could find suitable sites for them, and sent General Daniel S. Donelson, a 
West Point graduate, and a man of influence and standing, to select 
proper situations. He reported Donelson as the strongest position on the 
Cumberland near the State line, and that there was no good position on 
the Tennessee River within the jurisdiction of the State. General Don- 
elson wished to build a fort in Kentucky, on better ground ; but, under 
the Governor's orders, adopted the site at Fort Henry as the best in 
Tennessee near the Kentucky line, and because of the convenience for 
mutual support between it and Fort Donelson. These locations are 
said to have been approved by General Bushrod R. Johnson also. In- 



408 FOKT HENRY. 

deed, there was not time for very deliberate or well-considered engi- 
neering. Crudities, the ofiFspriug of haste and inexperience, character- 
ized a great deal of the earlier military preparation for the conflict; and 
so great were the demands upon the few who had the requisite training, 
that they could not do their best. And this was especially the case in 
a branch of the military art so scientific and technical as engineering. 

Hence the two forts were placed within the limits of Tennessee ; 
Henry on the east bank of the Tennessee, Donelson on the west bank 
of the Cumberland, only twelve miles apart. The gates to the State 
were thus set as near its outer edge as was possible under the circum- 
stances. Near their mouths, not far from Smithland and Paducah, 
the rivers approach within three miles of each other. Here, it is 
said, an intrenched camp might have commanded both streams ; but 
this position was on the soil of Kentucky, and Tennessee had neither 
the right to take nor the strength to maintain it. 

A look at the map will show that the boundary between these two 
States is nearly a straight line westAvard from Virginia to the Tennessee 
River; it then follows this stream almost due south some twelve or 
fourteen miles, when it resumes its original direction and runs westward 
to the Mississippi River. Within a mile of the angle of this offset of 
Kentucky, about sixty miles above Paducah, stood Fort Henry. The 
Tennessee River traverses Tennessee and Kentucky by a course almost 
due north. The Cumberland, flowing westwardly near their dividing 
line, turns to the north as it approaches the Tennessee, to which it runs 
parallel to its mouth. At the great bend, on very good ground. Fort 
Donelson was established ; so that the two forts helped mutually to 
determine their relative locations. The governing considerations were 
evidently political rather than strategic, and depended more upon 
geography than topography. Nevertheless, even from a strategic point 
of view, they were exceedingly well situated. "Whether the Barren 
River, and a line from Bowling Green to Columbus, should be adopted 
for defense, or that of the Cumberland and thence west to the Missis- 
sippi, these points were equally commanding. They were also near to 
and in front of the railroads from Bowling Green and Nashville, running 
west. 

The topography of the two forts was not so good, though not justly 
amenable to the censure that the defeated generals visited upon it after 
its surrender. Floyd, in his reports, said of Fort Donelson : 

It was ill conceived, badly executed, and still worse located. I consider the 
place illy chosen, out of position, and entirely indefensible by any reenforce- 
ments which could be brought there to its support. 

General Tilghman spoke in his report in still more disparaging 
terms of the fortifications at Fort Henry : 



TOPOGRAPHY OF THE FORTS. 409 

Its ■wretched military position, ... its unfortunate location, etc. The his- 
tory of military engineering records no parallel to this case.^ Points within a 
few miles of it, possessing great advantages and few disadvantages, were totally 
neglected ; and a location fixed upon without one redeeming feature or filling 
one of the many requirements of a work such as Fort Henry. 

The remark of General Flojd may, under the circumstances, be 
dismissed as a hastily-formed opinion, though it is due to him to say 
that he expressed great distrust of the position as soon as he arrived 
at Fort Donelson. But Tilghman was a graduate of West Point, and 
a civil engineer by profession. He had had some experience in 
fortification in the Mexican War and as an artillery-officer, so that, 
under other circumstances, his opinion would be entitled to weight. 
But, when it is remembered that, as an officer, he was not slow to find 
fault, and indeed had done so with unusual vehemence as to the ord- 
nance, transportation, clothing, medical and other staff departments, 
and had been engaged in an altercation with the Engineer Department 
on other points, and yet had never objected to the location of the forts 
until after his surrender, his censure must be received with a grain of 
allowance. 

Donelson was well enough. It was placed on high ground ; and, 
with the plunging fire from its batteries, was sufficiently safe on the 
water-side. But from the land-side it was not equally strong, and re- 
quired extensive outworks and a considerable garrison for its main- 
tenance against an attack in that quarter. 

Fort Henry was on the low grounds of a river liable to great floods 
or "freshets," during which it was almost surrounded bv water. While 
this was to some extent a protection against a land-assault, yet, bring- 
ing the combat to the water-level, it deprived the fort of any advantage 
of elevation. The engineers, following the traditions of their craft, 
were soon to be confronted with a problem new to them — the power of 
iron-clad gunboats against land-defenses. They had not estimated cor- 
rectly the advantage of long-range guns, which enable the vessels to 
select positions for attack, so as to enfilade almost any possible line of 
defense, and easily to render a bastioned fort, for instance, untenable. 
Fort Henry was also commanded by high ground on the left flank ; but 
this was intended to be occupied by troops in case of a land-attack. 

Fort Henry could not have been made impregnable to gunboats, 
except at the cost of much time, labor, and expense. But it would be 
unjust to hold the engineers responsible for what became manifest only 
in the light of subsequent events. Why it was retained will appear 
as we go on. Though probably not the best location, on the two riv- 
ers, each successive commander found it easier to improve them than 

' The italics are his. 



410 FORT HENRY. 

to begin anew elsewhere. But a simple narrative of facts relating to 
the history and progress of the river-defenses ought to give a correcter 
view of the case than any argument in the interest of any individual. 
At one time there was a profound consciousness in the Southern peo- 
ple that, in this campaign, the immediate commanders at these forts 
had not proved equal to the emergency. Doubtless time has partially 
effaced the conviction, but, whatever individual shortcomings may ap- 
pear herein, the public dereliction is manifest. The same apathy that 
kept back from the field men who subsequently gave their lives to the 
cause, at that period withheld even the negro slaves demanded as la- 
borers, and seemed to paralyze every arm and bring to naught the most 
earnest efforts and the most judicious counsel. 

Not long before the battle of Shiloh, General Polk, in whose mili- 
tary district these events had occurred, made a report that contains a 
very fair summary of many important facta in relation to the defenses 
of Forts Henry and Donelson. It reads as follows : 



Headquarteeb, First Corps, Army op the Mississippi, 
CoKiNTH, Mississippi, April 1, 1862, 



1 



Geitoeal: In conformity with your order to report to you on the defenses 
of the Tennessee and Cumberland Eivers at the time of my taking command in 
the "West, I have to say that those defenses were at that time not included in my 
command, nor were they until after you assumed the charge of the Western 
Department. My command up to that time was limited on the north and east 
by the Tennessee River. 

Shortly after you took command of the Western Department, Lieutenant 
Dixon, of the Corps of Engineers, was instructed by you to make an examina- 
tion of the works at Forts Henry and Donelson, and to report upon them. 
These instructions were complied with, and he reported that the former fort, 
which was nearly completed, was built, not at the most favoi'able position, but 
that it was a strong work, and instead of abandoning it and building at another 
place, he advised that it should be completed, and other works constructed on 
the high lands just above the fort on the opposite side of the river. Measures 
for the accomplishment of this work were adopted as rapidly as the means at 
our disposal would allow. A negro force, which was otFered by planters on tlio 
Tennessee in North Alabama, was employed on the work, and efforts were 
made to push it to completion as fast as the means at command would allow. 

Lieutenant Dixon also made a similar reconnaissance on the Cumberland, 
and gave it as his opinion that, although a better position might have been 
chosen for the fortifications on that river, yet, under the circumstances then 
surrounding our command, it would be better to retain and strengthen the 
position chosen. He accordingly made surveys for additional outworks, and 
the service of a considerable slave-force was obtained to construct them. This 
work was continued and kept under the supervision of Lieutenant Dixon. 
Lieutenant Dixon also advised the placing of obstructions in the Cumberland at 
a certain point below, where there was shoal water, so as to afford protection to 
the operatives engaged on the fortifications against the enemy's gunboats. This 



POLK'S REPORT OF THE DEFENSES. 411 

was done, and it operated as a check to the navigation, so long as the water 
continued low. 

You are aware that efforts were made to obtain lieavy ordnance to arm these 
forts ; but, as we had to rely on supplies from the Atlantic sea-coast, they came 
slowly, and it became necessary to divert a number of pieces intended for Co- 
lumbus to the service of those forts. 

The principal difficulty in the way of a successful defense of the rivers in 
question was the want of an adequate force — a force of infantry and a force of 
experienced artillerists. They were applied for by you, and also by me ; and 
the appeal was made earnestly to every quarter whence relief might be hoped 
for. "Why it was not furnished others must say. I believe the chief reason, so 
far as the infantry was concerned, was the want of arms. As to experienced 
artillerists, they were not in the country, or, at least, to be spared from other 
points. 

When General Tilghman was made brigadier-general, he was assigned by 
you to the command of the defenses on the Tennessee and Cumberland. It was 
at a time when the operations of the enemy had begun to be active on those 
rivers, and the difficulty of communicating as rapidly as the exigencies of the 
service required, through the circuitous route to Columbus, made it expedient 
for him to place himself in direct communication with the general headquar- 
ters. Nevertheless, all the support I could give him, in answer to his calls, 
was afforded. He received from Columbus a detachment of artillery-officers 
as instructors of his troops in that arm, on two several occasions, and all the 
infantry at my command that could be spared from the defense of Columbus. 

The importance of gunboats, as an element of power in our military opera- 
tions, was frequently brought to the attention of the Government. One trans- 
port-boat, the Eastport, was ordered to be purchased and converted into a gun- 
boat on the Tennessee River, but it was, unfortunately, too late to be of any 
service. 

Respectfully, your obedient servant, 

L. Polk, Major- General commanding. 

To General A. S. Johnston, commanding Army of the Mississippi, Corinth, Mississippi. 

A rigid examination of all the data confirms this report in its most 
important particulars. On the 17th of September General Johnston 
ordered Lieutenant Dixon, a young engineer of extraordinary skill, 
courage, and character, to report at Fort Donelson for engineer duty. 
Immediately afterward he applied to the adjutant-general for other 
engineer-officers, but for some time in vain. They were scarce, and 
otherwise assigned. From this time these defenses never ceased to be 
the subject of extreme solicitude to General Johnston. The prepara- 
tions for resistance were necessarily enlarged with the magnitude of 
the operations directed against them. 

The following extracts from his correspondence will serve to show 
that General Johnston not only did not lose sight of this vulnerable 
point, but did all that he could with the means at his command. It 
will be borne in mind that the points of pressure, during this period, 
were elsewhere, and that the Federal commanders themselves came to 



412 FORT HENRY. 

a very sudden and unpremeditated resolution to make this their chief 
point of attack. 

On October 8th, Lieutenant Dixon having been temporarily em- 
ployed elsewhere, Colonel Mackall, assistant adjutant-general, wrote to 
General Polk : 

General Johnston directs you to send Lieutenant Dixon to Fort Donelson 
instantly, with orders to mount the guns at that place for the defense of the 
river. 

Lieutenant -Colonel McGavock was also ordered to "remain in 
vigilant command." Another letter, of October 17th, says : 

General Johnston orders you to hasten the armament of the works at Fort 
Donelson, and the obstructions below the place at which a post was intended. 
The operations of the enemy on the Tennessee show that the necessity of in- 
terrupting the Cumberland is urgent. . . . The general has been informed that 
tlie experiments made with the torpedoes at Memphis have been very success- 
ful. Should you, on inquiry, find this to be the case, you are authorized to 
employ them to any extent necessary on the Mississippi, Tennessee, and Cum- 
berland Rivers. For the present, do not move the regiment from Fort Henry. 
The men are accustomed to the guns. New ones might not be so efficient. 

A dispatch from Colonel Mackall to Major-General Polk, Columbus, 
Kentucky, October 28th, says : 

General Johnston directs me to say that he wishes you to keep a vigilant eye 
on the Tennessee River. If possible, fortify opposite to Fort Henry, to protectj 
it from being overlooked by the enemy. It can be held with part of the gar- 
rison of Henry. Lieutenant Dixon, who is familiar with the country, will be 
able to point out the proper position. No time should be lost. 

General Johnston wrote to General Polk, October 31st, as follows 

Your front, and particularly your right flan\ requires incessant watching,! 
and may at any moment demand all the force at your disposal. The Cumber-i 
land and Tennessee Rivers afford lines of transportation by which an army mayl 
turn your right with ease and rapidity, and any surplus you may be able to 
spare from the left flank on the Mississippi can well be used to secure you J 
against such movements. 

In the latter part of October Major Jeremy F. Gilmer reported toi 
General Johnston, as his chief-engineer. Gilmer was a North Carolin- 
ian, and had been graduated at the Military Academy in 1839, fourth 
in his class, next below H. W. Halleck. After subaltern service, he had 
served as captain in the Engineer Corps since 1853, and was esteemed 
an officer of great merit. General Johnston first knew him in California. 
They met next at Bowling Green. Gilmer had skill and judgment, and 
his military career was full of usefulness to the cause he espoused. At 



GILMER'S OPERATIONS. 413 

the close of the war he was at the head of the engineer department of 
the Confederate army. 

General Johnston was well pleased with this assignment to him of a 
trained soldier, on whose scientific knowledge he could rely. After a 
full conference with him on the plan of defense already adopted, he 
promptly sent him back to establish a second defensive line along the 
Cumberland from Nashville to Donelson and thence to Henry, which j 
might prove not only a secure place of retreat in case of disaster, but 
an effectual barrier to the invader. General Johnston gave him letters] 
to Governor Harris at Nashville and Senator G. A. Henry at Clarks- 
ville, explaining his business and invoking their aid and influence, and 
suggesting the employment of slave-labor on the fortifications, to hasten 
their construction. Gilmer's orders were : 

"To arrange the works for the defense and obstruction of the river" at 
Donelson, Clarksville, and Nashville, and to intrust the constructicn to subordi- 
nates. He was " to spare no cost, procuring barges, steamboats, and whatever 
else may aid in the work." His orders ran : " Arrange a plan of defensive works 
for Nashville, and urge them forward by all the means you can command. If 
you find that the work of troops will be useful, report at once here the numbers 
you can use, that tbey may be sent you." 

General and specific directions were also issued to all the staff de- 
partments to furnish Major Gilmer funds, tools, materials, subsistence, 
transportation, and other facilities for the construction of the defenses ; 
and Lieutenant-Colonel McGavock was ordered to work his troops day 
and night until the guns at Fort Donelson were protected by parapets. 

The objections to the sites of the forts were quite apparent ; but the 
purpose to maintain, instead of removing them, Avas not the result of a 
blind or careless policy, but of a deliberate weighing of difficulties and 
advantages. General Johnston could not give the matter his personal 
attention, owing to the pressure elsewhere; but, even if he had done 
so, his only course, as a sober-minded man, would have been to concur 
in the calm decision of his chief-engineer, an able and skillful officer, 
who, with all the lights before him, concluded to retain positions al- 
ready established, in preference to attempting the construction of new 
forts elsewhere. 

Major Gilmer, in a report of November 3d, says : 

As to the defenses of the Cumberland Elver below Clarksville, tliey should be 
at least as low down as Fort Donelson.. Our efforts for resisting gunboats should 
be concentrated there ; and, to this end. Captain Dixon will do everything in his 
power to hasten forward the works at that point. Lineport, fifteen miles below 
Donelson, presents many advantages for defending the river ; but, as the works 
at Fort Donelson are partially built, and the place susceptible of a good defense 
landward, I advised Captain Dixon to retain the position, and construct the ad- 
ditional defenses as rapidly as possible. 



414 FORT HENRY. 

To obstruct the Cumberland at points below Donelson, old "barges" and 
"flats" have been sunk at Ingraham's Shoals, a few miles above Eddyville, and 
at Line Island, three miles below Lineport. In all ordinary stages of water the 
obstructions render the river impassable for gunboats, and for any other boats at 
this time. Such, at least, is the judgment of Captain Dixon, who superintended 
the sinking of the barges. 

Three of the barges sunk were one hundred and twenty-seven feet 
long by twenty-seven feet wide and eight feet deep. These, with two 
smaller boats, loaded with about 1,200 tons of stone, made a sufficient 
obstruction for the time ; but one difficulty of these waters is, that a 
flood will almost always wash out a new channel. 

Major Gilmer reported, November 4th, that the armament of Fort 
Donelson was four thirty-two-pounders and two naval guns, and recom- 
mended that it should be doubled. He added, " There are also two small 
iron guns and a battery of field-pieces for the land-defenses ; " and 
recommended an additional supply of twelve-pounder guns, mounted 
on siege-carriages, and some howitzers for throwing shells. General 
Johnston sent four more thirty-two-pounders within the next four days. 
Within the same period the gunboats of the enemy were stopped by the 
obstructions near Eddyville. 

General G. A. Henry, Confederate States Senator from Tennessee, 
a resident of Clarksville, and deeply interested in the defense of the 
Cumberland, accompanied Major Gilmer on this tour of inspection. He 
wrote to General Johnston as follows : 

Fort Henry is in fine condition for defense, the work admirably done, as Ma- 
jor Gilmer thinks. . . . Fort Donelson is in a very bad condition. No work 
has been done of any account, though Lieutenant Dixon, a young officer of great 
energy, will soon, I hope, have it put in a fine state of defense. Captain Harrison, 
an old steamboat-captain familiar with the river, concurs with Lieutenant Dixon 
that the work of obstruction is effectually done. They think it will be impossi- 
ble for the gunboats to pass Ingraham's Shoals, even when the water is ten feet 
higher than it is now. Though Donelson is unfortunately located on the river, 
it certainly possesses great advantages against a land-attack. A succession of 
deep ravines nearly surrounds it, including some ten or twelve acres of land, 
thickly lined with trees in the right place (for an abattis). 

Again, Major Gilmer wrote on the 16th of November: 

At Clarksville I also employed a competent person to establish a timber- 
obstruction in the Cumberland Eiver, under the range of the guns of Fort Don- 
elson. 

He adds that he had chartered " a steamer to go to Fort Donelson 
to be employed in placing the obstructions in the river." 

Each of the forts was garrisoned by a regiment of infantry, support- 
ing the artillery-companies stationed in them. When the movement of 



GENERAL LLOYD TILGnMAN. 415 

the Federal army was made along the lines, early in November, General 
Johnston, fearing an attack on the Cumberland, ordered Pillow from 
Columbus, with 5,000 men, to defend this line. Why this movement 
was not made has already been explained in a previous chapter ; but 
the following extract from a letter of General Johnston to the Secretary 
of War, November 15th, is not out of place here. He said: 

I had left but the choice of difficulties — the great probability of defeat at 
Columbus, or a successful advance of the enemy on ray left. I have risked the 
latter. The first would be a great misfortune, scarcely reparable for a long time ; 
the latter may be prevented. 

On the 17th of November Brigadier-General Lloyd Tilghman, w^ho 
had been in command at Hopkinsville, was ordered to turn over his 
command there to General Charles J. Clark, and proceed to the Cum- 
berland River, to take charge of Forts Donelson and Henry and their 
defenses, and the intermediate country, under General Polk, the division 
commander. Tilghman's orders continue : 

The utmost vigilance is enjoined, as there has been gross negligence in this 
respect. . . . You will push forward the completion of the works and their 
armament with the utmost activity, and to this end will apply to the citizens of 
the surrounding country for assistance in labor, for which you will give them 
certificates for amounts of such labor. 

Authority was also given to make all needful requisitions. 

General Tilghman had been assigned to General Johnston with 
considerable eclat. General Johnston, desiring a proper commander for 
the defenses of Columbus, had very strongly recommended for that pur- 
pose the promotion of Major A. P. Stewart to be a brigadier-general. 
On the 11th of October Mr. Benjamin replied as follows : 

I have your letter asking for the appointment of a brigadier to command at 
Columbus, Kentucky, in your absence. Your recommendation of Major A. P. 
Stewart has been considered with the respect due to your suggestions, but there 
is an officer under your command whom you must have overlooked; whose 
claims in point of rank and experience greatly outweigh those of Major Stewart, 
and whom we could not pass by, without injustice — I refer to Colonel Lloyd 
Tilghman, whose record shows longer and better service, and who is, besides, 
as a Kentuckian, specially appropriate to the command of Columbus. He has, 
therefore, been appointed brigadier-general, but of course you will exercise your 
own discretion whether to place him in command at Columbus or not. 

Though General Johnston had no objection to Tilghman's promo- 
tion, knowing that Polk had previously recommended him, he accepted 
the secretary's letter as a rebuke. Polk urged, October 31st, that 
Tilghman should be assigned to the command of the defenses of the 
28 



416 FORT HEXRY. 

Tennessee and Cumberland, which General Johnston ordered, as soon 
as the pending movements by the Federals permitted. 

As soon as Tilghman took command he stopped the work of ob- 
struction on the Cumberland, which led to a sharp remonstrance from 
Gilmer, and a direction from headquarters not to interfere with Gilmer. 
General Johnston, on November 21st, ordered Lieutenant Dixon to lay 
out a field-work on the commanding ground opposite Fort Henry; and on 
the 29th telegraphed Gilmer that " these works should not be stopped. 
Push them on at the same time with the obstructions at Fort Donelson." 
Tilghman, on the same day, wrote, pointing out the necessity of a small 
field-work on this eminence, and the want of a field-battery there ; but 
did not suggest a removal of the forts, or any other change. 

As General Johnston desired the line of the Cumberland to rally on 
in case of retreat, he gave directions for the construction of extensive 
field-works, so located that they might be occupied and held by brave 
but undisciplined militia, without the necessity of performing tactical 
manoeuvres in the field. But it was impossible to convince the people 
of their value. Their construction required a large amount of labor. 
The troops worked reluctantly, and the slave-owners hired their negroes 
grudgingly, and were continually demanding their return. Fifteen hun- 
dred laborers were needed at Nashville, as many at Clarksville, 1,000 
were called for at Fort Donelson by Lieutenant Dixon, November 15th, 
and the same number could have been usefully employed at Fort Henry. 
Instead of 5,000, not 500 could be got together in all. Much of the 
work was done by the soldiers, at the cost of health, drill, and discipline. 
■" — ^The authorities of Tennessee and Alabama did what they could to 
obtain the labor demanded. Official action was supplemented by patri- 
otic voluntary effort. A committee of leading citizens of North Alabama 
and Tishomingo County, Mississippi, headed by General Samuel D. 
"Weakley, appealed to the people in a private circular letter, November 
23d, to furnish negro-laborers and volunteers to build and defend the 
works at Fort Henr3\ They plainly said that these defenses were im- 
portant and unsafe, and that no time could be lost. They said : 

If our people were convinced as we are that a deadly struggle for our homes 
and property is impending — that the enemy in a few days will put forth his 
whole strength for our subjugation — they would rally en masse for the public 
defense. 

But the American people are so used to rhetorical exaggeration, 
that fervor of language has ceased with them to be taken as a measure 
of earnestness of conviction. The response was tardy and feeble. An 
insufficient number of negroes reached Fort Henry early in January. 
Still, if their labor had then been vigorously applied, it would have 
made a difference in the preparation. 



ABORTIVE ATTEMPTS AT DEFENSE. 417 

Governor Harris, with that inflexible courage which he ever dis- 
played, dared to tell the Legislature and people of Tennessee, in his, 
next message, these truths, in reference to the loss of the forts : 

Many weeks before this crisis in our affairs, General Johnston sent a highly 
accomplished and able engineer, Major Gilmer, to Nashville, to construct forti- 
fications for the defense of the city. Laborers were needed for their construc- 
tion. I joined Major Gilmer in an earnest and urgent appeal to the people to 
send in their laborers for this purpose, offering full and fair compensation. This 
appeal was so feebly responded to, that I advised General Johnston to impress 
the necessary labor; but, owing to the difficulty in obtaining the laborers, the 
works were not completed ; indeed, some of them little more than commenced 
when Fort Donelson fell. 






General Johnston did order the impressment of 1,500 negroes near 
Nashville ; but not more than fifty were collected for some time, and 
never more than 200 in all. 

It may be thought strange that, when the formidable naval prepara- 
tions of the United States for operations on the Western rivers were 
well known to the Confederate authorities, very slight efforts were made 
to meet them with similar gunboats or with rams. While it is true 
that this application of public money was excluded by the language of 
the appropriation bill passed by Congress, 3'et the Government could 
have confidently relied on a deficiency bill covering any necessary ex-i 
penses in this direction. The true reason was a lack of skilled labor, 
of docks, and of materials for construction, which could not be im-; 
provised in a beset and blockaded country. 

Proposals were considered both for building gunboats and for con- 
verting the ordinary side-wheel high-pressure steamboats into gunboats. 
Though anxious to avail itself of this means of defense, the engineer 
department decided that it was not feasible. Steamboats in armor, like 
the ass dressed in the lion's hide, would incur more danger than they 
would do damage. There was not plate-iron with which to armor a 
single iron-clad, and even railroad-iron could not be spared. The weight 
of these steamboats made their draught so great that they could only 
be used in floods ; and, unless a fleet could be built to match the en- 
emy's, the vessels could only be used as floating batteries under the 
guns of the forts, where they would enjoy no advantage over the land- 
batteries. It was thought best to concentrate the resources on what 
seemed practicable. One iron-clad gunboat, however, the Eastport, wa^-' 
undertaken on the Tennessee River, but under so many difficulties that, 
after the surrender of Fort Henry, while still unfinished, it was destroyed . 
lest it should fall into the hands of the enemy. . / 

While these feebly-sustained attempts at defense were in progress, 
the mighty wealth and energy of the North were concentrating them- 
selves for one supreme effort of invasion. All summer and fall the 



418 FORT DEXRY. 

ring of hammer and anvil told of the toil of thousands of skilled me- 
chanics and sturdy laborers in the great work of preparation and arma- 
ment. The best talents of the country were employed in the work of 
construction, organization, and equipment, and in training and fighting 
the iron-clad fleet that was to pierce the barriers of the Western rivers.* 
As early as May 16, 1861, Commander John Rodgers had been sent 
"West by the United States Government to provide an armed flotilla, to 
serve on the Western rivers. He bought steamboats, which were 
fitted, armored, and armed as gunboats. On the 30th of August Cap- 
tain Andrew H. Foote, of the United States Navy, was ordered to take 
command of the naval operations upon the Western waters. When 
Foote took command there were three wooden vessels in commission, 
and nine iron-clad gunboats and thirty-eight mortar-boats in process 
of construction. This is not the place to relate the history of the 
United States Navy in the civil war ; but, as an illustration of the mag- 
nitude and celerity of its preparations, it may be stated, on the author- 
ity of Prof. Hoppin, Foote's biographer, that 600 vessels "were, in a 
space of time to be reckoned by months, made ready for efficient ser- 
vice." The fleet of gunboats on the Mississippi and its tributaries, when 
finally completed, " consisted of twelve gunboats, seven of them iron- 
clad, and able to resist all except the heaviest solid shot, and costing 
on an average $89,000 each. The boats were built very wide in pro- 
portion to their length, so that on the smooth river-waters they might 
have almost the steadiness of stationary land-batteries when discharg- 
ing their heavy guns." ^ This flotilla carried 143 guns ; some sixty- 
four-pounders, some thirty-two pounders, and some seven-inch rifled 
guns carrying eighty-pound shells. Each boat had also a Dahlgren ten- 
inch shell-gun. Eight of the boats were powerful engines of war. They 
were of about " 600 tons burden each, drawing six feet, carrying thir- 
teen heavy guns, plated with iron two and a half inches thick, and to 
steam nine miles per hour. They were 175 feet long, 51^ feet wide ; 
the hulls of wood ; their sides projected from the bottom of the boat 
to the water-line at an angle of about thirty-five degrees, and from the 
water-line the sides fell back at about the same angle to form a slant- 
ing casemate, the gun-deck being about a foot above water. This slant- 
ing casemate extended across the hull, near the bow and stern, forming 
a quadrilateral gun-deck. Three nine or ten inch guns were placed in 
the bow, four similar ones on each side, and two smaller ones astern. 
The casemate inclosed the wheel, which was placed in a recess on the 
stern of the vessel." ' To build this powerful squadron, all the resources 

' Most of the details in regard to these naval operations are from Hoppin's " Life of 
Admiral Foote." 
« Ibid., p. 157. 
^ Boynton's " History of the Navy during the Rebellion." 



PRECAUTIONS FOR RIVER DEFENSE. 419 

of the forests, mines, rolling-mills, founderies, machine-shops, and dock- 
yards, of the Northwest were brought under full requisition. 

As early as the beginning of September, the Federal gunboats 
were cruising (5n the Ohio and Mississippi, overawing and distressing 
the people along the banks. On the 12th of October the gunboat 
Conestoga, Lieutenant Phelps, ascended* the Tennessee, and made a 
reconnaissance of Fort Henry. In November the fleet took part in 
the battle of Belmont, as has been related. 

About the middle of January the United States forces developed 
an intention of moving on the Confederate lines by way of the Ten- 
nessee and Cumberland Rivers, and early in February carried out the 
design. This danger was one that General Johnston had foreseen, and 
had attempted to provide against. While this is abundantly evinced 
even in the allusions in his correspondence given herein to illustrate 
other aspects of the campaign, it will not be amiss to add some brief 
extracts bearing directly on this subject. 

As early as October 27, 1861, he wrote the adjutant-general, 
pointing out the three lines in Kentucky on which " the enemy seem 
to design to operate : " first, against Zollicoffer ; second, by the Louis- 
ville & Nashville Railroad ; " and the other against Polk, and will per- 
haps endeavor to use the Tennessee in aid of the movement." 

For some time after this the rivers were too low to be used by the 
heavy armored flotilla ; and the movements of the enemy seemed to be 
directed from South Carrollton against Clarksville as the objective 
point. But as the rainfall and the advance of winter made the roads 
difficult and the rivers navigable, the danger evidently became more 
imminent at the forts and less so at Clarksville ; and military move- 
ments and preparations were, of course, modified accordingly. 

On the 10th of December General Johnston, writing to General Polk, 
pointed out the lines by which the enemy might attempt to turn and 
carry Columbus : first, by a force from Cape Girardeau to New Madrid; 
second, by another moving on the west bank to a point below Cplum- 
bus, to cut off supplies ; and, third, by a movement on transports up 
the Tennessee to the ferry, and thence to Paris. " This movement they 
would probably cover by a demonstration toward Columbus." 

He urged General Polk, in this last contingency, to compel the 
column to give him battle on ground of his own choosing, or to impede 
and harass it, and engage it at a disadvantage. It will be seen, by his 
correspondence in January, that General Johnston used every endeavor 
to animate his subordinates and guard against an attack by the rivers. 

The respective advocates of Grant, Sherman, Foote, Halleck, and 
Buell, have debated with considerable heat the question, " Who is en- 
titled to the credit of the movements against Forts Henry and Donel- 
son ? " The movement seems so obvious that the writer always sup- 



420 FORT HENRY. 

posed it was a long-settled purpose, deliberately carried out. Indeed, 
it was but part of a general plan early matured in the mind of a person 
who seems to have been lost sight of by the later generation of great 
men. It was well known at General Johnston's headquarters that Gen- 
eral Winfield Scott told General William Preston, in August, 1861, that 
his plan was to bisect the Confederacy by opening and holding the Missis- 
sippi River, and then to divide its eastern half diagonally. It was now 
evident" that the bisection by the Mississippi was effectually stopped by 
Columbus with its 140 guns. The diagonal movement must, therefore, 
be made first; but winter rendered a mountain campaign through East 
Tennessee clearly impracticable. It was, therefore, left to the Federal 
commanders to force the position at Bowling Green at great sacrifice, 
or to attempt to reduce the forts on the Tennessee and Cumberland. 
What more natural than that the Federal commanders, arrested in their 
advance elsewhere, and seeking a weaker point in the defensive line, 
should discover it on these interior rivers that marked the second line 
of advance laid down in General Scott's original scheme of invasion ? 

General Sherman gives a picturesque narrative of the origin of this 
movement in his "Memoirs" (vol. i,, page 220). He says that, in a 
council between Generals Halleck, Cullom, and himself — 

General Halleck had a map on his table, with a large pencil in his hand, and 
asked, "Where is the rebel line?" Cullom drew the pencil through Bowling 
Green, Forts Donelson and Henry, and Columbus, Kentucky. "That is their 
line," said Halleck. "Now, where is the proper place to break it?" And 
either Cullom or I said, '•'•Naturally^ the centre." Halleck drew a line perpen- 
dicular to the other near its middle, and it coincided nearly with the general 
course of the Tennessee Eiver, and he said, " That is the true line of operations." 
This occurred more than a month before General Grant began the movement; 
and, as he was subject to General Halleck's orders, I have always given Halleck 
the full credit for that movement, which was skillful, successful, and extremely 
rich in military results ; indeed, it was the first real success on our side in the 
civil war. 

General H. V. Boynton, in his volume entitled "Sherman's His- 
torical Raid " (Chapter II.), denies the justice of this claim. He gives 
the credit to General Grant ; but also shows, from the correspondence 
of Buell and Halleck, that, on the 3d of January, Buell proposed a com- 
bined attack on the centre and flanks of Johnston's lines. Buell esti- 
mated the Confederate force at double its actual strength, and con- 
cluded his note, " The attack upon the centre should be made by two 
gunboat expeditions, with, I should say, 20,000 men on the two rivers." 

Boynton also quotes a letter from Halleck to McClellan, January 20, 
1862, which says : 

The idea of moving down the Mississippi by steam is, in my opinion, im- 
practicable, or at least premature. It is not the proper line of operations, at 



FEDERAL PLANS AND MOVEMENTS. 421 

least now. A much more feasible plan is to movo up the Cumberland and Ten- 
nessee, making Nashville the present objective point. This would threaten 
Columbus, and force the abandonment of Bowling Green. . . . This line of the 
Cumberland and Tennessee is the great central line of the Western theatre of the 
war, with the Ohio below the mouth of Green River as the base, and two great 
navigable rivers extending far into the theatre of operations. 

These views were eminently judicious ; but Halleck, overrating 
General Johnston's force and means of resistance, adds, "But the plan 
should not be attempted without a large force — not less than 60,000 
effective men." 

Halleck's plan was to move against the Confederate lines with de- 
liberation and in force. But, as this plan was slowly maturing in the 
brain of the chief, the conflict was precipitated by the more eager and 
active temper of his subordinates at the mouth of the Ohio. These 
were three of the ablest and boldest officers in the service of the United 
States: Grant, C. F. Smith, and Foote. These enterprising officers, 
finding by due pressure the weak point of a strong line to be on their 
own immediate front, were not slow to seize the advantage. 

Early in January, McClellan, the general-in-chief, directed Halleck, 
commanding the Western Department, to make a demonstration in 
Western Kentucky which should prevent reenforcements being sent to 
Bowling Green, toward which Buell was still reaching out. Grant, under 
orders from Halleck, sent McClernand, with 6,000 men, from Cairo to 
Milburn, to menace Columbus ; and C. F. Smith, with two brigades, from 
Paducah toward Mayfield and Murray, threatening Fort Henry and the 
country from there to Columbus. 

McClernand's expedition occupied the time from January 10th to 
January 20 th, the infantry marching about seventy -five miles, the cav- 
alry farther. Smith's movement took a little longer. These commands 
were moved with extraordinary precautions. Although there was no 
fighting, the soldiers sufibred greatly from cold, and from the effects of 
a violent storm of rain and snow. They subsisted chiefly on plunder.' 
General Polk believed that the retreat of these columns was due to a 
movement toward their rear by 1,000 cavalry and some Confederate in- 
fantry regiments sent out by him. But, as the demonstration had pro- 
duced its effect, impressing the garrison at Columbus with the appre- 
hension of an advance in force on that point, besides having resulted in 
valuable information of the defenses of the Tennessee River, it is more 
probable that the columns retired because they had accomplished their 
objects. Their movements were too cautious and insufficiently devel- 
oped to allow General Polk to follow General Johnston's instructions 
of December lOtb, and harass or attack them. These expeditions, un- 

' Badeau's " Life of Grant," vol. i., p. 25 ; McClellan's report, " Rebellion Record," 
vol. iv., p, 49, 



422 FORT HENRY. 

dertaken in the depth of winter, improved the morale of the Federal 
troops, and accustomed them to the hardships of a winter campaign. 

In this demonstration, C. F. Smith moved his column in concert 
with the gunboats, returning by the left bank of the Tennessee to Pa- 
ducah. Lieutenant Phelps, of the Conestoga, after a reconnaissance as 
far as the Tennessee State line, made on the 7th of January, reported 
" the water barely sufficient to float this boat, draAving five feet five 
inches." He says, " Fort Henry I have examined, and the work is for- 
midable." Again, on the 16th, he "proceeded up the river, accom- 
panied by the transport-steamer Wilson, having on board a force of 500 
— infantry and artillery — under Major Ellston, and anchored for the 
night near where the Tennessee line strikes the right bank of the river." 
The next day they proceeded up the river, shelling the banks, and fired 
a few shells at Fort Henry, at two and a half miles distance, without 
effect.* 

The transport then landed the troops a few miles below, at Aurora, 
whence they proceeded to Murray, and threatened Paris. This move- 
ment, in conjunction with the demonstration against Columbus, exactly 
verified the prediction of General Johnston in his letter of December 
10th. The columns, moving by the west bank of the Mississippi, ad- 
vanced later. But the blow struck against Zollicoffer at this very date 
had also been pointed out, October 27th, by General Johnston, as 
probable. 

On their return from these January expeditions. Grant telegraphed 
Halleck, January 28th, from Cairo : 

With permission, I will take Tort Henry, on the Tennessee, and establish 
and hold a large camp there. 

On the same day Foote telegraphed Halleck that Fort Henry could 
be carried with four iron-clad gunboats and troops to permanently oc- 
cupy it, and for authority to move. 

On January 29th Grant wrote Halleck fully, urging an immediate 
advance and attack on Fort Henry, and thence on Fort Donelson, Mem- 
phis, or Columbus. 

Halleck gave the fullest authority, and instructions, also, for the 
execution of the plan. Badeau says : 

On the 2d of February Grant started from Cairo with 1T,000 raen on 
transports. Foote accompanied him with seven gunboats, and on the 4th the 
debarkation began at Bailey's Ferry, on the east bank, three miles below Fort 
Henry. 

The only practicable approaches to the fort by land were double 
this distance. Grant himself took command on the east bank, with 

> Hoppin's "Life of Foote," pp. 191, 192, and Confederate archives. 



RIVER DEFENSES. 423 

the main column ; while C. F. Smith, with two brigades — some 5,000 
or 6,000 men — landed on the left bank, with orders to take the earth- 
work opposite Fort Henry, known as_£oft-iicTTTnnT. During the de- 
barkation on the 4th three of the gunboats. approached the forts and 
tried the range of their guns, throwing solid shot and nine-inch shells 
at a mile's distance, and burying their shot in the fort, but doing no 
other damage. The fort replied with a columbiad and a rifle-gun, without 
effect, but had to stop firing on account of an injury to a clamp of the 
carriage of the columbiad. On the 5th the landing was completed, and 
the noon of the next day was fixed as the time of attack, ^ome-delaxl^ 1 
had occurred while coming up the river, in fishing up the torpedoes an- I 
chored a little below the surface. Lieutenant Phelps, who had expe- V 
rience with river-obstructions, took up eight. 

General Johnston's letters had constantly urged upon his subordi- 
nates the prompt construction, and upon the bureaus the proper arma- 
ment, of the forts. But the needs of the country for ordnance were so 
much greater than the ability to supply it, that Columbus alone was as 
yet in a state of defense. The fortifications had been delayed for lack 
of labor, and from the difBculty of employing efficiently troops unused 
and unwilling to build them. The call for slaves for this purpose had 
been responded to slowly and feebly, as has been shown. 

The condition of the Confederates in that quarter may be under- 
stood from an extract from a letter of General Polk to General John- 
ston, dated January 11, 1862 : 

My available force is greatly reduced by sickness and absence. . . . There [ 
are many regiments in my division who are without arms, and several poorly j 
armed. The unarmed regiments are stationed at Forts Pillow, Donelson, and \ 
Henry; at Trenton, Union City, and Henderson Station. In my return you will 
find embraced the brigade of Brigadier-General Alcorn. His men are sixty-day 
troops from Mississippi, who are armed with every variety of weapon. They 
are sick with measles, raw, and undisciplined. This brigade cannot be expected 
to be very effective. 

I also send you a weekly report of the troops at this post, and am sorry to 
remark that they have been much reduced by sickness. My effective force is 
now, as you will see, only about 12,000. 

On the 18th of January Colonel Munford, aide to General Johnston, 
received the following letter, written the day before, by the Hon. James 
E. Saunders: 

Nashville, January 17, 1SC2. 

Dear Sib : I am just starting for Fort Heiman, opposite Fort Henry, where 
I have been for some time. I was sent for ammunition and equipments (which 
I have obtained), as none of the officers could be spared. 

We carried a large negro force down. They have literally done nothing, for 
want of the intrenchments being laid off ready to commence work as soon as 



4:24: FORT HENRY. 

the shelters were made. "When the engineer, Captain Hayden, was urged to his 
work, the answer was that General Tilghman had not passed on the plan. A 
courier was sent to General Tilghman on the 3d or 4th of January, advising him 
that laborers were then in transitu from North Alabama. The general came to 
Fort Henry on the 15th — and then it was, when I left, debated whether it was not 
too late to throw up works on the west side, as contemplated by Captain Dixon 
and every general who knows anything of the position of the fort. All did con- 
cur in the opinion that a failure to occupy the heights would be equivalent to 
abandoning Fort Henry. 

The Alabama troops are raw and undisciplined. In my poor opinion, a dis- 
ciplined regiment should be sent to Fort Heiman, and another or two to Rick- 
man's furnace, half-way between Forts Donelson and Henry, six miles from each, 
where there is a village of houses to shelter the men. 

Hurriedly, your friend, James E. Saundees. 

P. S. — The Alabama volunteers will have finished their 100 cabins by the time 
I get back. Taking care of the men is of prime importance at this season of the 
year. 

Colonel E. VV. Munfoed. 

General Johnston could not neglect this warning from a zealous 
and intelligent citizen, and telegraphed Tilghman immediately : 

Occupy and intrench the heights opposite Fort Henry. Do not lose a mo- 
ment. Work all night. 

General Johnston certainly had some right to feel disappointed at 
Mr. Saunders's account of the condition of things at Fort Henry. 
Tilghman had written him, December 28th, before the arrival of the 
Alabama negroes, and while as yet he had only slaves borrowed in the 
neighborhood, giving an encouraging account of the progress of the 
fortifications at Fort Donelson. The arrival of the Alabama negroes 
gave him the means of doing at least as much at Fort Henry. At 
Clarksville some 300 negroes were employed, but the works there 
seem not to have been pushed vigorously. Slaves, reluctantly loaned, 
slothful in habits, and badly organized, could not be expected to prove 
very efficient laborers. 

The demonstrations from Cairo and Paducah, and the simulated 
attack on Fort Henry, January 17th, made it clear that this position 
was liable to attack at any moment. General Johnston telegraphed, 
January 19th, to the Secretary of War, an accurate account of the 
enemy's movements and strength. He adds: 

I desire the Government, if it be possible, to send a strong force to Nash- 
ville, and another to Memphis. 

On January 27th General Johnston wrote Polk, Tilghman's imme- 
diate commander : 



CONFEDERATE ARMY. 425 

Urge upon General Tilghman tho necessity of immediate attention to the 
discipline and instruction of his command, A grave disaster has just befallen 
our arms at Mill Springs on our right, by neglect of this essential. 

Next day he wrote Tilghman : 

As you have now a large number of raw troops on hand, push forward their 
instruction as earnestly as possible. 

He also authorized him to employ special instructors, and ordered 
him to recall all absent medical officers, and employ skillful surgeons, " as 
he would soon want all his medical skill at Forts Donelson and Henry." 

The information received throughout January, from both Polk and 
Tilghman, based on intelligence received through the lines, was positive 
as to a projected attack on Columbus, and indicated a strong probabil- 
ity of a simultaneous assault on Forts Donelson and Henry. This was 
the plan proposed by Buell to Halleck, which the latter did not feel 
strong enough to attempt. At the same time, Lovell recalled to New 
Orleans two regiments loaned for the defense of Columbus at a critical 
time. Hence Folk called for reenforceraents, which were collected for 
him from scattered recruiting-stations, and small detached commands. 
The same relief was sent to Henry and Donelson, and men and artil- 
lery were also drawn from Columbus to their aid. 

On the 20th of January General Johnston detached 8,000 men, 
Floyd's brigade and part of Buckner's, from his army at Bowling 
Green. The infantry, artillery, and baggage, were sent to Russellville 
by rail, the cavalry and artillery horses moving by land. General 
Johnston's army at Bowling Green had numbered, December 8th, 18,000 
men, including 5,000 sick. December 24th, his effective force had in- 
creased to 17,000 ; December 30th, to 19,000 ; and January 8th, by reen- 
forcements — Bo wen's brigade from Polk, and Floyd's brigade sent from 
Western Virginia by the War Department — his army attained the great- 
est strength it ever had, 23,000 effective troops. On January 20th it had 
fallen off to 22,000 from camp-diseases, and these numbers were again 
reduced, by the detachment above named, to 14,000. With this force 
he faced Buell's army, estimated at 80,000 men, for three weeks longer. 

The following letter from General Johnston to the adjutant-gen- 
eral, written January 22d, gives his own conception of the situation at 
that time. After recounting Zollicoffer's defeat, he says : 

Movements on my left, threatening Forts Henry and Donelson, and Clarks- 
ville, have, I do not doubt, for their ultimate object, the occupation of Nash- 
ville. I have already detached 8,000 men to make Clarksville secure and drive 
the enemy back, with the aid of the force at Clarksville and Hopkinsville ; but 
to make another large detachment toward my right would leave this place un- 
tenable. The road through this place is indispensable to tho enemy to enable 
them to advance with their main body. They must have river or railroad 



42 G FORT HENRY. 

means of transportation to enable them to invade with a large force. While 
it is of vital importance to keep back the main body, it is palpable this great 
object cannot be accomplished if detachments can turn my position, and attack 
and occupy Nashville and the interior of the State, which it is the special ob- 
ject of this force to defend. A reserve at Nashville seems now absolutely 
necessary to enable me to maintain this position. 

A successful movement of the enemy on my right would carry with it all 
the consequences which could be expected by the enemy here, if they could 
break through my defenses. If I had the force to prevent a flank movement, 
they would be compelled to attack this position, which we doubt not can make 
a successful defense. 

If force cannot be spared from other army corps, the country must now 
be roused to make the greatest eifort that it will be called upon to make dur- 
ing the war. No matter what the sacrifice may be, it must be made, and with- 
out loss of time. Our people do not comprehend the magnitude of the danger 
that threatens. Let it be Impressed upon them. 

The enemy will probably undertake no active operations in Missouri,' and 
may be content to hold our force fast in their position on the Potomac for the 
remainder of the winter; but, to suppose, with the facilities of movement by 
water which the well-filled rivers of the OLio, Cumberland, and Tennessee, 
give for active operations, that they will suspend them in Tennessee and Ken- 
tucky during the winter months, is a delusion. All the resources of the Con- 
federacy are now needed for the defense of Tennessee. 

"With great respect, etc., 

A. S. Johnston. 

At the time of the attack upon Fort Henry, it had been well forti- 
fied, though not strongly enough for the force brought against it. Hop- 
pin, in his " Life of Foote," following Lossing, says : 

It lay in a bend of the stream, and was at times almost surrounded by 
water; its guns commanded a reach of the river below, toward "Panther 
Island," for about two miles. It was a strong earthwork, constructed with 
much scientific skill, covering ten acres, with five bastions from four to sis 
feet high, the embrasures knitted firmly together with sand-bags. 

If the work was not strong, the responsibility rested chiefly with 
the officer in charge, General Tilghman, who had been in immediate 
command for two months and a half. 

Lieutenant-Colonel J. F. Gilmer was ordered by General Johnston, 
January 29th, to proceed to Fort Henry to inspect the works and direct 
what was necessary to be done. He met General Tilghman there on 
the 31st. His report upon the defenses of Forts Henry and Donelson, 
made March 17, 1862, presents an intelligent and dispassionate account 
of these transactions. He says : 

By the exertions of the commanding general, aided by Lieutenant Joseph 
Dixon, his engineer-officer, the main fort (a strong field-work of five-bastion 

' General Johnston had no advices from the West, indicating an active campaign. 



GILMER'S REPORT. 427 

front) had been put in a good condition for defense, and seventeen gnns mounted 
on substantial platforms ; twelve of which were so placed as to bear well on 
the river. These twelve guns were of the following description : one ten-inch 
columbiad, one rifled-gun of twenty-four-pounder calibre (weight of ball sixty- 
two pounds), two forty-two-pounders, and eight thirty-two-pounders, all ar- 
ranged to fire through embrasures, formed by raising the parapet between the 
guns with sand-bags carefully laid. 

In addition to placing the main work in good defensive order, I found that 
extensive lines of infantry cover had been thrown up by the troops forming 
the garrison, with a view to hold commanding ground, that would be danger- 
ous to the fort if possessed by the enemy. These lines and the main work were 
on the right bank of the river, and arranged with good defensive relations, mak- 
ing the place capable of ofifering a strong resistance against a land-attack com- 
ing from the eastward. 

On the left bank of the river there was a number of liills within cannon- 
range, that commanded the river-batteries on the right bank. The necessity of 
occupying these hills was apparent to me at the time I inspected Fort Henry, 
early in November last; and on the 21st of that month Lieutenant Dixon, the 
local engineer, was ordered from Fort Donelson to Fort Henry to make the 
necessary surveys, and construct the additional works. . . . 

The surveys were made by the engineer, and plans decided upon without 
delay ; but, by some unforeseen cause, the negroes were not sent until after the 
1st of January last. Much valuable time was thus lost, but, under your urgent 
orders when informed of the delay, General Tilghman and his engineers pressed 
these defenses forward so rapidly night and day, that, when I reached the fort 
(January 31st), they were far advanced, requiring only a few days' additional 
labor to put them in a state of defense. But no guns had been received that 
could be put in these works, except a few field-pieces; and, notwithstanding 
every eflTort had been made to procure them from Richmond, Memphis, and other 
points, it was apprehended they would not arrive in time to anticipate the 
attack of the enemy, which, from the full information obtained by General 
Tilghman, was threatened at an early day either at Fort Henry or Fort Donel- 
son, or possibly on both at the same time. The lines of infantry-cover, how- 
ever, which had been thrown up, were capable of making a strong resistance, 
even without the desired artillery, should the attack be made on that (the left) 
bank of the river. A defect was found in the carriage of the ten-inch colum- 
biad, which was partially remedied. "With this exception, tlie guns were in 
fair working order. 

After the batteries of the main work were mounted General Tilghman found 
much difficulty in getting competent artillerists to man them, and he was not 
supplied with a sufficient number of artillery-officers. 

It is proper to state that an Alabama regiment of 300 artillerists 
was ordered from Tuscumbia, Alabama, January 18th, but, for some 
reason, probably a deficiency in organization and equipment, did not go 
to Fort Henry. 

Impressed with the great deficiency in the preparations for defending the 
passage of the river, the commanding officer expressed to me his fears that it 



428 FORT HENRY. 

might cause disaster if the place were vigorously attacked by the enemy's gun- 
boats. This he thought his greatest danger. In conjunction with General Tilgh- 
man, I made every effort during the three days I remained at Fort Henry to 
get all the works and batteries in as good condition for defense as the means at 
hand would permit. The 3d of February we went over to Fort Donelson to do 
the same. 

On the 4th General Tilghman was startled by heavy firing at Fort 
Henry, at 10|^ A. m., and by a message from Colonel Heiraan, received 
at 3 1 P. M., that the enemy were landing. He and Gilmer returned to 
Fort Henry that night, arriving there at midnight. The 5th of Febru- 
ary and the morning of the 6th were spent in preparations and dispo- 
sitions for defense, and in the instruction of the various commands in 
the duties assigned them. Tilghman seemed, up to this time, to have 
feared the effects of the overflow on the mud walls of his fort more 
than the gunboats, and the gunboats more than Grant's army. 

General Tilghman says in his report in one place that his force was 
2,734 effective troops at Fort Henry, in another that it was 2,610 ; and 
General Gilmer puts it at about 3,200. A careful examination of the 
returns satisfies the writer that the latter statement is nearly correct, 
and that Tilghman had about 3,400 men present at Fort Henry, and 
2,300 or 2,400 more at Fort Donelson, On January 31st he had 3,033 
effectives at Henry, and 1,956 at Donelson. The Fiftieth Tennessee, 
numbering 386, was transferred from Henry to Donelson, leaving 
2,647 at the former and 2,342 at the latter. Subsequently, there 
arrived at Fort Henry reenforcements from General Polk, the Forty- 
eighth and Fifty-first Temiessee, and the Fifteenth Arkansas, which 
added some 700 or 800 effectives to his numbers, and gave him at the 
two forts about 5,750 men. 

In his report of the bombardment of Fort Henry General Tilghman 
says : 

Had I been reenforced, so as to have justified my meeting the enemy at the 
advanced works, I might have made good the land-defense on the east bank. 

In his supplemental report he says : 

The failure of adequate support, doubtless from sufficient cause, cast me on 
my own resources. 

All the telegrams from Colonel Heiman, commanding at Fort Henry, 
and from General Tilghman, during the 4th and 5th of February, 
breathe a confident spirit. In transmitting Colonel Heiman's dis- 
patch. General Tilghman telegraphed, 4 p. m., February 4th, to Colonel 
Mackall : 

Better send two regiments to Danville, subject to my orders. 



GENERAL LLOYD TILGHMAN. 429 

An hour later he telegraphed : 

The landing of the enemy is between rivers, perhaps from both rivers. Give 
me all the help you can, light battery included. Off for Henry. 

On the 5th, at 8 A. m., General Tilghman telegraphed from Fort 

Henry : 

My force in good spirits, but badly armed. I will hold my position to the 
last, but should be reenforced amply, at once, if possible. 

At midnight, before his surrender, General Tilghman again tele- 
graphed : 

Our scouts engaged advanced posts of the enemy yesterday afternoon. Our 
cavalry retired. I reenforced, and enemy retired. We lost one man. Enemy 
fortifying three miles below. -They were reenforced yesterday. I hope not to 
lose the chance proposed to the general yesterday. I must have reenforcements 
and with well-drilled troops. The green men with me are wellnigh worthless. 
More of them would be in my way. Tiie high water threatens us seriously. 
Enemy evidently intend to prevent us landing troops or suppUes at fort, and 
they can do it. If you can reenforce strongly and quickly, we have a glorious 
chance to overwhelm the enemy. Move by Clarksville to Donelson, and across 
to Danville,* where transports will be ready. Enemy said to be intrenching 
below. My plans are to concentrate closely in and under Henry. 

This dispatch was received on February 6th by General Johnston. 
A few hours later Fort Henry surrendered. 

General Tilghman's requests were not neglected ; indeed, they were 
anticipated, but too late to save Fort Henry. There was a delay of 
three or four hours in transmitting dispatches by courier from Fort 
Henry to Donelson, and a further delay thence to the nearest telegraph- 
office. On the 5th General Johnston ordered a regiment, just armed, 
from Nashville to Donelson, and on the 6th Colonel Smith's regiment 
from Tuscumbia, Alabama. He also ordered Floyd, on the 6th, to pro- 
ceed with his command from Russellville to Clarksville, without a mo- 
ment's delay, and at the same time sent all the rolling-stock he could 
command to take the troops. Before any concentration could possibly 
have been made, Tilghman had surrendered. 

On leaving Fort Donelson Tilghman ordered Colonel Head to hold 
his own and Sugg's regiment, together about 750 strong, ready to move 
at a moment's notice, with two pieces of artillery ; and on the morning 
of the 5th he ordered him, if no advance had been made against Fort 
Donelson, to take position at the Furnace, half-way on the road to 
Fort Henry. This gave him more than 4,000 men confronting Grant 
with his column of 12,000 men, on the east bank of the Tennessee ; 
though, of course, it was in Grant's jDower to draw reenforcements from 

' Tennessee River railroad-crossing, twenty miles above Henry. 



430 FORT HENRY. 

Smith, who was on the west bank. The Confederate force was raw, 
badly armed, and imperfectly disciplined ; but it is not improbable that, 
if well handled, they could have held the assailants at bay on the nar- 
row approaches of that overflowed country, and with the advantage of 
breastworks to retire to. Even when not meeting a show of resistance, 
Grant advanced slowly, cautiously, and painfully, making no attempt 
even to carry the intrenchments until after the surrender. Indeed, he 
could not have done so without exposing himself to a fire from the five 
heavy guns of the fort mounted landward. 

General Tilghman complained that the small force at his command 
did not enable him to avail himself of his line of defenses. Neverthe- 
less, he drew in all his troops from the west bank, and placed his whole 
command in the rifle-pits. He says, " Minute instructions were given, 
not only to brigades, but to regiments and -companies, as to the exact 
ground each was to occupy." It is evident that, on the 5th, Tilghman 
meant to dispute Grant's advance. But on the 6th, just before the 
attack by the gunboats, he changed his purpose, abandoned all hope 
of a successful defense, and made arrangements for the escape of his 
main body to Fort Donelson, while the guns of Fort Henry should re- 
turn the fire of the gunboats. 

There had been some inconsiderable skirmishing on the 5th, and on 
the morning of the 6th it was plain that a combined attack was impend- 
ing. Tilghman ordered Colonel Heiman to withdraw the command to 
Fort DonelsoUj while he himself would obtain the necessary delay for the 
movement by standing a bombardment in Fort Henry. For this purpose, 
he retained his heavy artillery company — seventy-five men — to work the 
guns ; a number quite unequal to the strain and labor of the defense, as 
was demonstrated. It was probably impossible to repair the oversight 
of not having more men who had been trained at the guns, but the 
presence of mere laborers would have helped the tired and discouraged 
artillerists. 

Whatever may have been Tilghman's want of earnestness in prep- 
aration during the two months and a half he held command at Fort 
Henry, and of judgment and steadiness of purpose in the final hours be- 
fore the attack, he perfectly vindicated his personal gallantry and self- 
devotion in the hour of imminent peril. 

Noon was fixed as the time of attack ; but Grant, impeded by the 
overflow, and unwilling to expose his men to the heavy guns of the 
fort, held back his troops in the wet woods until the result of the 
gunboat attack should develop some point of weakness in the defense. 
In the mean time the Confederate troops were in retreat. 

On February 6th, at 11 a. m., the fleet set forward in two divis- 
ions. The first, under Captain Foote, consisted of the flagship Cincin- 
nati, the Carondelet, and the St. Louis, each carrying thirteen guns, 



BOMBAEDMEXT OF FORT HENRY. 431 

and the Essex of nine guns, all iron-plated gunboats. The second, 
under Lieutenant Phelps, three unarmored gunboats, each with nine 
guns, followed at the distance of about half a mile. At 11.45 a. m. 
the main division opened fire, at 1,700 yards, with their bow-guns, and 
kept firing as they slowly steamed up, until within 600 yards. Here 
they took position abreast, firing with all their might, to dismount the 
guns of the fort. The unarmored boats, at safer distance, kept up a 
bombardment of shells that fell within the works. The firing, which 
had increased in rapidity and precision on both sides, now became ter- 
rible indeed. The armored boats, each carrying three ten-inch guns in 
its bow, sent their formidable missiles, at short range, five or six a 
minute, some 400 in all, into the fort. This heavy cannonading, be- 
sides the bursting of shells, taxed the utmost energy of officers and 
men inside the fort. They were not slow to respond, and as many as 
fifty-nine of their shot were counted by the Federal officers as striking 
the gunboats. Where these hit the iron armor they bounded harmless 
from the surface. One thirty-two-pound shot, entering at the bow of 
the flagship, ranged its whole length, killing one seaman. In the course 
of the action, nine more seamen were wounded on this vessel. One 
man was killed on the Essex by a cannon-ball ; and a shot through the 
boiler caused an explosion that scalded Commander Porter, twenty-eight 
seamen, and nineteen soldiers, many of whom died. The Essex was 
thus forced to retire. 

Five minutes after the fight began in earnest, that is, at twenty-five 
minutes before one o'clock, the twenty -four-pounder rifle-gun, one of 
the most prized in the fort, burst, disabling every man at the piece. 
Then a shell, entering the embrasure, exploded at the muzzle of one of 
the thirty-two-pounders, ruining the gun, and killing or wounding all 
the men at the piece. About the same moment, a premature discharge 
occurred at one of the forty-two-pounder guns, killing three men and 
seriously injuring others. But now occurred a still greater loss. A 
priming-wire was jammed and broken in the vent of the ten-inch co- 
lumbiad, the only gun able to match the artillery of the assailants. An 
heroic blacksmith labored for a long time, with great coolness, to re- 
move it, under the full fire of the enemy, but in vain. 

The men had fought with courage and enthusiasm ; but they now 
became both weary and discouraged. They lost confidence in their 
guns, and some of them ceased to work the thirty-two-pounders, 
thinking them useless against the invulnerable mail of the gunboats. 
Seeing this, Tilghman did what was possible to encourage the men, 
serving himself at a thirty-two-pounder some fifteen minutes. Only 
four guns were noAV replying to the rapid fire of the enemy, which Avas 
telling with powerful effect. The men were exhausted, they lost all 
hope, and there were none to replace them. Tilghman's spirit rose with 
29 



432 FORT HENRY. 

the danger. To a suggestion to surrender, he answered, " I shall not 
give up the works." He sent out to try to get volunteers from his re- 
treating forces, to replace his exhausted artillerists at the deserted guns. 
But it was too late. The retiring troops already felt the demoraliza- 
tion of a retreat. 

Tilghman struggled on, but there is a limit to human endurance. 
Though but four of his guns were disabled, six stood idle for want of 
artillerists, and but two guns were replying to the enemy. At five 
minutes before two o'clock, after an engagement of two hours and ten 
minutes, he ceased firing and lowered his flag. He had certainly done 
all that was necessary to vindicate his personal prowess and honor, and 
to cover the retreat of his command ; but the fort was gone, the Ten- 
nessee River was open, and a base by short lines was established against 
Fort Donelson. 

Tilghman's casualties were five killed and sixteen wounded ; those 
of the enemy were sixty-three of all kinds. Twelve officers and sixty- 
six non-commissioned officers and privates were surrendered with the 
fort. Captain Foote treated his prisoners with courtesy, though the 
contrary has sometimes been alleged. In a letter written to General 
Pillow, February 10th, Colonel Gilmer expressed the opinion that the 
comparatively small damage done to the gunboats " was due in great 
measure to the want of skill in the men who served the guns, and not 
to the invulnerability of the boats themselves." 

When the surrender was determined on. Colonel Gilmer and a few 
others, unwilling to be included in it, escaped, and made their way en 
foot to Fort Donelson. The troops retreating to Fort Donelson lost 
twenty or thirty stragglers, captured by the Federal cavalry, and left 
some guns on the road, on account of the mud. Their precipitate re- 
treat demoralized these brave but undisciplined soldiers, and prepared 
them to accept a greater disaster. On the other band, the unexpected 
rapidity and brilliancy of their naval success at Fort Henry filled the 
Northern troops with exultation, and inspired them with an eager de- 
sire to surpass it with still brighter achievements. This signal victory 
gave great prestige to the gunboats, and added to their assault at Fort 
Donelson, under entirely diiferent circumstances, a moral weight far be- 
yond their real power. 

Foote, with his usual vigor, ordered Phelps to push up the Tennes- 
see River with his three gunboats, while he himself returned to Padu- 
cah Avith his iron-armored gunboats to make ready for the attack on 
Fort Donelson. The Tennessee River was open to the keels of Phelps's 
flotilla, and he ascended that stream, destroying whatever could be use- 
ful to the Confederate defense, and spreading as much terror among 
the simple inhabitants as any marauding viking a thousand years before 
along the coast of France. General Johnston telegraphed to the author- 



MOVEMENTS OF TROOPS. 433 

ities of the principal towns on the Tennessee River, on the day of the 
fall of Fort Henry, warning them to send all boats up the river, and 
to take other proper precautions ; but the disaster seemed to paralyze 
the faculties and energies of the most patriotic, so that the gunboats 
swept the Tennessee River with impunity. 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 

FORT DONELSOX. 



The fall of Fort Henry made it manifest that a combined attack on 
Donelson by land and water would soon follow. Such attack could not 
be otherwise than formidable. Indeed, the success of the gunboats at 
Henry had produced an exaggerated impression of their power ; while 
the real strength of the Northern armies was too well known at Gen- 
eral Johnston's headquarters to leave any doubt of their ability to move 
overwhelming forces on both Bowling Green and Donelson. Still, if 
the line of the Cumberland could be maintained from Nashville to Don- 
elson for even a few weeks, General Johnston hoped that the awakened 
spirit of the country would supply him with the long-demanded re- 
enforcements. Grant's movable column at Fort Henry, stated by his 
biographer, Badeau, at 15,000 men, was receiving accessions from Hal- 
leck, while Buell was also reenforcing him. 

Forrest had reported the enemy concentrating 10,000 men at South 
Carrollton for a forward movement toward Russellville ; and, to meet 
this movement. General Johnston detached Floyd, on January 20th, 
with his own brigade and part of Buckner's — 8,000 men in all. Gen- 
eral Johnston retained 14,000 men to restrain the advance of Buell. 
Floyd was sent to Russellville, with orders to protect the railroad line 
from Bowling Green to Clarksville. It was added : 

He must judge from after-information whether he shall march straight upon 
the enemy, now reported at South Carrollton, or wait for further developments 
of his intention. It is sufficient to say, he must get the best information of the 
movements of the enemy southward from the river, and beat them at the earliest 
favorable opportunity. 

Toward the close of January, General Pillow, who had been for 
some time sick in Nashville, was placed in command at Clarksville. 
On February 6th Brigadier-General Bushrod R. Johnson was placed 
in command at Fort Donelson, Next day, on account of the attack at 
Fort Henry, Pillow was ordered to move from Clarksville, with all the 
troops there, to Donelson, and assume command. Brigadier-General 



434 



FOET DONELSON. 




Clark was also charged to move at once from Hopkinsville to Clarks- 
ville with his command, something over 2,000 men ; and Floyd was 
directed to take his force from Russellville to Clarksville without a 
moment's delay. Floyd was given authority to determine his move- 
ments as he might think judicious ; at the same time it was indicated 
to him that he should concentrate his forces at Clarksville, and move to 
the support of Donelson. He ^vas directed to encamp on the left bank 
of the Cumberland, so as to leave open the route to Nashville in case 



PKEPARATIOXS AT DONELSOX. 435 

of the loss of the fort. Suggestions were also made for obstructions 
and submarine batteries, which, however, the engineers found them- 
selves unable to carry out. All these dispositions were made as soon 
as General Johnston heard of the advance upon Fort Henry, and before 
he had learned of its fall. 

Events were moving so rapidly, and proper military action Avas so 
dependent on accurate information of the enemy, that it was necessary 
to leave the immediate commander untrammeled. Floyd was, there- 
fore, invested with the fullest authority. Pillow reported that the 
troops at Donelson w^ere much demoralized by the transactions at 
Henry, and this was true. They were the rawest militia, reduced by 
disease and disheartened by retreat. Pillow wrote that a naval oflBcer, 
who had witnessed the surrender, told him (February 7th) " that we 
had troops enough at Donelson, and that they are powerless to resist 
the gunboats." 

General Johnston, presuming that Grant would follow up his suc- 
cess at Fort Henry, by an immediate attack on Donelson, took his 
measures on the supposition that Donelson was no longer tenable, r.nd 
already virtually lost. But, though his advices gave him little con- 
fidence of the ability of the batteries to pre\ent the passage of the 
gunboats, General Johnston said what he could by way of encourage- 
ment. He telegraphed to Pillow : 

Your report of the effect of shots at Fort Henry should encourage the troops, 
and insure our success. If, at long range, we could do so much damage, with 
the necessary short range on the Cumberland, we should destroy their boats." 

Gilmer, after his escape from Henry, stopped at Donelson ; and, with 
General Johnston's authority, engaged actively in preparations for its 
defense. Pillow arrived on the 9th, and pressed forward the works. 
Additional lines of infantry cover were constructed, to embrace the 
town of Dover ; and two heavy guns were mounted — the only guns 
there effective against the armor of tlie gunboats. All this was accom- 
plished by the night of the 12th. 

Pillow says that, at the time of his arrival — 

Deep gloom was hanging over the command, and the troops were greatly 
depressed and demoralized by the circumstances attending the fall of Fort 
Henry, and the manner of retiring from that place. ... I imparted to the work 
all the energy winch it was possible to do, working day and night with the 
whole command. 

But Pillow, bold and sanguine in temper, saw difficulties vanishing, 
and gave assurances of an improved and improving condition of affairs. 
Senator Bailey of Tennessee, then colonel of the Fortv-ninth Ten- 
nessee Regiment, informs the writer that the restoration of confidence 



436 FORT DONELSON. 

among the men in the power of the garrison to resist the passage of 
the gunboats was chiefly due to Lieutenant Dixon, who lost his life 
during the siege. On February 8th Buckner conveyed to General 
Johnston information, derived from friends in Louisville, that there were 
not more than 12,000 Federals on the Cumberland and Tennessee 
Rivers. In fact, the strength of the movement against Donelson was 
not developed. To meet it. General Johnston sent a force, which he 
estimated moderately at 17,000 men, reserving for himself only 14,000 
men to perform the more delicate task of retiring before a larger army, 
ably commanded. Even after reenforcing Grant with thirteen regi- 
ments, General Buell, had left seventy regiments of infantry, besides 
artillery and cavalry — fully 55,000 men. Certain is it, therefore, that 
General Johnston took himself the place of greater hazard, and left to 
his subordinates the opportunity of glory. If it terminated otherwise, 
it was no fault of his. He had sent all the troops he could possibly 
spare, with abundance of ammunition and supplies. Under the circum- 
stances, the army at Donelson might well be thought sufficient. At all 
eveiits, General Johnston felt that he had done all that he could do ; 
and he awaited the issue with composure. 

The criticism has been made that General Johnston should have 
concentrated his forces, and made an aggressive campaign. The fore- 
going facts show that this could not properly have been done at Don- 
elson ; and they make it almost as plain that the attempt would have 
been equally as futile at Bowling Green. This subject will be briefly 
considered, however, in its proper place. 

But there was no reason for General Johnston to feel that he had 
fallen short of the requirements of the occasion. Pillow telegraphed 
him on the 10th, the day after his arrival : 

My position undisturbed by enemy. Am pushing my work day and night. 
Will make my batteries bomb-proof, if allowed a little time. Have my guns 
mounted, and satisfactory trial of all my guns. 

Pillow wrote to Floyd to the same effect. He stated that he was 
apprehensive that the enemy might cross the country south of him, and 
cut his communication by river, though the' country was so rough and 
broken as to be nearly impracticable. He believed that the difficulty 
of procuring supplies insured his safety. He says : 

The conflict of yesterday between our cavalry and that of the enemy resulted 
in three of ours wounded, and twenty taken prisoners by being thrown from 
their horses ; and in three of the enemy killed and six mortally wounded. . . . 
I hope you will order forward at once the tents and baggage of General Buck- 
ner's command, as they are suffering very much this cold weather. 

Writing to General Johnston the same day, the 10th, Colonel Gil- 
mer says : 



HOPES OF SUCCESS. 437 

The attack expected here is a combined one — gunboats by water, and a land- 
force in tbeir rear. The greatest danger is, in my opinion, from the gunboats, 
which appear to be well protected from our shot. The etfect of our sbot at 
Fort Henry was not sufficient to disable them, or any one of them, so far as I 
can ascertain. This was due, I think, in a great measure, to the want of skill 
in the men who served the guns, and not to the invulnerability of the boats 
themselves. . . . 

AVith the preparations that are now being made here, I feel much confidence 
that we can make a successful resistance against a land-attack. The attack by 
water will be more difiicult to meet. Still, I hope for success here also. . . . 
We are making Herculean efforts to strengthen our parapets, making narrow 
embrasures with sand-bags. 

He also announced the landing of troops. Pillow wrote at the 
same time: 

This position can bo made stronger than Columbus is now, by water, if we 
had more heavy artillery. The advantage is in the narrowness of the stream, 
and the necessity of the boats approaching our works by a straight and narrow 
channel for one and a half mile. No more than three boats could possibly 
bring their guns to bear upon our position at once ; thus admitting the con- 
struction of very narrow embrasures. 

A difference of opinion arose between Pillow and Floyd as to the 
proper disposition of the troops, Buckner concurring with Floyd. Pil- 
low believed that the defense of the river should and could be made at 
Donelson ; the other two seem to have given up the idea of a successful 
defense of the river before the enemy appeared. Floyd proposed to 
withdraw Buckner's troops from Donelson to Cumberland City, where 
the railroad diverged from the river, Avhence a retreat might be easily 
made to Nashville. He intended to leave Pillow to defend the fort. 
But Pillow thought if the whole of Floyd's army could not defend Don- 
elson, half of it could not, and that such a," course must involve his capt- 
ure. So, when Buckner arrived, on the night of the 11th, to carry off 
his division, Pillow refused to allow it, and appealed to General John- 
ston by telegraph. He also went by steamer to Floyd at (Cumberland, 
leaving Buckner temporarily in command, and persuaded Floyd to con- 
centrate all his troops at Donelson. Floyd consented, though probably 
with hesitation. General Johnston, that night, telegraphed Floyd to 
go to Donelson ; and he replied that he had anticipated the order. 

General Pillow, in a letter dated March 28, 1877, gives the present 
writer the following information : 

/ The orders of General Johnston at Bowling Green, delivered personally, 
were for me to proceed directly to Donelson, to assume command of the forces 
there, to do all that was possible to protect his rear by holding that place ; that 
he would give me all the force it was possible for him to spare from his posi- 
tion ; when it was no longer possible to hold that place, to evacuate the position 
and march the army by way of Charlotte to Nashville. 



438 rOET DONELSON. 

General Pillow's recollection of his verbal orders is sustained by 
the correspondence, telegraphic and by letter, between General John- 
ston and his subordinates on the Cumberland. These matters will be 
made clearer by reference to the correspondence here following. 

On the 13th, Pillow, being still in command, telegraphed : 

If I can retain my present force, I can hold my position. . . . Let me re- 
tain Buckner for the present. If now withdrawn, will invite an attack. Enemy 
cannot pass this place without exposing himself to flank-attack. If I am strong 
enough to take field, he cannot ever reach here ; nor is it possible for him to 
subsist on anything in the country to pass over, nor can he possibly bring his 
subsistence with him. With Buckner's fofce, I can hold my position. Without 
it, cannot long. 

General Johnston, at three o'clock that day, communicated the 
above dispatch to General Floyd, adding : 

I do not know the wants of General Pillow, nor yonrs, nor the position of 
General Buckuer. You do. You have the dispatch. Decide. Answer. 

Floyd replied : 

I am moving all my troops except two Tennessee regiments, as fast aa it 
is possible with the means at command. The force, except what is abso- 
lutely necessary for the fort, I think (General Buckner concurs), ought to be at 
Cumberland City, whither we go from all directions. 

At 10.30 p. M., February 12th, General Johnston again telegraphed 
General Floyd : 

My information from Donelson is that a battle will be fought in the morning. 
Leave a small force at Clarksville, and take the remainder, if possible, to Donel- 
son to-night. Take all the ammunition that can be spared from Clarksville. 
The force at Elkton and Whippoorwill Bridge has been ordered to Clarksville. 

Three hours later, Floyd replied from Cumberland : 

I anticipated your order, which overtook me here shipping the balance of the 
troops from this point to Fort Donelson. I will reach there before day, leav- 
mg a small guard here. 

On the 13th, at 9.50 a. m., Floyd telegraphed from Fort Donelson : 
The enemy's gunboats are advancing. They are in force around our entire 

works. Our field-defenses are good. I think we can sustain ourselves against 

the land-forces. I reached here this morning at daylight. 

It is sufficient to say in this connection that the telegrams contin- 
ued favorable until the 16th, when, at the hour of the surrender, 
General Johnston was suddenly apprised of that great reverse. 

When Floyd was subsequently hard pressed by public indignation 
for the fatal issue of Donelson, he published a letter written by him 
on the 13th to General Johnston, as explanatory of his plans. In the 



WHEN TO FIGHT? 439 

rush of events, he probably forgot their sequence. In this letter he 
says : 

The best disposition to make of the troops on this hne was to concentrate 
the main force at Cumberland City — leaving at Fort Donelson enough to make 
all possible resistance to any attack which may be made upon the fort, but no 
more. The character of the country in the rear and to the left of the fort is 
such as to make it dangerous to concentrate our whole force there ; for, if 
their gunboats should pass the fort and command the river, our troops would 
be in danger of being cut off by a force from the Tennessee. In this event, 
their road would be open to Nashville, without any obstruction whatever. 

He proposed, therefore, to concentrate at Cumberland Ci/y, and 
threaten the flank of any force attacking the fort ; -while, afr the rail- 
road diverged from the river at Cumberland, he coulc! effect a retreat 
to Nashville without molestation from gunboats. 

The radical defect of this plan was that it assumed that no resist- 
ance could be offered to the approach from Plenry, and that Donelson 
must be yielded without resistance, or with a mere show of resistance. 
The loss of Donelson involved the surrender of the whole Cumberland 
Valley ; and, moreover, the plan was based upon an apprehension of 
dangers which did not cause the fall of the fort. The boats did not 
pass the fort, and Floyd's army was not called upon to meet any flank- 
ing army, but only Grant's direct attack and investment. 

But as Floyd's letter was written previous to his conference with 
Pillow, and was not received by General Johnston until after Floyd's 
movement, and as he changed his plan before hearing from General 
Johnston, ichose order he anticipated, he ought not to have claimed 
credit for this vacillation, which impeded, instead of fully carrying 
out. General Johnston's conception of defending N'ashville at Donel- 
son — the only armed barrier on the Cumberland. It seems plain 
enough that the duty of the hour was to concentrate rapidly at Donel- 
son, dispute vigorously the roads from Henry, fortify as strongly and 
speedily as possible, secure a transit across the Cumberland, and a line 
of retreat along its south bank, and then fight for Donelson as became 
men who held the gateway to the land — in a word, to defend JVash- 
ville at Donelson. 

General Floyd said in his report : "The position of the fort .... 
was by no means commanding, nor was the least military significance 
attached to the position." 

General Floyd could not have meant that it had no strategic im- 
portance, but merely that it was not judiciously located ; for Gilmer 
says in his report what was quite evident, "The surrender of Fort 
Donelson made Nashville untenable." 

Fort Donelson, it must be recollected, was situated on the left bank 



440 FORT DONELSON. 

of the Cumberland, near its great bend, and about forty miles from the 
mouth of the river. It was about one mile north of the village of 
Dover, where the commissary and quartermaster's supplies were in 
depot, on a commanding bluff, at a bend of the river. The fort con- 
sisted of two water-batteries on the hill-side, protected on the rear, or 
land-side, by a bastioned earthwork of irregular outline, on the summit 
of the hill, inclosing about one hundred acres. The water-batteries 
were admirably placed to sweep the river-approaches, with an arma- 
ment of thirteen guns ; eight thirty-two-pounders, three thirty-two- 
pound carronades, one ten-inch columbiad, and one rifled-gun of thirty- 
twO'-pound calibre. The field-work, which was intended for infantry- 
supports, occupied a plateau about 100 feet above the river, command- 
ing and p.iotecting the water- batteries at close musket-range. These 
works afforded ,^/Cair. defense against gunboats and marauding-parties ; 
but they were not designed or adapted for resistance to a land-attack 
or investment by an army. 

The field-work atDonelson, elevated as it was, was commanded by a 
series of eminences, the crests of a range of hills three-quarters of a 
mile farther inland. On the fall of Fort Henry, this was selected as 
a line of defense for the Confederate troops, arriving hourly, and was 
continually strengthened by the labors of the soldiers, until Donelson 
itself was surrendered. Gilmer laid off the works with his accustomed 
judgment and skill ; and, although rudely and tardily executed, owing 
to the bad weather and scanty supply of tools, they were really for- 
midable when well defended. Buckner says : 

The defenses were in a very imperfect condition. The space to be defended 
by the army was quadrangular in shape, being limited on the north by the Cum- 
berland River, on the east and west by small streams, now converted into deep 
sloughs by the high water; and on the south by our line of defense. The river- 
line exceeded a mile in length ; the line of defense was about two miles and a 
half long, and its distance from the river varied from one-fourth to three- 
fourths of a mile. The line of intrenchments consisted of a few logs rolled 
together, and but slightly covered with earth, forming an insufficient protec- 
tion even against field-artillery. Not more than one-third of the line was com- 
pleted on the morning of the 12th, It had been located under the direction 
of that able engineer-officer. Major Gilmer, near the crests of a series of 
ridges which sloped backward to the river, and were again commanded in sev- 
eral places by other ridges at a' still greater distance from the river. This 
chain of heights was intersected by deep valleys and ravines, which materially 
interfered with communications between different parts of the line. Between 
the village of Dover and the water-batteries, a broad and deep valley extend- 
ing directly back from the river, and flooded by the high water, intersected the 
quadrangular area occupied by the army, and almost completely isolated the 
right wing. That part of the line which covered the land-approach to the 
water-batteries and constituted our right wing was assigned to me with a por- 
tion of my division. 



DEFENSES AND TROOPS. 441 

Pillow describes these defensive works as " consisting of rifle-pits 
and abattis for infantry, detached on our right, but continuous on our 
left, with defenses for light artillery." The artillery-defenses were 
slight and incomplete ; but the abattis was difficult, and offered serious 
obstruction to an assailant. The hill-sides were cleared by simply fell- 
ing the trees ; but time did not allow the chopping to be carried far 
enough to the front, and the assailants had ample cover in the woods 
on the opposite hills. Unfortunately, a similar abattis had been made 
around the inclosed field-work, so that, when the new line of intrench- 
ments was made, the inclosed area was partly filled with this felled 
and tangled timber, and the movements of the defenders were greatly 
retarded and embarrassed by it. This obstruction, with the back-water 
in the sloughs, destroyed the means of rapid communication, and im- 
peded manoeuvres inside the works. 

When the Confederate army had assembled at Donelson, on the 
13th of February, Buckner commanded the right wing and Pillow the 
left.' 

That part of the line which covered the land-approach to the water- 
batteries — the right front — was assigned to Buckner's division, whose 
right flank was protected by an impassable stream, called Hickman 
Creek. Buckner had with him Brown's brigade and part of Baldwin's, 
the rest of that brigade being detached to the left under its com- 
mander. Those of his regiments which remained were attached to 
Brown's brigade. Buckner gave his presence and supervision to these 
troops. Buckner says : 

The work on my lines was prosecuted with energy, and was urged forward 
as rapidly as the limited number of tools would permit, so that by the morning 
of the 13 th my position was in a respectable state of defense. My disposition of 
the troops was as follows : Hanson's regiment on the extreme right; Palmer's 
regiment, with its reserve, in position to reenforce Hanson ; Porter's battery 
occupying the advanced salient, sweeping the road which led to the front, and 
flanking the intrenchraents both to the right and to the left. The reserve of the 
Fourteenth Mississippi was held as its support ; Brown's, Cook's, and Farquhar- 
son's regiments were on the left ; Graves's battery occupied a position near the 
extreme left of the intrenchments on the declivity of the hill, whence it swept 
the valley with its fire, and flanked tlie position of Colonel Heiman to the east 
of the valley. From three to five companies of each regiment were deployed 
as skirmishers in the rifle-pits. The other companies of each regiment were 
massed in columns, sheltered from tlie enemy's fire behind the irregularities of 
the ground, and held in convenient positions to reenforce any portion of the line 
that might be seriously threatened. 

' Certain regiments were held more or less in reserve, and others were advanced or 
retired according to the outline of the trenches, which conformed to the undulations of 
the ground. Many interesting particulars in regard to these regiments will be found in 
the tables in the appendix to this chapter. 



442 FORT DONELSON. 

To Buckner's left, and separating him from the left wing, was a 
broad and deep valley, 500 yards wide, extending back from the river, 
and flooded by the high water. Pillow commanded the left wing, con- 
taining about two-thirds of the army, organized in seven brigades. He 
was assisted by Brigadier-General B. R. Johnson, whom he had super- 
seded. The right of Pillow's line was held by the brigade of Colonel 
Heiman, about 1,700 strong. Heiman's position, as he himself describes 
it, was as follows : 

A hill, somewhat in the shape of a V, with the apex at the angle, which was 
the advance point as well as the centre of my command, and nearly the centre 
of the whole line of defense. From this point the ground descended abruptly 
on each side to a valley. The valley on my right was about 500 yards in width, 
and divided my command from General Buckner's left wing. The one on my 
left was about half that width, and ran between my left wing and the brigade 
commanded by Colonel Drake. These two valleys united about half a mile in 
the rear. The ground in front of my line (2,600 feet in length) was sloping 
down to a ravine, and was heavily timbered.' 

The Forty-ninth Tennessee, Colonel Bailey, and the Fiftieth, Colo- 
nel Sugg, with Colms's Tennessee Battalion, were assigned as a garri- 
son to the fort — in all, some 700 or 800 strong. The heavy artillery 
was served by details from the infantry regiments * and light artillery.^ 
Forrest commanded all the cavalry^his own regiment, Gantt's Ten- 
nessee Battalion, and three or four small companies — altogether 800 or 

' Heiman's brigade was arranged as follows, from right to left : Tenth Tennessee, Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel McGavock ; Fifty-third Tennessee, Colonel Abernethy ; battery light artil- 
lery, Captain Frank Mauey ; eight companies of the Forty-eighth Tennessee, Colonel 
Voorhies ; eight companies of the Twenty-seventh Alabama, Colonel Hughes, Quarles's 
regiment, the Forty-second Tennessee, came up, in reserve to this brigade. To the left 
of Heiman, in the valley, was the Thirtieth Tennessee, Colonel Head ; and to his left, on 
the adjoining eminence, Drake's brigade was posted in the following order : Fourth Mis- 
sissippi, Major Adair ; four pieces of light artillery. Captain French ; Fifteenth Arkansas, 
Colonel Gee; two companies. of Alabama Battalion, Major Garvin; and the Tennessee 
Battalion, Colonel Browder. The brigade organization was not preserved regularly 
beyond this point. The next commands in order were the Fifty-first Virginia, Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel Massie ; Third Mississippi, Lieutenant-Colonel Wells ; first division of 
Green's battery, Captain Green ; four pieces of light artillery. Captain Guy ; Eighth Ken- 
tucky, Lieutenant-Colonel Lyon ; Seventh Texas, Colonel Gregg ; Fifty-sixth Virginia, 
Captain Daviess ; First Mississippi, Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton ; second division of 
Green's battery, Lieutenant Perkins ; Twenty-sixth Mississippi, Colonel Reynolds. Besides 
the Forty-second Tennessee, already mentioned, the Twentieth Mississippi, Thirty-sixth 
Virginia, and Twenty-sixth Tennessee, were also held in reserve. The Fiftieth A^irginia 
was also in position on the left ; as was Browder's battalion (Fifty-first Tennessee). 

^ Bidwell's company of the Thirtieth Tennessee, and Beaumont's of the Fiftieth Ten- 
nessee. 

^Ross's company, IIG strong. Captain Stankiewitz had about twenty-five men in the 
field-work, with some light pieces. 



COXFEDERATE STRENGTH. 443 

1,000 Strong. He had arrived with his regiment only on the 10th. 
Scott's Louisiana Cavalry Regiment was in observation on the right 
bank of the Cumberland. 

The aggregate of tliis force has been variously stated. General 
Johnston estimated it at 17,000, thus: 

Garrisons of Ilcnry and Donelson 5,000 

Floyd's and Buckner's command . . . . . . . . 8,000 

Pilllow's, from Clarksville 2,000 

Clark's, " Hopkiusville 2,000 

17,000 

To these must be added Polk's reenforcements , not included in 
Tilghman's returns — 1,600 men — making 18,600 men. The generals 
commanding at Donelson estimated the force there at from 12,000 to 
15,000 men. General Brown, General Palmer, and some other intelli- 
gent Tennesseeans present in the battle, put the effectives at 13,500, and 
some as low as 11,000. General Johnston accounted for this shrinkage 
by the prevalence of camp-diseases and the losses incident to winter 
campaigning. He found that, in the retreat from Bowling Green to 
Nashville, his own army fell off from 14,000 to 10,000 effectives. At 
Donelson there were other causes also at work, usuul among raw and 
demoralized recruits. Three of Tilghman's regiments decreased, from 
January 14th to January 31st, from 2,199 effectives to 1,421, principally 
from measles ; and in many commands the effective strength after the 
fall of Fort Henry continued to diminish. An investigation of the ta- 
bles in Appendix A to this chapter will enable any clear-headed person 
to arrive at an approximate calculation of the Confederate strength. 
The writer furnishes all the data accessible to him, and offers, as his 
own opinion, from careful computation and comparison of such data, that 
the effective force of the Confederates during the siege of Donelson 
was from 14,500 to 15,000. 

Let us now turn to the Federal army at Henry. Grant, elated by 
success, telegraphed Halleck : " I shall take and destroy Fort Donelson 
on the 8th, and return to Fort Henry." Badeau says, " This was the 
first mention of Fort Donelson, whether in conversation or dispatches, 
between the two commanders." This statement is erroneous. Halleck 
telegraphed Buell, January 31st : " I have ordered an advance on Fort 
Henry and Dover. It will be made immediately." He frequently calls 
Fort Donelson Dover. He also says, February 2d, " It is only proposed 
to take and occup}' Fort Henry and Dover," etc. Buell, however, had 
recommended the same movement to Halleck, as early as January 3d, 
and had already voluntarily started thirteen regiments to aid Grant in 
it. Halleck was also sending reenforcements, and he replied to Grant 
on the 8th : 



444 FORT DONELSON. 

Some of the gunboats from Fort Holt will be sent up. Reenforcements will 
reacb you daily. Hold on to Fort Henry at all hazards. Impress slaves, if 
necessary, to strengthen your position as rapidly as possible. 

On the 10th he again promised " large reenforcements." 

Grant was not able to make good his promise. His biographer 
attributes his delay to the impassable condition of the roads. The rains 
must have made them very bad in the marshy country immediately 
around Fort Henry ; but, after the first mile or two, they were excel- 
lent for the season ; so that it is probable he was awaiting the promised 
reenforcements. But Grant and Foote, learning that the Confederates 
were reenforcing Donelson, hurried their preparations for attack ; and, 
as soon as the first reenforcements arrived, began their expedition 
against Donelson. 

Foote started on the 11th, with his fleet, and transports carrying six 
regiments of reenforcements. Near Paducah they were met by eight 
more transports loaded with troops, which accompanied them to Donel- 
son. Federal writers place this force at 10,000 men. They were to 
land near Donelson, and cooperate with the army that marched across 
the country from Henry. 

On the same day Grant sent forward his vanguard, under McCler- 
nand, three or four miles, and, early on the morning of the 12th, moved 
with his main column. His force was 15,000 strong, with eight light 
batteries ; and he left a garrison of 2,500 men at Henry. He marched 
unincumbered with tents or baggage, with but few wagons, and " no 
rations save those in the haversacks. . . . No obstacle was opposed to 
the march, although nothing would have been easier than to prepare 
obstructions." ' 

The column which marched from Henry was composed of two di- 
visions, commanded by Generals McClernand and C. F. Smith, each of 
three brigades." 

Surgeon Steam * reports the infantry strength of Oglesby at 3,130, 
and of McArthur at 1,395. Colonel Wallace reported 3,400 effectives 
of all arms. Add to this, for Oglesby, cavalry and artillery, 500, and 
we have the strength of this division, 8,425 men (see Appendix B to 



' Badeau's " Life of Grant," vol. i., p. 36. 

' McClernand's first brigade, commanded by Colonel Oglesby, was formed of the 
Eighth, Eighteenth, Twenty-ninth, Thirtieth, and Thirty-first Illinois Regiments, Swartz's 
and Dresser's batteries, and four cavalry-companies. The Second Brigade, Colonel W. 
II. L. Wallace, included the Eleventh, Twentieth, Forty-fifth, and Forty-eighth IlHnois 
Regiments ; the Fourth IlHnois Cavalry ; the First Illinois Artillery, and McAllister's 
battery. The Third Brigade, Colonel McArthur, contained only the Seventeenth and 
Forty-ninth Illinois. 

2 " Medical History of the War," Part I., medical volume, Appendix, p. 34. 



FEDERAL STRENGTH. 445 

this chapter). Smith's brigades were commanded by Colonels J. G. 
Lauman, Morgan L. Smith, and J. Cook.* 

To these divisions were soon added the Third, commanded by Gen- 
eral Lew Wallace, with Colonels Cruft and Thayer as brigade command- 
ers, composed of troops sent forward from Henry, and others trans- 
ported by way of the Cumberland River.^ 

When all these troops were arraj'ed in front of Donelson, McCler- 
nand occupied the Federal right, Smith the left, and Wallace the centre. 

It is extremely difficult to arrive at a correct conclusion as to the 
actual force of an army by any system of estimate, or indeed by any 
other means than investigation of the returns of commands. As these 
were not accessible to the writer when this memoir was prepared, he 
has no means of verifying the statements made by Federal writers. He 
gives such data as he has. 

In a memorandum furnished Hon. Montgomery Blair by the War 
Department, for the information of the writer. General Grant's effective 
force at Donelson is placed at " about 24,400." In a memorandum 
furnished the writer by the War Department {see Appendix, Chapter 
XXXI.), it is placed at 27,113. General Buell, in his letter of August 
31, 1865, published in the New York World, September 5, 1865, es- 
timates the reenforcements sent by him to Grant at 10,000 men, and 
Grant's force at from 30,000 to 35,000. 

Badeau says : 

On the last day of the fight Grant had 27,000 men, whom he could have put 
into battle ; Bome few regiments of these were not engaged. Other reenforce- 
ments arrived on the 16th, after the surrender, swelling his number still further. 

In this estimate no account is taken of the cooperating naval forces, 
nor of troops landed and supporting, but not engaged. There was no 
doubt in the mind of any Southerner engaged in the defense that the 
Federal force was much greater than this. The conviction of all the 
Confederate leaders that they fought 50,000 men was probably exag- 
gerated by the circumstances of the case ; but General Badeau's figures 
will prove, on a rigid investigation, below the mark.^ 

1 Lauman had the Second, Seventh, and Fourteenth Iowa ; the Twenty-fifth and 
Fifty-sixth Indiana ; Birge's regiment of sharp-shooters, and Stone's Missouri Battery. 
M.L.Smith had the Eighth Missouri and Eleventh Indiana; and Cook had the Sev- 
enth and Fiftieth Illinois, the Twelfth Iowa, the Fifty-second Indiana, and the Thirteenth 
Missouri. 

" His first brigade, commanded by Colonel Charles Cruft, comprised the Thirty-first 
and Forty-fourth Indiana Regiments, and the Seventeenth and Twenty-fifth Kentucky Reg- 
iments. Colonel John M. Thayer commanded a double brigade ; the second, made up of 
the Forty-sixth, Fifty-seventh, and Fifty-eighth Illinois Regiments, and his own, the third, 
composed of the First Nebraska, and the Fifty-eighth, Sixty-eighth, and Seventy-sixth Ohio. 

'Badeau's "Life of Grant," vol. i., p. 36. 



446 FORT DOXELSON. 

After leaving the bottom-lands around Fort Henry, a broad, good 
road, built by Tilghman, passed through a country of hill and valley, 
thickly wooded, to Donelson. It was sandy, and now dry ; and the 
troops moved swiftly over it in the bracing air of a warm winter day. 
Forrest, with all the Southern cavalry, had posted himself about two 
miles in front of the intrenchments, where the Eighth Illinois, Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel Rhodes, of Oglesby's brigade, advancing in line of battle, 
encountered him, and drove in the Confederate outposts, with little 
loss on either side. It was certainly unfortunate that the few roads to 
Henry were not obstructed and vigorously disputed, as a short deten- 
tion would have caught the Federal army on the march in exceedingly 
severe weather, and might have broken up the expedition. 

Oglesby's brigade was deployed and moved forward through the 
oak-woods until it found itself opposite Heiman's position, near the 
Confederate centre. His artillery, Swartz's and Dresser's batteries, 
opened; and Graves's and Maney's replied from the trenches. This 
artillery duel did little damage ; but it was sufficient, with the fire of 
the sharp-shooters, to interrupt the work on the trenches. The ad- 
vanced brigades worked their way to the right, harassing with a con- 
tinuous fire the fatigue-parties of the Confederates, who, with some 
loss, had to suspend their labor until night. No resistance was offered 
to the investment ; and, before the dusk of a winter's day, the army 
which had left Henry in the morning unfolded itself along the entire 
Confederate front at Donelson. McClernand's division was on the 
Federal right, opposite Pillow, and reaching nearly around to Dover. 
Smith's brigades, as they came up, drew off to the left, and rested with 
their flank on Hickman's Creek, facing Buckner. Grant's headquarters 
were in the rear of Smith's line. Such was the situation on the night 
of February 12th. The opposing hosts, that night, lay on their arms. 
The bivouac was under the shadow of the oaks and pines. A bright 
moon was overhead ; and the still, mild air had in it scarcely a breath 
of winter. The Federals rested; the Confederates plied shovel and 
mattock to build a barrier against the next day's storm of lead and 
iron. Saving the random shot of some startled picket, all was quiet — 
the seemingly peaceful prelude to days and nights of deadly struggle. 

■~ '■ The Battle of the Trenches," as Pillow styles it, began at 
dawn on the 13th. Floyd arrived before daylight with the troops from 
Cumberland City ; but, before they had taken position, the fighting had 
begun, 

Thursday morning, the 13th, was clear and mild ; and, at earliest 
dawn, the Federal skirmishers came down from the hills, where they 
had slept, into the valley between the lines, and commenced firing; 
while their artillery opened from every hill along the front. Oglesby's 



BATTLE OF THE TRENCHES. 447 

brigade on the right, and W. II. L. Wallace's, next to it, moved to the 
right, along the road to Dover, keeping up a constant cannonade as 
they advanced. Birge's sharp-shooters, a picked corps, deployed as 
skirmishers, annoyed the Confederates greatly, compelling them to lie 
low behind their intrenchments. But skillful Southern marksmen vol- 
unteered to occupy their attention, and finally forced them to retire. 
Jordan saj's that two of Forrest's companies were thus engaged. 

About half-past eight o'clock the Twelfth Iowa, of Cook's brigade, 
made a reconnaissance against the centre, as if about to assault, but 
retired before a few well-directed shots from Graves's battery. About 
ten o'clock in the morning. Smith made an attack on Hanson's position, 
but was repulsed with heavy loss. Hanson had built rapidly and 
roughly some rifle-pits to the right and in front of the original line of 
defense. Here he was again attacked, this time by three strong regi- 
ments ; but the Second Kentucky, now aided by Palmer's Eighteenth 
Tennessee, again repulsed the assault. A third time the Federals came 
to the charge, with the same result. Porter's battery played a con- 
spicuous part in the defense. Buckner says in his report : 

The fire of the enemy's artillery and riflemen was incessant throughout the 
day ; but was responded to by a well-directed fire from the intrenchments, 
which inflicted upon the assailant a considerable loss, and almost silenced his 
fire late in the afternoon. My loss during the day was thirty-nine in killed and 
wounded. 

Heiman's position has already been described. A salient to the 
Confederate centre, it was the most elevated and advanced point on 
the line. Here was posted his brigade: the Tenth Tennessee, Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel McGavock ; the Forty-eighth Tennessee, Colonel Voorhies; 
the Fifty-third Tennessee, Lieutenant-Colonel Winston ; the Twenty- 
seventh Alabama, Colonel Hughes ; and Maney's light battery — in 
all about 1,700 strong. Badeau says of the Federal operations: 

Skirmishers were thrown out actively in front, and several smart fights oc- 
curred, but with no result of importance. They were in no case intended for 
real assaults, but simply as attempts to discover the force and position of the 
enemy, and to establish the national line. An attempt was made by McClernand 
to capture the ridge-road on which Grant moved, but this was without orders, 
and unsuccessful, though gallantly made ; three regiments were engaged in the 
aff"air. On the first two days Grant lost about 300 men in killed and wounded. 

The assault by Smith on Buckner was one of these " smart fights ; " 
that of McClernand on Heiman was another. The facts are these : 

As Wallace was moving to the right, McClernand detached Colonel 
Hayne, with his regiment, the Forty-eighth Illinois, to support McAl- 
lister's battery, and giving him, in addition, the Seventeenth Illinois, 
Major Smith, and the Forty-ninth Illinois, Colonel Morrison, ordered 
30 



448 FORT DONELSON. 

him to storm Heiman's position. The approach to Heiman's left wag 
along a ridge, obstructed with abattis ; against his right, it was through 
a dense wood, across a valley, and up a hill-side. The advance of this 
colunin was first discovered by Colonel John C. Brown, who notified Colo- 
nel Heiman. Brown ordered the batteries of Graves and Porter to open 
upon the column, which they did with great eflFect, contributing ma- 
terially to the repulse. The Federal regiments came to the charge 
right gallantly, mounting the acclivity on every side. Maney's battery 
now opened a rapid fire on them ; but his position on the point of the 
hill was an exposed one, and their sharp-shooters brought down the men 
at his guns with deadly aim. Both of his lieutenants fell. Still, the 
Illinoisians rushed on almost up to the breastworks, and until they met, 
at close quarters, the blaze of musketry from the trenches. Entangled 
in the felled timber, they wavered, and, after a struggle of some fifteen 
minutes, gave way. The Forty-fifth Illinois, Colonel Smith, was brought 
up to their support, and again they attempted to assault. But Quarles's 
Forty-second Tennessee had arrived on the ground, in the mean time, to 
Heiman's assistance ; and a destructive fire drove back the Federals. 
They made a third ineifectual assault, when Colonel Morrison, who had 
bravely led his men, having been severely wounded, they finally re- 
tired, after a combat of two hours, during nearly an hour of which " the 
entire line had been held imder a brisk, galling fire." The Federals 
lost 200 killed and wounded, while the Confederates lost not more than 
thirty or forty. These were chiefly in Maney's battery and the Fifty- 
third Tennessee. The dry leaves on the ground caught fire from the 
cannonading. The Confederates rescued the wounded as far as they 
could venture out from the rifle-pits ; but, unhappily, some of the Fed- 
eral wounded perished in the flames. After the retreat, Heiman's 
pickets collected sixty muskets and other equipments left on the field. 

The artillery-firing continued all day, and, at intervals, during the 
night. Nearly every Confederate regiment reported a few casualties 
from the shot and shell, which came incessantly ; and, doubtless, the 
other side suffered equally. Though the attack on Heiman was so se- 
verely repulsed, it was, in the end, fortunate for the Federals. Their 
determined attitude concealed the inadequacy of their force ; and, while 
but a small part of their army was engaged, they interrupted the Con- 
federate fortification, and put the whole line of defense upon a strain. 
Badeau comments on the fact that there was — 

no effort to molest Grant, allowing him to continue the investment at his 
leisure— a blunder almost equal to that of opposing no obstacle to the march 
from Fort Henry. 

While these operations were going on at the trenches on Thurs- 
day, the Carondelet, Captain Walke, a thirteen-gun vessel, preceding 



A WINTER STORiT. 449 

Foote's flotilla, arrived at Donelson early in the morning', and opened 
the siege by water. Taking position behind a headland, she threw 138 
shots, until a 128-pound shot came crashing through one of her ports, 
injuring her machinery, and sending her off crippled. No damage was 
done to the fort, except that a shot disabled a gun, and killed Captain 
Joseph H. Dixon, a valuable young engineer, whose name has been men- 
tioned in connection with the fortitication of the place. Educated, enthu- 
siastic, and full of talents and purpose, his loss was generally deplored. 

Thus far the weather had been warm for the season ; but, on Thurs- 
day afternoon, it turned cold and began to rain heavily, and that 
night a great and sudden change occurred. The thermometer fell to 
10^ above zero ; and a driving storm of snow, hail, and sleet, set in. 
An icy wind came howling from the north, beating with uninterrupted 
fury ujDon the two armies. They were both fully exposed to the tem- 
pest, and both ill-prepared to meet it. The Federals were bivouacking 
in the woods ; but, though they were comparatively well clothed, many 
of them had thrown away their blankets during the previous genial 
weather. The Southerners, poorly clad, and less fitted in constitution 
to endure the buffetings of a winter's storm, were kept in the trenches 
to guard against surprise ; though, indeed, there were no quarters or 
other refuge for them. Many of them were working on the trenches ; 
and the Forty-second Tennessee built a redoubt to protect the point 
where Maney's battery had suffered so much. No fires could be built, 
lest they should serve as targets for the sharp-shooters, crouching in 
easy range. But, in the dark, and cold, and storm, the work of death 
went on ; and more than one struggle between the combatants mingled 
the noises of battle with the turmoil of the tempest. Some of the 
soldiers were frozen ; and the wounded between the lines suffered the 
extremest pangs that belong to our mortal lot. Those thus stricken 
down lay with raw and gaping wounds, perhaps scorched in the blaze 
of the conflagration that had swept through the fallen timber, and 
aching from the frozen rain and icy wind. On that fearful night they 
endured isolation, hunger, pain, and exhaustion, so that death brought 
a blessed relief. These are some of the horrors of war; and yet it is to 
the sentimental philanthropists that the occasions of war are oftenest 
due. 

During the evening of the 13th Commodore Foote's flotilla arrived, 
with the reenforcements, 10,000 strong or more. These were assigned 
to General Lew Wallace, who had also brought over the troops from 
Fort Henrj'. Part of them were landed before daylight ; and Friday, 
the 14th, was spent in putting them in position on the centre, between 
Smith and McCUrnand. These arrangements occupied the whole day. 
The snow lay more than two inches deep, and the north wind still blew 
with chilly breath. The torpor of cold and fatigue seemed to cling to 



450 FORT DONELSON. 

both antagonists. Nevertheless, though no assault was made, a ram- 
bling and ineffective fire yvas kept up. But, though the land-forces were 
thus paralyzed by the rigor of the season, Donelson was not permitted 
to enjoy a day of rest. Foote, exultant with his easy triumph at Henrj^, 
rushed in, hoping to crush the defenders with his heavy guns, and 
crown the navy with another victory. But the audacious policy which 
has once succeeded may, when essayed again, recoil with ruin on its 
author. It was so with Foote. 

"The Battle of the Gunboats"' began about 3 p.m., on Fri- 
day, the 14th of February. The United States flotilla consisted of the 
four heavy-armored iron-clad gunboats St. Louis, Carondelet, Pitts- 
burg, and Louisville, thirteen guns each, and the gunboats Conestoga, 
Taylor, and Lexington, nine guns each. Any one of these boats was 
more than a match for the fort in armament. They were armed with 
eight, nine, and ten inch guns, three in the bow of each. The Caron- 
delet had three nine inch and four eight inch smooth-bore and two 
100-pounder rifled guns. In the fort the colimibiad and the rifled gun 
were the only two pieces effective against the armor of the gunboats. 
The Confederates could merely pepper them with their lighter guns, 
ten in number, whose missiles, for the most part, rattled harmlessly 
against the iron sheathing. 

The four iron-clads, followed by two gunboats, made the attack. 
They drove directly toward the water-batteries, firing with great weight 
of metal. Foote's purpose was to silence these batteries, pass b}', and 
take a position where he could enfilade the faces of the fort with broad- 
sides.* The gunboats opened at a mile and a half distance, and ad- 
vanced until within three or four hundred yards. Colonel J. E. Bai- 
ley, of the Forty-ninth Tennessee, now United States Senator from 
Tennessee, commanded the garrison. It was in bad plight from 
cold, hunger, and protracted watching, but was resolute in spirit. 
Captain Culbertson, a West Point graduate, commanded the artillery 
after the death of Dixon. Under him were Captains Ross, Bidwell, and 
Beaumont, who commanded the batteries. Stankiewitz, a gallant Pole, 
had two six-pounders and an eight-inch howitzer on the hill. They held 
their fire, under Pillow's orders, until the boats came within about 1,000 
yards; then, at a given signal, thej' delivered the fire of the heavy guns 
with accuracy and effect; and, at about 750 yards, the lighter guns 
opened also. Stankiewitz likewise helped to divert the enemy's fire by 
a few discharges of his pieces. 

' Boynton's " History of the United States Navy," and Hoppin's " Life of Foote," 
give the Federal version of this conflict. Colonel Jordan showti conclusively, in his 
Life of Forrest," pages 67-69, the Federal superiority in armament. 

^ Hoppin's " Life of Foote," p. 222. 



REPULSE OF THE GUNBOATS. 451 

/ The boats steamed up with great confidence, based on their ex- 
perience at Fort Henry ; but, although the number of guns opposed to 
them was the same, a brief contest taught them a woful lesson. Their 
shot and shell roared, and tore up the earthworks, but did no further 
injury. On the other hand, the Confederate guns, aimed from an eleva- 
tion of not less than thirty feet, by cool and careful hands, fell with de- 
structive power on the decks of the gunboats. The thirty-two-pound 
shot generally rebounded from the plated armor ; but even these, enter- 
ino- the port-holes, or striking at favorable angles, or on unprotected parts 
of the roof, shook loose the fastenings, and aided in the work of demo- 
lition. While the iron-clads could use grape and canister against the 
Confederates on the parapets, and their gunboats were throwing shells 
at long range, which burst in the fort with novel terrors to the untried 
soldiers there, nothing but solid shot told against the sides of the ves- 
sels. But the furious cannonade of the fleet, while terrific, was harm- 
less, though each moment it seemed that it must sweep away gunners 
and batteries together. Soldiers and generals alike looked with appre- 
hension for the catastrophe, when their guns should be silenced, and 
the fleet, steaming by, take them in reverse. Still, the fascination of 
the scene riveted to the spot, as spectators, hundreds who witnessed it 
with breathless suspense and anxiety. As the heavy metal smote the 
iron mail of the water-monsters, it rang with a mighty and strange 
sound — a new music in the horrid orchestra of strife and death, unheard 
before, and terrible to the hearer. Old fables seemed to live again ; in 
which giants, with clash of hammer on linked scales, fought the dragons 
of the great deep. 

But the elevation of the batteries, and the courage and coolness 
of their gunners, overcame all the Federal advantages in number and 
weight of guns. The bolts of their two heavy guns went crashing 
through iron and massive timbers with resistless force, and scattering 
slaughter and destruction through the fleet. 

In the hottest of the engagement a priming-wire became lodged in 
the vent of the rifle-gun, through the inexperience of the artillerists, who 
had seen but two days' service at the guns. Sergeant Robert Cobb 
mounted the piece and vainly endeavored to extract it. He continued 
his efi'orts under a fire of grape at point-blank range, until the close of 
the action. He was afterward distinguished as a captain of artillery. 

A Northern writer, who was on board the Louisville, thus describes 
what he saw : 

We were within point-blank range, and the destruction to our fleet was 
really terrible. One huge Bolid shot stcuck our boat just at the angle of the 
upper deck and pilot-house, perforated the iron plating, passed through the 
heavy timbers, and buried itself in a pile of hammocks just in front and in a 
direct line with the boilers. Another, a shell, raked us from bow to stem, 



452 FORT DONELSON. 

passed tbrotigli the wheel-house, emerged, dropped, and exploded in the river 
just at our stern. Then a ten-inch solid shot entered our starboard how-port, 
demolished a gun-carriage, killed three men and wounded four others, traversed 
the entire length of the boat, and sank into the river in our wake. Then a shell 
came shrieking through the air, striking fair into our forward starboard-port, 
killing one man, wounding two, and then passed aft, sundering our rudder- 
chains, and rendering the boat unmanageable. "We were compelled to drop 
astern and leave the scene of action, and, so far as we were concerned, the 
battle was over. 

One of their shells entered and exploded directly in the pilot-house of the 
St. Louis, killing the pilot, and wounding Flag-Officer Foote severely in the leg. 
Two of the shots entered the Pittsburg below the guards, causing her to leak 
badly, and it is probable she will sink before morning. Another entered the 
Carondelet, killing four men and wounding eight others. 

Commodore Foote tells me that he has commanded at the taking of six forts, 
and has been in several naval engagements, but he never was under so severe a 
fire before. Fifty-seven shots struck his vessel, his upper works were riddled, 
and his lower decks strewed with the dead and wounded.' 

Hoppin says (page 223) : 

The Louisville was disabled by a shot, which cut away her rudder-chains, 
making her totally unmanageable, so that she drifted with the current out of 
action. Very soon the St. Louis was disabled by a shot through her pilot- 
house, rendering her steering impossible, so that she also floated down the 
river. The other two armored vessels were also terribly struck, and a rifled 
cannon on the Carondelet burst, so that these two could no longer sustain the 
action; and, after fighting for more than an hour, the little fleet was forced to 
withdraw. . . . Foote, it is said, wept like a child when the order to withdraw 
was given. 

The St. Louis was struck fifty-nine times, the Louisville- thirty-six times, 
the Carondelet twenty-six, the Pittsburg twenty, and four vessels receiving 
no less than 141 wounds. The fleet, gathering itself together, and render- 
ing mutual help to its disabled members, proceeded to Cairo to repair dam- 
ages, intending to return immediately with a stronger naval force to continue 
the siege. 

We learn also, from Hoppin's narrative, that Foote was twice 
wounded, once in the arm and once in the leg ; and, from Foote's 
report, that his loss was fifty-four killed and wounded. The fight 
lasted an hour and ten minutes. Foote believed he could have taken 
the fort in fifteen minutes more ; but he was mistaken — further contest 
would have insured the destruction of his fleet. Gilmer's report tells 
us: 

Our batteries were uninjured, and not a man in them killed. The repulse 
of the gunboats closed the operations of the day, except a few scattering shots 
along the land-defenses. 

' Howison's " History " {Southern Ziierary Messenger, 1862), p. 323. 



GENERAL JOHNSTON'S PLAN. 453 

Pillow telegraphed to General Johnston to the same efTect. But 
the Confederates did not derive all the encouragement from the action 
that their successful valor and skill deserved, for they were not aware 
of the full extent of the damage to the fleet ; and, in fact, expected 
a renewal of the attack. Nevertheless, they took heart. The gun- 
boats were neither invulnerable nor invincible, and congratulations and 
rejoicings went through the camps. 

On the 13th Floyd and Pillow each sent several dispatches to Gen- 
eral Johnston. Pillow's breathed a very confident spirit : " I have the 
utmost confidence of success ; " and, at the close of the day, " The 
men are in fine spirits." Floyd details the events of the day very 
calmly ; but no great subtilty of interpretation is required to perceive 
his distrust of the situation, in such words as the following : " We will 
endeavor to hold our position, if we are capable of doing so." 

Whether prompted by this dispatch or not — it is now impossible to 
say — General Johnston on the next day sent him the following tele- 
gram, which is in effect a final summing up of all his previous instruc- 
tions, and in exact accordance with them : 

If you lose the fort, Iring your troops to Nashville if possible. 

How far this dispatch may have influenced the counsels of the gen- 
erals the writer is not able to say, as no mention is made of it in their 
reports ; but, on the morning of that day, as appears from General 
Buckner's report, they came to the conclusion to cut their way out, 
and retreat to Nashville. General Johnston's plan was general in its 
scope, and perfectly simple. He wished Donelson defended if possible, 
but he did not ^vish the army to be sacrificed in the attempt. Some- 
thing must be dared for the maintenance of a position so important, 
doubtful though he felt the issue must be ; but there did not seem any 
imminent peril to a vigilant and able commander of not being able to 
extricate his army from Donelson. There was nothing in the nature 
of " a trap " in the situation, if the commander kept his resources well 
in hand, and his communications attended to. General Johnston's 
orders were in efi"ect : " Do not lose the fortress, if it can be helped ; 
but do not lose the army anyhow." For so much he is responsible. 
To be more specific would have been to embarrass, not to help, his sub- 
ordinates. Throughout his whole life, General Johnston's onlv demand 
for himself had been that he should have the means to accomplish an 
end, with full responsibility for their use. He could not apply a dif- 
ferent rule to men intrusted with these vast interests. He had no 
right to consider them unequal to their charge. The general who 
manages a battle at a distance from the scene of action plays the game 
of war blindfold. An Aulic Council is proverbially a curse to a cam- 
paign. Human foresight and calculation may provide for many of the 



454 FORT DONELSON. 

contingencies of war ; but the distant control of details must ignore 
many of the actual conditions of a contest. Strategists who, whether 
a week or a year beforehand and leagues away, plan other people's 
battles for them, may engage in the business of prophecy, whose issues 
are soon forgotten, but not safely or successfully in the responsible 
work of high military command. General Johnston's ability to divest 
himself of this propensity to intermeddle with matters that belonged 
strictly to his subordinates, even though they were unlucky, will be rec- 
ognized as a merit by any soldier who has had the misfortune to serve 
with his hands tied, under a superior who imagined himself omniscient. 
Buckner says : 

Tlie enemy were comparatively quiet in front of my position during the 
14th. On the morning of that day I was summoned to a council of general 
officers, in wliich it was decided unanimously, in view of the arrival of heavy 
reenforcements of the enemy below, to make an immediate attack upon their 
right, in order to open our communications with Charlotte in the direction of 
Nashville. It was urged that this attack should be made at once, before the dis- 
embarkation of the enemy's reenforcements — supposed to be about 15,000 men, 
I proposed with my division to cover the retreat of the army, should the sortie 
prove successful. I made the necessary dispositions preparatory to executing 
the movement; but early in the afternoon the order was countermanded by 
General Floyd, at the instance, as I afterward learned, of General Pillow, who, 
after drawing out his troops for the attack, thought it too late for the attempt. 

Neither General Floyd nor General Pillow alludes to this council ; 
but it is evident that the foregoing statement is substantially correct, 
as General Pillow, having arranged the preliminaries for an attack, 
actually led his men out, and afterward withdrew them. Colonel W. 
E. Baldwin, commanding the Second Brigade, says in his report, March 
12, 1862 : 

About noon, General Pillow directed the left wing to be formed in the open 
ground to the left and rear, of our position in the lines, for the purpose, ap- 
parently, of attacking the enemy's right. My command, to which the Twentieth 
Mississippi, Major Brown, was temporarily attached, constituted the advance, in 
the following order : first, the Twenty-sixth Mississippi ; second, the Twenty- 
sixth Tennessee ; third, the Twentieth Mississippi. Formed in column by pla- 
toon, we advanced in a road leading from a point about two hundred yards from 
the left of our trenches, and approaching nearly perpendicularly the enemy's 
right. Wo had proceeded not more than one-fourth of a mile, when General 
Pillow ordered a countermarch, saying it was too late in the day to accomplish 
anything, and we returned to our former position in the lines. 

Major William M. Brown, who commanded the Twentieth Missis- 
sippi in this brigade, mentions ten o'clock as the hour when he received 
the order to form his regiment. He says : 

By the time we liad advanced one hundred yards, a private of Company D 
was shot down, showing that the enemy was close at hand. We continued the 



THE SORTIE ABORTIVE. 455 

march two hundred yards more, when the order to halt was given, said to come 
from General Floyd, with the explanation that we did not liave time to accom- 
phsh what we wanted. 

We have here, in the abandonment of this projected sortie, an illus- 
tration of that vacillation and of those divided counsels which brought 
about the loss of the army at Fort Donelson. There is no need to pur- 
sue with unmerited blame any of the generals in command. While the 
springs of human action remain unchanged, such calamities will result 
from unforeseen combinations. Floyd was of a bold and impetuous 
temper, but he was a mountaineer ; and, except a few month?' expe- 
rience in warfare among the Alleghanies, a novice in ^'litaiy opera- 
tions. The moment he felt himself cooped up within intrenchments, his 
active spirit lost its spring. The correspondence already quoted shows 
the reluctance with which he came to Fort Donelson. When he went 
behind breastworks, he was already half beaten. On any other arena 
than that of war, Floyd would have been esteemed at least the equal 
of his associates. In a charge, he would not have fallen behind them 
in gallantry. But he was a very sympathetic man ; and, standing be- 
tween them, as the commander of both, he gave ear first to one and 
then to the other. There was a strong antagonism of character and 
feeling between Buckner and Pillow ; and the influence of each swayed 
Flovd, as he came within its atmosphere. Buckner, measuring the 
power of resistance by military precedents, and his knowledge of the 
resources of the United States Government, apprehended the worst. 
He wished to escape from what might become a trap. He therefore 
proposed to cut his way out. This agreed with all of Floyd's precon- 
ceptions, and he eagerly embraced the proposal ; the more readily, too, 
as he deferred to Buckner's military education and reputation, and had, 
in a close association with him during the month previous, learned to 
appreciate his many high qualities. Now, why was this movement 
suddenly arrested and put off till the next day? The writer offers 
the following solution as an hypothesis merely : Pillow, more san- 
guine than the other two, believed he could hold the fort; and, when 
he pointed out to Floyd the immense consequences of its loss, no 
less than a surrender of the State of Tennessee, Floyd, perceiving that 
to stand still was a bolder policy than to attack and retreat, probably 
consented to defer the sortie and defend the trenches. If they could 
be held, the losses of a sortie seemed an unavailing sacrifice. Hence, 
the order was countermanded, or at least deferred. 

The day wore awa\'. Reports, greatly exaggerated, came of heavy 
reenforcements : according to Grant's statements, they were 12,000 or 
15,000 men ; according to the estimates of the besieged, from 30,000 
to 50,000. 

Floyd says, in his report : 



456 FORT DONELSON. 

We were aware of the fact that extremely heavy reenforcements had been 
continually arriving, day and night, for three days and nights ; and I had no 
doubt whatever that their whole available force on the Western waters could 
and would be concentrated here, if it was deemed necessary, to reduce our posi- 
tion. I had already seen the impossibility of holding ont for any length of time, 
with our inadequate number and indefensible position. There was no place 
within our intrenchments but could be reached by the enemy's artillery, from 
their boats or their batteries. It was but fair to infer that, while they kept up 
a sufficient fire upon our intrenchments to keep our men from sleep and prevent 
repose, their object was merely to give time to pass a column above us on the 
river, both on the right and left banks, and thus to cut off all our communica- 
tion, and to prevent the possibility of egress. 

This theory of investment is based upon the hypothesis of the suc- 
cessful cooperation of the gunboats, which were already vanquished, 
and on a degree of strength and activity in the Federal army scarcely 
credible. Knowing General Johnston's want of troops and poverty in 
means, the Confederate generals assumed, perhaps properly, that, if 
applied to, he could not afford any relief in their desperate straits. 
Floyd was backed, in this view of the situation, by both Pillow and 
Buckner. 

Floyd continues, in his report : 

I thus saw clearly that but one course was left, by which a rational hope 
could be entertained of saving the garrison, or a part of it : that was, to dislodge 
the enemy from the position on our left, and thus to pass our people into the 
open country lying southward toward Nashville. I called for a consultation of 
tbe oflicers of divisions and brigades, to take place after dark, when this plan 
was laid before them, approved, and adopted ; and, at which time, it was deter- 
mined to move from the trenches at an early hour on the next morning, and 
attack the enemy in his position. It was agreed that the attack should com- 
mence upon our extreme left, and this duty was assigned to Brigadier- General 
Pillow, assisted by Brigadier-General Johnson. 

The conclusion was reached and the specific adjustment of the de- 
tails of the plan of battle settled about midnight. The whole left 
wing of the Confederate army, except eight regiments, was to move 
out of the trenches, attack, turn, and drive the Federal right until the 
Wynn's Ferry road which led to Charlotte, through a good country, was 
cleared, and an exit thus secured. In this movement, Buckner was to 
assist, by bringing his command to the left of Heiman's position, and 
thence attacking the right of the Federal centre. If successful, he was 
to take up a position in advance of the works on the Wynn's Ferry 
road, cover the retreat of the whole army, and then employ bis division 
as a rear-guard. While the combined attack was going on, Heiman 
was to hold his own position with his brigade and the Forty-second 
Tejanessee. Head's regiment, the Thirtieth Tennessee, was to replace 



BATTLE OF DOVER. 457 

Buckner in the trenches ; and the Forty-ninth and Fiftieth Tennessee 
were to act as a o-arrison to the fort. The only essentially vicious feat- 
ure of this plan was the insufficient force left in Buckner's lines. 
Most of the garrison of the Fort, also, might well have been posted in 
the rifle-pits. Head's position was the shortest and weakest line of 
approach to the fort, and in more immediate danger even than the 
water-batteries. A slight concentration at that point would probably 
have prevented or repulsed the Federal assault. 

The Confederates passed another bitter cold night in the trenches, 
waiting for the morrow's conflict. The troops, moving in the small 
hours of the night, over the icy and broken roads, which wound through 
the obstructed area of defense, made slow progress, and delayed the 
projected operations. Before daybreak the skirmishers had opened 
along the line. Morning was to see bloody work. 

Pillow occupied himself chiefly with the right brigades of his com- 
mand, where Baldwin led the attack, the two small Virginia brigades 
supporting. His left, composed of Simonton's and Drake's brigades 
and Forrest's cavalry, was confided to Bushrod Johnson, who here first 
proved himself a hard-hitter — a character he bore throughout the war. 
At 4 A. M., on Saturday, the 15th of February, Pillow's troops were 
ready, except one brigade, which came into action late. 

" The Battle of Dover " was so called by General Pillow from its 
initial point. Baldwin's brigade began it. Moving out, in the order of 
the day before, by six o'clock he was engaged with the enemy, onl}'- two 
or three hundred yards from his lines. His three regiments, the Twen- 
tieth and Twenty-sixth Mississippi and the Twenty-sixth Tennessee, mus- 
tered 1,358 strong. Starting by the flank, along a narrow and obstruct- 
ed by-road, they came suddenly and unexpectedly upon the enemy in 
force — Oglesby's stout brigade. While two companies of skirmishers 
tried to sustain the fire of the enemy, the column was formed by com- 
pany, and the leading regiment, the Twenty-sixth Mississippi, Colonel 
Reynolds, attempted to deploy into line to the right. Three times it 
was thrown into confusion by the close and rapid fire of the enemy, but 
was rallied and formed fifty yards to the rear. The Twenty-sixth Ten- 
nessee, Colonel Lillard, formed on its left, across the road ; and the 
Twentieth Mississippi advanced on the left of the Twenty-sixth Ten- 
nessee, through an open field, where it was exposed to a destructive 
fire, which it could not return. McCausland, supporting Baldwin, per- 
ceived the emergency, and led forward his troops, the Thirty-sixth Vir- 
ginia, Lieutenant-Colonel Reid, and the Fiftieth Virginia, Major Thor- 
burn, and formed on Baldwin's right. Wharton's brigade, the Fifty- 
first Virginia, Lieutenant-Colonel Massie, and the Fifty-sixth Virginia, 
Captain Daviess, also moved up to the left, on very bad ground, which 



458 FORT DONELSON. 

they held tenaciously. These brigades were just in time to check the 
Illinois troops, who, encouraged by the confusion in the Southern line, 
and hoping to profit by it, were now advancing. 

In the mean time, Brigadier General Johnson was leading into action 
still farther to the left, and consequently over greater spaces, Simon- 
ton's and Drake's brigades, while Forrest's cavalry covered their flank, 
and forced their horses through the thick undergrowth. Simonton 
pushed in between McCausland and Wharton, arrayed in the following 
order from right to left: the Third Mississippi, Lieutenant-Colonel 
Webb ; Eighth Kentucky, Lieutenant-Colonel Lyon ; Seventh Texas, 
Colonel Gregg ; and First Mississippi, Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton. 
To the left of Wharton, Drake put into action his brigade — the Fourth 
Mississippi, Major Adair ; Fifteenth Arkansas, Colonel Gee ; two com- 
panies of the Twenty-sixth Alabama, under Major Garvin ; and a Ten- 
nessee battalion, under Colonel Browder. As was said, Forrest sup- 
ported the extreme left flank. In this disposition of the forces, the 
right of Pillow's wing rested on the trenches ; and, as each command 
took its position to the left, it was by a larger circuit, and with a pro- 
portionate loss of time. 

On the Federal ^ide, McClernand's whole division engaged this line 
as it advanced. Oglesby's brigade — the Eighth, Eighteenth, Twenty- 
ninth, Thirtieth, and Thirty-first Illinois, two batteries, and four com- 
panies of cavalry — received the first shock, on its left. McArthur's 
brigade — the Seventeenth and Forty -ninth Illinois — next became en- 
gaged; and, finally, W. H. Wallace's brigade — the Eleventh, Twentieth, 
Forty-fifth, and Forty-eighth Illinois, the Fourth Illinois Cavalry, 
Taylor's First Illinois Artillery, and McAllister's battery — on Oglesby's 
left. According to the data of Appendix B to this chapter, McCler- 
nand's division was about 8,500 strong of all arms. The attacking 
Confederate left wing, according to the writer's estimate, was composed 
of five small brigades of infantry, 5,360 strong, and about 1,000 cavalry. 
Jordan, in his " Life of Forrest," puts the cavalry at 800. Appendix A 
will show the grounds for this estimate. 

The antagonists were well matched in courage, confidence, and pride 
of prowess. Usually one or the other of two opponents promptly per- 
ceives to which side the scales of victory incline. In extreme peril, all 
the senses and perceptions of brave men are quickened ; and, as the 
Greeks at Salamis saw their guardian goddess hovering over them, so 
some subtile instinct seems to say to men, "This is the moment of your 
fate — press on " — or — " yield." As Macbeth says of Banqico : 

". . . . There is none but he 
Whose being; I do fear : and under him 

My genius is rebuked ; as, it is said, j 

Mark Antony's was by Cassar." 



DESrERATE FIGnTIXG. 459 

But these hardy soldiers, kindred in blood, equally emulous of glory, 
and, like the Roman twins, jealous of the birthright and preeminence 
of valor, saw nothing in any foe to quell the hope of final triumph. 
Each side believed that the fierce assault or stubborn stand was proof 
that the weight of numbers was with the foe; but, nothing daunted, 
trusted to manhood for success. 

As has been seen, when Baldwin first struck the enemy, instead of 
encountering pickets or skirmishers, he found the Federals in line of 
battle, on the alert, and ready for the fray. As other brigades came to 
his aid, or entered on the combat, he was croAvded off to the right, and 
had the hard measure of continually meeting new regiments eager to 
receive him — most probably the men of W. H. L. Wallace's brigade, 
who became engaged about seven o'clock. 

Every attempt of the Confederate line to advance was met by a 
heavy raking fire from an enemy who seemed animated by desperate 
resolution. Overhead was the lowering sky of a damp, cold, and cheer- 
less day; under foot the trampled and blood-stained snow. The air 
was foul with mists and sulphurous smoke. Entangled in the thick 
oak-woods, whose dense undergrowth shook from its brown leaves the 
wet snow that spoiled the priming of their flint-locks, the Southerners 
pressed forward blindly and at disadvantage. As they struggled, with 
irreo-ular and spasmodic charges, up a slope, to assault an unseen enemy, 
who stubbornly held the ground, it looked for a long time as if the 
effort would prove abortive. 

In carrying the first hill, Simonton's brigade, separated from the 
troops on its right, received the full force of the Federal fire. Robert 
Slaughter's compam', of the Eighth Kentucky, charged straight up on 
two pieces of artillery and suffered severely, but the guns were taken. 
Gregg's Texans met heavy losses near the top of the same hill. Here 
fell the brave Lieutenant-Colonel Clough and Lieutenant Nowland near 
together. The First Mississippi greatly distinguished itself; and the 
Virginians to their left planted their colors on the crest, which they 
carried by the most unflinching resolution. 

At length, however, the Confederate left so established its line as to 
turn the right flank of the Federals, and, by an almost simultaneous 
assault along its whole length, between nine and ten o'clock, forced the 
position that had been so well maintained by an enveloping movement, 
and crushed McClernand's front back and toward his left. But the 
brave lUinoisans, though broken, were not routed. They fell back, 
fighting by companies and squads, and every step had to be won from 
them at the price of blood. 

When McClernand found the crushing process beginning on his 
right flank, about eight o'clock, he sent for aid. Grant was absent, at 
the river, with Foote ; and as McClernand's messages became more 



460 FORT DONELSON. 

urgent, General Lew "Wallace, commanding the central division, finding 
himself unoccupied in front, moved Cruft's brigade up to the right, in 
support of the retreating Federals. Cruft's brigade was composed of 
four regiments — the Thirty-first Indiana, Lieutenant-Colonel Osborn ; 
Seventeenth Kentucky, Colonel McHenry ; Twenty-fifth Kentucky, 
Colonel Shackleford ; and Forty-fourth Indiana, Colonel Reed — in all 
about 2,300 strong. They came into position about ten o'clock, and 
found W. H. L. Wallace retiring in comparatively good order. But the 
regiments farther to their right were badly broken. The Twenty-fifth 
Kentuckv, which was carried forAvard rather heedlessly, on the extreme 
right, and attempted to stem the tide of battle, was broken into frag- 
ments by the onset, and became hopelessly involved in the crowd of 
fugitives. Cruft bore the brunt of battle for some time ; but, at length, 
he, too, had to give back, which he did somewhat broken, but in good 
order. 

General Lew Wallace says, in his report : 

Soon fugitives from the battle came crowding up the hill, in rear of my 
own line, bringing unmistakable signs of disaster. Captain Eawlins was con- 
versing with nie at the time, when a mounted officer galloped down the road, 
shouting : ' We are cut to pieces !' The effect was very perceptible. To prevent 
a panic among the regiments of my Third Brigade, I ordered Colonel Thayer to 
move on by the right flank. He promptly obeyed. 

General Wallace acted with vigor and decision. Meeting McCler- 
nand's whole division in full retreat, with Cruft also falling back, he 
threw forward Thayei-'s strong brigade, to receive the combined attack 
of Pillow and Buckner, who now entered on the contest. The direction 
of the Confederate advance was now parallel with their intrenchments; 
so that, when Thayer's brigade was put in position, it stood at right 
angles to its former line of battle, with its left nearly opposite the 
centre of the Confederate trenches. Here it awaited the final assault. 

While Pillow and B. R. Johnson were conducting these opera- 
tions, breaking and driving the Federals by steady pressure, Buck- 
ner also shared in the assault. Head's regiment did not reach him 
at the appointed time, thus detaining him in his rifle-pits ; and the 
icy roads still further delayed his movements. His advance regiment, 
the Third Tennessee, hoAvever, was in the trenches out of which Pil- 
low's troops had marched, an hour before daylight and the last regi- 
ment soon after daylight. As those regiments came up, he formed 
them, under cover, partly in line and partly in column. In his front 
was massed W. H. L. Wallace's brigade, with two heavy batteries. 
Between these and Graves's battery, with other artillery, a severe fire 
was kept up. 

Pillow sent messages urging Buckner to attack ; and about nine 



BROWN'S AND HANSON'S ASSAULTS. 461 

o'clock Colonel Brown ordered the Fourteenth Mississippi to deploy as 
skirmishers under direction of Major Alexander Casseday, of Buckner's 
staff. The Third Tennessee, Lieutenant-Colonel Gordon, and the Eigh- 
teenth Tennessee, Colonel Palmer, both of Brown's brigade, advanced 
from the point where the Wynn's Ferry road crosses the trenches. Pass- 
ing the valley in front, through fallen timber and open ground, under 
heavy fire, they attacked the Federals and drove them fi-om their posi- 
tion, but not without considerable loss. The Confederate artillery, di- 
rected over their heads, embarrassed them. The snow on the bushes Avet 
the priming of their flint-locks ; and, as they penetrated the thick under- 
growth, where the Federals had been posted, the heavy fire of the retiring 
foe threw them into some disorder. They were also told they were firing 
on their own men. Finall}^ their colonels withdrew them to the trenches. 

About noon, as the tide of battle bore back the Federal army along 
and across the Wynn's Ferry road. General Buckner organized another 
attack to the right of that road, up a valley to the left of Heiman's 
position. Colonel Brown led his brigade, the Third and Eighteenth 
Tennessee, and the Thirty-second Tennessee, supported by the Forty- 
first Tennessee, against a battery on the road, which was supported by 
a very heavy infantry-force. Brown's brigade, sheltered by the ravine, 
advanced until within one or two hurrdred yards, when with a murderous 
fire it drove back the supports. Opening at the same time upon the 
Federal battery with a cross-fire from Maney's, Porter's, and Graves's 
batteries, it was soon disabled. The guns fell into the hands of the 
infantry, and Graves galloped forward on the road with his battery, and 
again opened at close quarters with grape and canister. Thus aided, 
Brown's brigade advanced, delivering well-directed volleys. 

Here W. H. L. Wallace's brigade still clung to their second position, 
which they had retained firmly against Baldwin's and McCausland's 
attacks. All to the right of them had given way. Pillow's line was 
pressing upon their right and front, and Buckner on their left. By the 
retreat of Oglesby and McArthur, they had become the salient of the 
Federal line. Still, they fought so well that Baldwin and McCausland, 
who were attacking their front, called for reenforcements and ammuni- 
tion from Roger Hanson, who with the Second Kentucky stood next 
to them, on Buckner's right. Forrest was there, too, with his cavalry, 
and had made two gallant but unsuccessful charges. Hanson had no 
orders, but, seeing them sorely pressed — a hard-headed, combative man 
— he gave them what they wanted. To render the needed service, he 
had to charge across an open field, some two hundred yards in width, 
against an enemy posted in the woods and brush beyond. Forrest, with 
his cavalry, joined in the assault ; and, while Hanson attacked the 
infantry-supports, Forrest charged and took the battery, killing the 
gunners, and recovering some Confederate prisoners. Hanson says : 



462 FORT DONELSON. 

I directed the regiment, when the command was given, to march at quick- 
time across this space, and not to fire a gun until they reached the woods in 
which the enemy were posted. The order was admirably executed, and although 
we lost fifty men in killed and wounded, in crossing this space, not a gun was 
fired until the woods were reached. The enemy stood their ground until we 
were within forty yards of them, when they fled in great confusion under a most 
destructive fire. This was not, strictly speaking, a charge bayonets, but it would 
have been one if the enemy had not fled. 

While Hanson was thus assailing Wallace's front, Buckner continued 
the movement against his left. Brow^n's brigade, charging up the hill, 
through a dense wood, had been met vi^ith grape and canister and a 
heavy musketry-fire, much of which passed over their heads, as the 
men lay down to escape the missiles. Lieutenant-Colonel Gordon, of 
the Third Tennessee, and Lieutenant-Colonel Moore, of the Thirty-second 
Tennessee, fell wounded, the latter mortally, with some fifty men killed 
and wounded. These regiments, reenforced at this moment by the Four- 
teenth Mississippi, renewed the charge, drove the Federal force from 
its position, and captured the guns. The batteries, and Farquharson's 
Forty-first Tennessee, followed the movement. In all this fighting, 
Graves's battery was splendid in its gallantry and efficiency. Rice E. 
Graves Avas a model soldier; inflexible and fervent in duty, a noble 
Christian and patriot. He left West Point to enlist in the Southern 
cause, and no man of his years and rank aided it more. He died at his 
guns at Chickamauga, as Breckinridge's chief of artillery. 

It was then, at last, that Wallace's brigade, isolated by Buckner's 
movement on its right and toward its rear, fell back upon its supports, 
beaten, cut up, and much disordered, but undismayed. Indeed, not 
only Wallace's command, but squads from all the others, rallied on 
Thayer's brigade, and, with Cruft's brigade and these fresh troops, 
interposed another stout barrier to a further Confederate advance. 

Thayer's brigade formed, under the direction of General Lew Wal- 
lace, as described, at right angles to the intrenchments. The First 
Nebraska, Lieutenant- Colonel McCord, and the Fifty-eighth Illinois, 
were on the right ; Wood's battery in the centre ; and to the left, a de- 
tached company and the Fifty-eighth Ohio, Colonel Steadman, the left 
of the line being obliquely retired so as to front an approach from 
the trenches. The line of reserve consisted of the Seventy-sixth Ohio, 
Colonel Woods ; the Forty-sixth Illinois, Colonel Davis ; and the Fifty- 
seventh Illinois, Colonel Baldwin. Cruft reestablished his line on the 
right of Thayer. 

It was now one o'clock. The Federal right was doubled back. The 
Wynn's Ferry road was cleared, and it only remained for the Confeder- 
ates to do one of two things. The first was, to seize the golden moment, 
and, adhering to the original purpose and plan of the sortie, move off 



CESSATION OF CONFLICT. 463 

rapidly by the route laid open by such strenuous efforts and so much 
bloodshed. The other depended upon the inspiration of a master- 
mind, equal to the effort of grasping every element of the combat, and 
which should complete the partial victory by the utter rout and destruc- 
tion of the enem}'. It is idle now to discuss whether the mind, the 
inspiration, or the occasion, was the one thing lacking. 

It is hardly fair now to say what could or should have been done 
then ; but it would seem that had Floyd seized this critical moment — 
the hour of fate — and, gathering all his forces for a final assault, hurled 
Pillow, Buckner, Heiman, the garrison — all — upon the crowded front 
and flanks of the foe, the end would have been the annihilation of the 
Federal army, or a sacrifice so costly and glorious that censure would 
have been drowned in tears. While we cannot blame a commander 
who does not choose such courses, we must also remember that the 
heavy price of victory is human blood. General Grant never forgot 
this, at Donelson or elsewhere, and he got what he paid for. 

While, to us, one or the other alternative seems now to have been 
the only possible safe solution, the Confederate commander tried neither. 
A fatal middle policy was suddenly but dubiously adopted, and not 
carried out. The fate which seemed always to arrest the best en- 
deavors of the Confederate arms, and render fruitless their victories, 
interposed at this juncture. The sj^rrit of vacillation and divided coun- 
sels again prevented that unity of action which is essential to success. 
Circumstances were largely responsible for this. The point of view has 
much to do with such determinations. For seven hours the Confeder- 
ate battalions had been pushing over rough ground and through thick 
timber, at each step meeting fresh troops massed, where the discomfited 
regiments manfully rallied. Hence, the fervor of assault naturally slack- 
ened, though the wearied troops were still ready and competent to 
continue their onward movement. Ten fresh regiments, over 3,000 
men, had not fired a musket. But in the turmoil of battle no one knew 
the relations of any command to the next, or indeed whether his neigh- 
bor was friend or foe. 

Buckner had halted, according to the preconcerted plan, to allow 
the army to pass out by the opened road, and to cover their retreat, 
Bushrod Johnson was following up the tactics of the morning, which 
had so far proved successful, and was pressing Cruft fiercely. At this 
point of the fight, Pillow, finding himself at Heiman's position, heard of 
(or saw) preparations by C. F. Smith for an assault on the Confederate 
right, where Head had replaced Buckner. But whether he understood 
this to be their purpose, or construed the movement as the signs of 
flight, was left uncertain by his language at the time. In either case, 
the writer is not prepared to explain why the garrison of the fort was 
not promptly called to the defense of this point to which it was nearest, 
31 



464: FORT DONELSON. 

nor why Heiman's command was not dispatched to Head's support or 
put into the fight. What occurred was this: Pillow ordered the regi- 
ments which had been engaged to return to the trenches, and instructed 
Buckner to hasten to defend the imperiled point. Buckner, not recog- 
nizing him as a superior authorized to change the plan of battle, or the 
propriety of such change, refused to obey, and, after receiving reiterated 
orders, started to find Floyd, who at that moment joined him. He 
urged upon Floyd the necessity of carrying out the original plan of 
evacuation. Floyd assented to this view, and told Buckner to stand 
fast until he could see Pillow. He then rode back and saw Pillow, and, 
hearing his arguments, yielded to them. 
Pillow says, in his supplemental report : 

I knew that the enemy had twenty gunboats of fresh troops at his landing, 
then only about three miles distant ; I knew, from the great loss my command 
had sustained during tlie protracted fight of over seven hours, ray command was 
in no condition to meet a large body of fresh troops, who I had every reason to 
believe were then rapidly approaching the field. General Buckner's command, 
so far as labor was concerned, was comparatively fresh, but its disorganization, 
from being repulsed by the battery, bad unfitted it to meet a large body of fresh 
troops. I therefore called off the pursuit, explaining my reasons to General 
Floyd, who approved the order. 

Floyd simply says that he found the movement so nearly executed 
that it was necessary to complete it. Accordingly, Buckner was re- 
called. In the mean time. Pillow's right brigades were retiring to their 
places in the trenches, under orders from the commanders. 

B. R. Johnson, finding himself alone with Drake's brigade and some 
cavalry, and unsupported on the right, sent an aide for reenforcements, 
but received instead an order to report in person within the intrench- 
ments. Johnson then went and asked leave to attack, but, after a con- 
ference, Floyd directed him to display Drake's brigade for a time before 
the enemy, while the other troops took their positions in the rifle-pits. 
This was done with the aid of Forrest's cavalry. The Federal accounts 
describe assaults and fierce struggles led by Grant in person. They are 
mistaken. General Grant's order of advance was decisive, because it 
was an advance, and revealed the absence of the Confederates from the 
battle-field ; but the contest must have been slight, for Drake's brigade 
and Forrest's cavalry alone remained on the field, and, after holding at 
bay for an hour or two Wallace's division, with the remnants of Mc- 
Clernand's, slowly retired, under orders, over some 800 yards of inter- 
vening ground to the breastworks, not losing a man while falling back. 
This ended the conflict on the left. Three hundred prisoners, 5,000 
stand of small-arms, six guns, and other spoils of victory, had been 
picked up by the Confederates. But the Federals, cautiously advanc- 
ing, gradually recovered most of their lost ground. 



GRANT AND C. F. SMITH. 465 

In the combats at Donelson, Forrest, with his cavalry, showed his 
usual vigor and dash, although he had an unusually difficult part to 
perform with his troopers in the dense and tangled woods. The artil- 
lery could not have done better. Porter, Graves, and Maney, in par- 
ticular, displayed in splendid manner their soldierly qualities ; and the 
men were worthy of their officers. Their losses were heavy, and Cap- 
tain Porter was himself wounded. 

As General Grant was returning, on the morning of the 15th, from 
his conference with the wounded commodore, he gave little heed to the 
heavy firing on his right, which, like Lew Wallace, he mistook for an 
attack by McClernand. As he rode leisurely to camp, between nine and 
ten o'clock, he met an aide galloping furiously from the right to tell 
him of McClernand's straits. Grant, being near C F. Smith, found 
him, and bade him hold himself in readiness to attack the Confederate 
right. 

Grant then rode to his right wing, vviiere all was confusion and 
dismay. After examining the condition of things there, he rode back 
to C. F. Smith, whose pupil he had been, and who was a man from 
whom no soldier need feel ashamed to take counsel. It was determined 
to assault the advanced work on the extreme right of the Confederate 
line. Grant also sent word to Foote that part of his army was demor- 
alized, and begged him to make an immediate demonstration with his 
gunboats. He adds, " I must order a charge, to save appearances." 
" Two of the fleet accordingly ran up the river, and threw a few shells 
at long range " (Badeau). 

Though it might have been apparent to the Confederates, possibly 
by two or three o'clock, that an assault was meditated on their rio-ht, 
the unfortunate conflict of opinion and action among the generals, the 
confusion in their commands, and the icy and impeded roads, so de- 
layed the movement of troops that they arrived in position too late for 
the purpose of their recall. It was four o'clock before the assault on 
the right was made by Smith ; and then Hanson, who, under Pillow's 
direct orders, preceded the rest of Buckner's command, had the mortifi- 
cation of witnessing, but not sharing in, the combat, when the Federal 
column carried the advanced work he had constructed. 

The manner of the assault was this : Grant, in consultation with 
C. F. Srhith, determined on it, and assigned the duty to that fine old 
soldier. Whose suggestion it was. Grant's or Smith's, has been made 
subject of dispute. No matter : the inspiration was a good one. C. F. 
Smith was a soldier of the old school ; a graduate of 1825 from West 
Point, where he was afterward commandant of the corps when Grant 
was a cadet. He was frequently brevetted in Mexico ; and got promo- 
tion, as lieutenant-colonel of the Tenth Infantry, from Mr. Davis, when 
he was Secretary of War. The vicissitudes of life found him, at this 



4:QQ FORT DOXELSOX. 

early stage of the civil war, the subordinate of his former pupil. His 
own career in it was brief but brilliant. 

Smith's assaulting column consisted of the six regiments that com- 
posed Lauman's brigade : the Second Iowa, Colonel Tuttle ; Twenty- 
fifth Indiana, Colonel Veatch ; Seventh Iowa, Colonel Parrott; Four- 
teenth Iowa, Colonel Shaw ; Fifty-second Indiana, and Birge's regiment 
of sharp-shooters. The Second Iowa led the assault. 

Smith formed the regiment in two lines, with a front of five companies each, 
thirty paces apart. He told the men what they had to do, and took his position 
between tliose two lines. The attack was made with great vigor and success. 
The ground was broken and difficult, impeded with underbrusli, as well as ex- 
tremely exposed.* 

The veteran Smith led the charge with desperate purpose. As the 
Federals rushed up the hill, pushing through the abattis, Turner's little 
battalion poured on them a deadly fire, which would have repulsed a 
less numerous and determined foe. The rest of Buckner's corps had 
got into position ; but when Hanson's regiment, coming from the ex- 
treme left to the extreme right, was hurrying in loose order to its aid, 
but had not reached the ground, a torrent of blue-coats poured over the 
breastworks, driving the defenders before them. Then it fell upon 
Hanson's regiment as it approached, so that it recoiled with the other 
fugitives. A few minutes' delay by the Federals would have saved 
the day ; on such trifles does the fate of armies and nations hang. 

Buckner says of the Second Kentucky : 

This gallant regiment was necessarily thrown back in confusion upon the 
position of the Eighteenth Tennessee. At this period I reached that position ; 
and, aided by a number of officers, I succeeded in hastily forming a line behind 
the crest of the hill which overlooked the detached works, which had been 
seized by the enemy before Hanson had been able to throw his regiment into 
them. The enemy advanced gallantly upon this new position, but was repulsed 
with heavy loss. I reenforced this position by other regiments as they suc- 
cessively arrived, and by a section of Graves's battery, while a section of Porter's 
battery was placed in its former position. During a contest of more than two 
hours the enemy threatened my left with a heavy column, and made repeated 
attempts to storm my line on the right ; but the well-directed fire of Porter's 
and Graves's artillery and the musketry-fire of the infantry repelled the at- 
tempts, and finally drove him to seek shelter behind the works he had taken and 
amid the irregularities of the ground. There was probably no period of the 
action when his strength was not from three to five times the strength of mine. 
Toward the close of the action I was reenforced by the regiments of Colonels 
Quarles, and Sugg, and Bailey.'' Generals Floyd and Pillow also visited the 
position about the close of the action. 

' Badeau's " Life of Grant," vol. i., p. 46. 

^ The Forty-second, Forty-uiuth, and Fiftieth Tennessee ; the two latter had been in 
the fort. 



CLOSE OF THE BATTLE. 467 

Head's regiment, the Thirtieth Tennessee, occupied Buckner's line, 
three-quarters of a mile long. In the advanced work he had placed 
Major Turner with three companies. Head says in his report that his 
regiment numbered only 450 men. This Avas the number in line, ex- 
cluding Bidwell's company of sixty men in the batteries. The men 
were very raw, mere militia, and had been at Fort Henry. Colonel 
Head was patriotic and able in civil affairs, but in no sense a military 
man. 

Colonel Bailey saw the Second Kentucky retreating in great dis- 
order, and moved Sugg's regiment to the face of the works, fronting 
the enemy ; his own regiment was drawn up near the western sally-port, 
and prepared for a sally, under the impression that the enemy would 
follow up the dispersion of the Confederate right by a movement against 
the river or water batteries. These dispositions were scarcely com- 
pleted, when Colonel Head in person galloped into the fort, and di- 
rected the Forty-ninth Tennessee to move to the front, which was done 
at a double-quick. The regiment was formed to the right of Brown's 
Third Tennessee, and, moving forward, met the enemy's skirmishers, 
now advanced nearly to the crest of the hill on which the Confederate 
line was being established. One or two volleys forced the enemy to 
retreat to the line captured from Head and the Second Kentucky. A 
brisk fire was kept up until sunset, when the firing ceased. A battalion 
of Sugg's regiment reached the field just before the close of the fight, 
and deployed to the right of the Forty-ninth. The right wing was like- 
wise reenforced by Major Colms's battalion. Quarles's regiment, the 
Forty-second Tennessee, also came up from Heiman's position, and 
helped Hanson defend the second line. 

In this last engagement, while Smith was attacking with Lauman's 
brigade, the Twelfth Iowa, Colonel Wood, and the Fiftieth Illinois, 
Colonel Bane, of Cook's brigade, also joined in the attack on his imme- 
diate right ; and Morgan L. Smith's brigade farther still to the right. 
These were all fresh troops. Besides these, Cruft's brigade, part of 
Thayer's, and other commands, joined in the attack on the intrench- 
ments, or in demonstrations that occupied the Confederate regiments 
in their positions at the breastworks. 

This assault was met by a determined resistance from Brown's 
brigade. The writer has been kindly supplied with a statement of this 
combat carefully prepared in conference by a nmnber of the gallant 
participants. The following extract gives its essential features : 

Within a short time after Brown's command reoccupied this line, and about 
4 p. M., the extreme right of the line resting on Hickman Creek, and which 
had been occupied by Hanson, was suddenly attacked. That part of the line 
was occupied by a small part of Head's regiment, under command of Major 
Turner. Hanson's regiment had not then reached the works, because of the 



4(58 FORT DONELSON. 

greater length of march and roughness of the road. As soon as the assault was 
discovered, Captain Porter opened an enfilade fire on the advancing column 
with grape and canister. Colonel Palmer, with the Eighteenth Tennessee, 
posted on Brown's extreme right, without awaiting the dangerous delay of 
orders, moved immediately to relieve Hanson, who was about going into position 
when the assault began. Colonel Brown moved the Third Tennessee at double- 
quick to extend Palmer's line already formed on the only practicable position 
for defense, so as to form a secondary line to Hanson's works, which were then 
already in possession of a force five or six times outnumbering any opposing 
troops at hand, Hanson rallied on this interior line, the stubborn resistance of 
which, aided by the well-directed guns of Porter's battery, saved the line and 
prevented the water-batteries from falling into the hands of the Federals that 
evening. This interior line had timely reenf orcements in the arrival of Bailey's, 
Quarles's, Sugg's, and the balance of Head's regiments, all of which arrived after 
the forward movement of the Federal column was checked, but before the for- 
tunes of the day were decided. One section of Graves's battery, which had been 
delayed in reaching its original position, with the other pieces, was brought up 
rapidly to the intersection of the new with the main line, and did most etfective 
service under the personal direction of Captain Graves. At the same time that 
this section came up, the remaining section of Porter's battery, delayed in the 
same way, was brought into position by Lieutenant Morton, under a very heavy 
fire, and with the other guns continued firing until nightfall. It was in this 
engagement that the gallant Captain Thomas K. Porter was disabled by a very 
severe and dangerous wound, and was borne from the field. Captain Porter's 
marked coolness and dash, and the efiicient and intelligent manner in which he 
handled his guns, elicited the unbounded admiration of all who saw him; and 
when he was being carried, bleeding, from the field, he exclaimed, as Jordan 
has it, to the only unwounded ofiicer left with his battery. Lieutenant John "\Y. 
Morton, a mere lad of nineteen, "Don't let them have the guns, Morton!" 
Lieutenant Morton replied, "ISTo, captain, not while I have one man left! " 

This battery, from its advanced and exposed position, lost eight men killed 
outright, and twenty-five wounded, out of forty-eight officers, non-commissioned 
officers, and men, actively engaged ; the balance of the company, forty-two men, 
were drivers, teamsters, and artificers, protected in a ravine at some distance 
from the battery. 

Captain Porter was educated at Annapolis, and was an officer in the United 
States Navy up to the breaking out of the war, when he resigned his position in 
the navy and returned to his native State, Tennessee, to oflfer his services in her 
behalf. He served during the war as chief of artillery to Buckner, and after- 
ward to Cleburne, and was wounded at Hoover's Gap. He subsequently entered 
the Confederate Navy as executive officer of the Florida. After the war he 
commanded a California merchant-steamer, and died in 1869. He was a kind 
and cultivated gentleman, and a gallant soldier. His young lieutenant, Morton, 
before the close of the Avar became chief of artillery to General Forrest. 

Darkness separated the combatants. Jordan, in his "Life of For- 
rest" (page 86), calls the works gained, "the mere narrow foothold 
seized on the extreme right of the trenches." Buckner, however, con- 
sidered it the key to his position, which it probably was. 



LOSSES AND RESULTS. 469 

The loss of Lauman's brigade, exclusive of the Fifty-second Indiana, 
temporarily attached and not reported, was 61 killed and 321 wounded ; 
the Second Iowa alone lost 198 men. In five Federal brigades, re- 
ported, out of ten, tlie loss during the siege was 1,403 men. Badeau, 
speaking of Grant, says : " His entire losses during the siege were 
2,041 in killed, wounded, and missing ; of these, 425 were killed." 
Medical Director Brinton says the loss, " as stated officially, amounted 
to 400 killed and 1,785 wounded." ' If to these are added the 300 
prisoners captured and sent to Nashville by the Confederates, the loss 
would amount to over 2,500, inclusive of the fleet — fifty-six more. 

In the subsequent confusion it was difficult to obtain accurate data 
of the Confederate loss, in killed and wounded, during the siege. Floyd 
estimated it at 1,500. Pillow, in his supplemental report, put it at 
2,000. In two tables in the appendix, the loss is summed up respec- 
tively at 1,348 and 1,222. The writer's estimate, from all the sources 
of information at his command, is 325 killed and 1,097 wounded. Be- 
sides these, several hundred were missing before the surrender, of 
whom, excluding fugitives and prisoners, probably a hundred or more 
perished; so that the actual loss by death and wounds was about 1,500. 

At the close of the day, Floyd and Pillow telegraphed General 
Johnston that they had won a victory. After nightfall, they met in 
consultation with Buckner. Buckner says : 

It was unanimously resolved that, if the enemy had not reoccupied, in 
strength, the position in front of General Pillow, the army should eifect its 
retreat ; and orders to assemble the regiments for that purpose were given by 
General Floyd. 

Forrest was ordered to make a reconnaissance to ascertain the posi- 
tion of the enemy. Floyd thus states the situation : 

There were but two roads by which it was possible to retire. If they went 
by the upper road, they would certainly have a strong position of the enemy to 
cut through ; . . . and if they retired by the lower road they would have to 
wade through water three feet deep — which ordeal the medical director stated 
would be death to more than one-half of the command, on account of the severity 
of the weather and their physical prostration. 

About midnight it was determined to carry out at daybreak the 
plan of the day before, on the supposition that the upper road was 
clear. But rumors having reached the generals that the Federals had 
reoccupied their positions, two sets of scouts, one after the other, were 
sent out to ascertain the facts. General Forrest is confident that the 
report of the scouts was that they saw no Federals, only fires in the 
woods. The reports of the three generals, however, concur that all the 

' " Medical and Surgical History of the War," Part I., med. volume, Appendix, p. 28. 



470 I'ORT DONELSON. 

information received confirmed the complete reinvestment of their lines. 
These discrepancies readily occur among honest witnesses. Inferences 
are easily mistaken for the statements from which they were drawn ; 
and, in the mutations of opinion, the actual sequence is often lost. The 
scouts, who examined the river road, reported the overflowed valley 
about a quarter of a mile wide and iialf leg deep in mire, and the wa- 
ter in the slough one hundred yards wide and up to the saddle-skirts, 
and the crossing impracticable for infantry. From subsequent develop- 
ments, it is probable that the investment was not so complete, nor es- 
cape so hazardous, as was reported and believed. The soldiers did 
escape in large numbers, many on that side of the river. The people 
of the vicinage came to the battle-field, some from curiosity, but gener- 
ally with the more laudable motive of helping the wounded ; so that 
the moving lights carried, and the fires kindled, by friends proved false 
signals, and were accepted as indications of the presence of the enemy. 
The question now arose. What should be done ? Buckner says in his 
report : 

Both officers have correctly stated that I regarded the position of the army 
as desperate, and that the attempt to extricate it by another battle, in the suffer- 
ing and exhausted condition of the troops, was almost hopeless. The troops had 
been worn down with watching, with labor, with fighting. Many of them were 
frosted by the intensity of the cold ; all of them were suffering and exhausted 
by their incessant labors. There had been no regular issue of rations for a num- 
ber of days, and scarcely any means of cooking. Their ammunition was nearly 
expended. We were completely invested by a force fully four times the strength 
of our own. In their exhausted condition they could not have made a march. 
An attempt to make a sortie would have been resisted by a superior force of 
fresh troops; and that attempt would have been the signal for the fall of the 
water-batteries, and the presence of the enemy's gunboats sweeping with their 
fire at close range the positions of our troops, who would thus have been assailed 
on their front, i-ear, and right flank, at the same instant.* The result would have 
been a virtual massacre of the troops, more disheartening in its effects than a 
surrender. 

In this opinion General Floyd coincided ; and I am certain that both he and 
I were convinced that General Pillow agreed with us in opinion. General Pil- 
low then asked our opinion as to the practicability of holding out another day. 
I replied that my right was already turned, a portion of my intrenchments in 
the enemy's possession ; they were in a position successfully to assail my posi- 
tion and the water-batteries ; and that, with my weakened and exhausted force, 
I could not successfully resist the assault which would be made at daylight by a 
vastly superior force. 

' There is no doubt that Pillow proposed to repeat the onslaught of 
the day before, and cut their way out ; though he seems to have con- 

' The force of the enemy is here over-estimated ; and, so far as the gunboats are con- 
cerned, it is apparent that this was an error, but the damage done the fleet was not 
known to the Confederates. 



COUNCIL OF WAR. 47I 

curred with the others in the view that it was a desperate remedy and 
could succeed only with great loss of men. Floyd seems also to have held 
this opinion at first, but to have deferred to Buckner's representation of 
the condition of the men, and the inevitable sacrifice of a large part of the 
command, the responsibility of which he would not assume. Pillow 
probably adhered to his opinion, but did not insist strongly upon it, in 
view of the opposition. At least he presented no plan of extrication. 
The roads were thought to be thoroughly impracticable, and the 
steamers, which might have been used as ferries, had been sent up the 
river with the prisoners and wounded ; though two were expected to 
arrive at daylight. 

General Pillow states that he proposed to make the attempt to hold 
out another day. The matter was discussed ; and, certainly, if it could 
have been done, this was the best possible counsel. It was an occasion 
for a supreme effort. War has its chances of weal as well as of woe. 
No man can tell what a day may bring forth. Success so often crowns 
mere tenacity of purpose and stubborn endurance, that despair is 
scarcely a word for the soldier's vocabulary. At the same time, it has 
to be confessed that there is a limit to the ability of troops for resist- 
ance, and that it is the part of good sense to know when this point has 
been reached. Buckner was satisfied that it had been reached. He 
was a man of good judgment, conversant with the troops, and, if his 
opinion was not formed upon his observation of too small a part of the 
army, it may well be accepted as conclusive ; as, indeed, it was by 
Floyd, He was sustained in his view by that resolute fighter, Roo-er 
Hanson, who, however, had seen his own regiment, the Second Ken- 
tucky, suffer very severely. Buckner believed that his command would 
not hold out for an hour against an assault ; and that a sortie would 
result in a massacre. From this point of view, humanity required a 
surrender. 

It is true that another view might well be taken of the situation. 
The entire loss was not more than one in nine or ten ; the heaviest in 
any particular command was not more than one in four or five, while 
later in the war these same troops would undergo a loss of one-third 
without a shudder. Heiman's entire brigade, at the least 1,575 strong, 
though more probably 1,700 in number, had not been engaged in the 
battle of Saturday, and had the prestige of Thursday's success with 
the loss of only ten men killed and thirty-six wounded. In addition, 
the Forty-second Tennessee, 498 strong, had met but eleven casualties. 
The Forty-ninth and Fiftieth Tennessee, numbering 1,023 for action, 
had lost but nine killed and eighteen wounded. The Forty-first Ten- 
nessee, 575 men, had two killed and six wounded. Three or four bat- 
teries had had no casualties at all. Here was a force of some 3,700 
men, fresh as to mere combat, having lost but ninety-two men. Other 



472 FORT DONELSON. 

troops were coming, and 400 did arrive at daylight, making a body 
over 4,000 strong. What could be got out of these men of course de- 
pended on a multitude of conditions, many of which cannot now be 
stated, much less estimated. Pillow, who was the most sanguine of 
these leaders, and to whose division these troops belonged, said he 
could not aid Buckner at the point of expected assault on the right, 
because he would have as much to do as he could attend to in defend- 
ing his own lines. 

It should, however, be remembered that these troops were not vet- 
erans, but many of them raw levies, not only undisciplined, but igno- 
rant of drill, armed with very inferior weapons that failed them in the 
hour of greatest need, and often commanded by officers as inexperi- 
enced as themselves. They had been from three to eight days at work 
in the trenches, almost without sleep or rest, in the wet and cold, and 
many were frost-bitten. The men were so worn out with watching, 
cold, and fatigue, that they fell asleep standing on their feet, under a 
heavy fire from the enemy. Three days of battle had disabled many 
and demorahzed more. Opposed to them was an army, superior in 
numbers and in all the appointments of war, continually augmented by 
reenforcements, and thus able to fight by relays and to rest. Many 
other considerations present themselves to the mind now, as they did 
then to the leaders of the besieged ; but it is useless to dwell upon 
them. Suffice it to say that it was finally decided that a surrender was 
inevitable, and that, to accomplish its objects, it must be made before 
the assault, which was expected at daylight. 

But when it came to the question of who should make the surren- 
der, Floyd and Pillow both declared they would not surrender ; they 
would die first. Buckner said that after the resistance that had been 
made the army could be honorably surrendered. " General Pillow said 
he never would surrender. General Floyd said that he would suffer 
any fate before he would surrender or fall into the hands of the enemy 
alive." Floyd says in his report : 

I felt that in this contingency, while it might be questioned whether I 
should, as commander of the army, lead it to certain destruction in an unavail- 
ing fight, yet I had a right individually to determine that I would not survive 
a surrender there. To satisfy both propositions I agreed to hand over the com- 
mand to Brigadier-General Buckner through Brigadier-General Pillow, and to 
make an effort for my own extrication by any and every means that might pre- 
sent themselves to me. I therefore directed Colonel Forrest, a daring and 
determined officer, at the head of an eflScient regiment of cavalry, to be present 
for tlie purpose of accompanying me in what I supposed would be an efibrt to 
pass through the enemy's lines. 

To Floyd's declaration that he would not be taken alive, General 
Buckner responded that such considerations were personal, intimating. 



THE BREAKING UP. 473 

at least, that they should not influence a commander. Floyd replied : 
" I would not permit such reasons to cause me to sacrifice my com- 
mand ; but, personal or not, such is my determination." General Buck- 
ner then said that, being satisfied that nothing else could be done, if 
the command was devolved on him he would surrender the army, and 
that his sense of duty required him to share its fate. Floyd imme- 
diately asked him : " General Buckner, if I place you in command, 
will you allow me to draw out my brigade ? " General Buckner 
promptly replied, " Yes, provided you do so before the enemy act upon 
my communication." Floyd said, " General Pillow, I turn over the 
command." Pillow, regarding this as a mere technical form by which 
the command was to be conveyed to Buckner, then said, " I pass it." 
Buckner assumed the command, sent for a bugler, pen, ink, and paper, 
and opened the negotiations for surrender. 

Pillow advised Forrest to cut his way out, and let all escape who 
could. Taking with him his staff and Colonel Gilmer, he crossed the 
river in a small skiff, and escaped by land. Floyd says in his supple- 
mental report: 

One of the reasons that induced me to make this transfer to General Buck- 
ner was, in order that I might be untrammeled in the effort I was determined to 
make to extricate as many of the command as possible from the fort, to which 
object I devoted myself during the night of the 15th. ... I supposed it to be 
an unquestionable principle of military action that, in case of disaster, it is bet- 
ter to save part of a command than to lose tlie whole. The alternative propo- 
sition which I adopted in preference to surrendering the entire army was, to 
make my way out of the beleaguered camp with such men as were still able to 
make another struggle, if it could be accomplished ; and if it could not be, then 
to take any consequences that did not involve a surrender. . . . Late at night 
it was ascertained that two steamboats would probably reach the landing be- 
fore daylight. Then I determined to let Colonel Forrest's cavalry proceed on 
their march by the river-road, which was impassable for anything but cavalry 
on account of the back-water and overflow, while I would remain behind and 
endeavor to get away as many men as possible by the boats. The boats came 
a short time before daylight, when I hastened to the river and began to ferry 
the men over to the opposite shore as rapidly as possible. 

Floyd's brigade, which had been drawn up near the river-bank, pos- 
sibly with this intent, was nearest the landing. Hence they were the 
first to enter the boats, but none were excluded. All who came were 
taken on board, and great numbers crossed and made their escape: 
1,175 men of the Virginia regiments were reported at the siege, and 
982 reported at Murfreesboro ten days later, accounting thereby for all 
except the killed and wounded. 

When it was determined to cut their way out, orders had been sent 
to General B. R. Johnson, and between one and two o'clock he drew up 



474 FORT DONELSOX. 

the left wing, including Heiman's brigade, for the sallj. By 3 a. m. it 
was paraded outside the intrenchments by column of regiments. A 
little later, the Virginia regiments were withdrawn by Floyd ; and John- 
son, sending an aide to state that he was ready to move, learned from 
Buckner that the command had devolved upon him, and that he was 
negotiating a capitulation. 

Many of the men had slept or rested, in order to be able to renew 
the contest of the day before, and their victory had made them sanguine 
of success. When they learned that an immediate surrender was in 
store for them, there was a terrible revulsion of feeling, which affected 
individuals according to temperament, physical condition, and other 
circumstances. Those favored by proximity to the boats, endowed with 
extraordinary enterprise and decision of character, or cognizant of the 
actualities of prison-life and resolute not to become captives, availed 
themselves of the boats to cross over, or escaped by land that night or 
on the following days. Floyd says : 

All who came were taken on board until some time after daylight, when I 
received a message from General Buckner that any farther delay at the wharf 
would certainly cause the loss of the boat, with all on board. Such was the want 
of all order and discipline by this time on shore, that a wild rush was made at 
the boat, whicb the captain said would swamp her, unless he pushed off imme- 
diately. This was done; and, about sunrise, the boat on which I was (the other 
having gone) left the shore, and steered up the river. 

The boats employed as ferries enabled some 300 men to escape. 
Forrest carried off by the river-road 500 of his own cavalry, who could 
ford the slough, and some 200 of other commands on artillery-horses, 
or aided with a friendly "lift " by the mounted men. A great number 
threw themselves into the icy waters of the slough, and waded over, 
waist-deep, at the hazard and often with the sacrifice of health or life. 
Many others, trusting themselves to the devious by-paths of the forest 
through -which they had fought, made their way to the open country 
beyond. Little more than one-half of the defenders of Fort Donelson 
went into Northern prisons. Badeau, in estimating the results of the 
victory, says : " Sixty-five guns, 17,600 small-arms, and nearly 15,000 
troops fell into the hands of the victor." This must be an error. For, even 
including the six guns and 5,000 small-arms recaptured, and the thirteen 
heavy guns in the fort, the total artillery would fall a good deal short 
of his estimate. He says, "Rations were issued at Cairo to 14,623 
prisoners." Very likely this was the quartermaster's return ; but, if so, 
it was based on muster-rolls, not men. The actual number of captives 
did not exceed 7,000 or 8,000. 

To Buckner's proposition for capitulation, Grant replied : *' No terms, 
except unconditional and immediate surrender, can be accepted. I pro- 



I 



SURRENDER AND ITS CONSEQUENCES. 475 

pose to move immediately upon your works." Buckner somewhat re- 
sentfully submitted, and Grant allowed commissioned officers to retain 
their side-arms, and privates their clothing and blankets. The coi-re- 
spondence is given in Appendix A to this chapter. The Federal sol- 
diers, suddenly lifted from the borders of despair, and, after all their 
toils and sufferings, exulting in a first great victory, gave way to most 
unseemly license. Discipline was relaxed, and the Confederate camps 
became the scene of almost indiscriminate pillage. It was this demor- 
alization that permitted so many fugitives to evade their captors. 

The escape of Brigadier-General B. R. Johnson illustrates this very 
well, as one example among many. He had taken no part in the council, 
but determined at the time of the surrender to remain with his troops. 
He says that after the officers were separated from the men — 

I concluded that it was unlikely that I could be of any more service to them. 
I, however, formed no purpose or plan to escape. In the afternoon, toward sun- 
set of the 18th of February,* I walked out with a Confederate officer, and took 
my course toward the rifle-pits on the hill formerly occupied by Colonel Heiman, 
and, finding no sentinels to obstruct me, I passed on and was soon beyond the 
Federal encampments. I had taken no part in the surrender, had received no 
orders or instructions from the Federal authorities, had not been recognized or 
even seen by any of the general officers, had given no parole, and made no 
promises. 

Whatever opinions may have been held as to the correctness of Gen- 
eral Buckner's judgment as to the necessity of surrender, no question 
could be made as to the manliness and propriety of his conduct, if it 
was inevitable. His military education and well-balanced character 
stood him in good stead in his difficult situation. General Grant per- 
sonally treated Buckner with the decency due to an honorable foe ; but, 
as his captivity is not especially pertinent to this narrative, it suffices to 
say that the details of it were not creditable to the great Government 
into whose hands he had fallen as a prisoner. On their release from 
captivity. Colonels Brown, Hanson, Baldwin, and Heiman, were promoted 
to be brigadier-generals, for their conduct at Fort Donelson. 

Floyd and Pillow, however, did not pass uncensured. Their escape 
was bitterly resented by the prisoners and their friends. The Twentieth 
Mississippi, who had acted as a guard during the embarkation, and 
most of whom were left behind in the precipitate departure of the boat, 
naturally felt very keenly their disappointment. Federal writers gen- 
erally seem to feel that the United States Government had suffered some 
special grievance in the escape of Floyd and Pillow, and denounce very 
vigorously their perfidy and cowardice. What was of more concern to 
them, the Confederate Government held them to a rigid accountability, 
more of which will appear hereafter. 

' Two davs aud a half after the surrender. 



476 FORT DONELSON. 

It is difficult to over-estimate the consequences to the Federal arms 
of the surrender of Donelson. The material results were great; but, 
great as they were, the moral effects were still greater. An army was 
demolished ; nearly one-half of the Confederate soldiers in Tennessee 
were killed, captured, or scattered ; the line of defense was broken, so 
as to open the whole of Kentucky, and a great part of Tennessee, to the 
Federal arms ; Bowling Green, Nashville, Columbus — all were turned ; 
and the valley of the Cumberland was rendered untenable. But, mighty 
as was the disaster, its consequences on the minds of the parties to the 
civil strife were still more ominous to the Confederate cause. Where 
now were the impregnable fortifications, said to be guarded by 100,000 
desperate Southerners ; where now the boasted prowess of troops, who 
were to quail at no odds ; where the inexhaustible resources that were 
to defy all methods of approach? The screen was thrown down ; the 
inherent weakness and poverty of the South were made manifest to all 
eyes; its vaunted valor was quelled, it was claimed, by inferior num- 
bers and superior courage, and the prestige of the Confederate arms was 
transferred to their antagonists. 

An immense stride had been taken toward conquest. The North 
rang with self-gratulations and with plaudits to the triumphing general 
and army. President Lincoln at once nominated Grant as a major- 
general, and the Senate confirmed him ; and, though some cabals and 
military rivalries interposed themselves timidly, there can be no doubt 
that his promotion was honestly won ; for, by decision, force of will, 
and tenacity of purpose, he had held up the sinking courage of a beaten 
army. If Fortune helped him, his case was not different from that of 
many others who have thus become famous. 

As for the soldiers, there were no more flings or jeers on either side 
at the courage of the other. Each was compelled to testify to the valor 
of its antagonist. The combats in the shadows of the dark woods of 
Donelson, and in those bosky valleys, where the snows were trampled 
and blood-stained in the doubtful struggle, bore impartial witness to a 
like fearlessness in assault, stubborn resolution in resistance, and in- 
domitable spirit in retreat. Mutual respect grew up from the horrors 
and strife of that field of carnage. This is not a compensation for the 
awful suffering and sorrow of war ; but it is something. Any generous 
or elevated feeling may be paid for by a nation at heavy cost. 



COKRESPONDEXCE. 477 



APPENDIX A. 



GENERAL BtTCKNER TO GENERAL GRANT. 

IIeadquabteks, Fort Doxelson, I 
February 16, 1S62. ) 

Sir : In consideration of all the circumstances governing the present situation 
of affairs at this station, I propose to the commanding officer of the Federal 
forces the appointment of commissioners to agree upon terms of capitulation of 
the forces and post under my command, and in that view suggest an armistice 
until twelve o'clock to-day. 

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

S. B. BUCKNER, 

Brigadier- General C. S. A. 

To Brigadier-General U. S. Geast, commanding United States forces near Fort Donelson. 



GENERAL GRANT TO GENERAL BTTCKNER. 

Headquarters, Army ix the Field, I 
FoKT Donelson, February 16, 1862. f 

Sir: Yours of this date, proposing armistice and appointment of com- 
missioners to settle terms of capitulation, is just received. No terms except 
unconditional and immediate surrender can be accepted. I propose to move 
immediately upon your works. 

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

U. S. Grant, 

Brigadier- General commanding. 

General S. B. BrcKNEE, Confederate Army. 



GENERAL BUCKNER TO GENERAL GRANT. 

Headquarters, Dover, Tbnnessee, 1 

February 16, 1862. ) 

Sir: The distribution of the forces under my command, incident to an un- 
expected change of commanders, and the overwhelming force under your com- 
mand, compel me, notwithstanding the brilliant success of the Confederate arms 
yesterday, to accept the ungenerous and unchivalrous terms which you propose. 
I am, sir, your very obedient servant, 

S. B. BtTCKNER, 

Brigadier- General commanding, C. S. A. 

To Brigadier-Genera] U. S. Geast, United States Army. 



478 



FORT DONELSOX. 



APPENDIX B. 

TABLE I. 

Confederate Killed and Wounded at Fort Donelson. 

The Nashville Patriot gives the following as a corrected copy of its list of Confederate 
losses at Fort Donelson : 



REGIMENT. 


Colonel. 


Acting Commander, 


Number 
engaged. 


Killed. 


Wounded. 


Forty-eighth Tennessee 


Voorhies 




230 
498 
2S0 
300 
C54 
615 
750 
400 
450 
558 
650 

80 
650 
618 
300 
300 
270 
216 
2S0 
500 
535 
475 
5fi3 
434 
400 
275 
350 
250 
270 

60 
227 

15 
600 

80 
113 

50 
100 

84 

53 
160 

76 


"e 

4 
11 
4 
1 
11 
2 
3 
12 

"2 
18 

19 
20 

7 

"ii 
5 

8 
17 
19 
12 
8 
5 

. . . . 1 

"s 

'"s 

■"5 
'"2 


1 


JForty-second " 






\\ 


Fifty-third " 






12 


JForty -ninth " 


Bailey 




18 


Thirtieth " 


Head 




80 


.Jlighteenth " 


Palmer 




40 


Tenth " 






,5 


Jwenty-sixth " 


Lillard 




85 


Forty-first " 


Farquharson. 




6 


JThirty-second " 




85 


Third " 


Brown 




75 


.Fifty-first " 


Clark 






Fiftieth " 


Sugg 




4 


..Second Kentucky 


Hanson 




57 


Eighth " 


Burnett 


Lieutenant-Colonel Lyon. 


60 


, Seventh Texas 


30 


Fifteenth Arkansas 


Gee 




17 


Twenty-seventh Alabama 


Hughes 




1 


First Mississippi 


Simonton 

Davidson 


Lieutenant-Col. Hamilton. 
Lieutenant-Colonel Wells. 


76 


jhird " ........:.. 


19 


Fourth " 


SS 


JTourteenth Mississippi 


Baldwin 

Kussell 

Reynolds 




64 


Twentieth " 




59 


-Twenty-sixth " 

Fiftieth Virginia 


Lieutenant-Colonel Boone 


71 

68 


.Fifty-first " 


Wharton .... 




45 


Fifty-sixth " 








Thirty-sixth " 






1 


Tennessee Battalion 














3 


" " Cavalry. . 




Gantt 


1 


Captain Milton 




" U It 


Forrest 


15 


Artillery 




2 








9 


I' 






4 


» 






9 


" 








I' 




Guy 




»' 




2 


" 






1 










Total 






18,829 


281 

14 

8 


1,007 


By error 


McCausland.. 


Thirty-sixth Virginia .... 


56 




87 












18,829 


248 


1,100 



1 Loss not known, but severe. 



TABLE n. 

From Surgeon- GencraVs Report, Part I., Volume /., Appendix, page 35. 

"XXXIII. Keport of the regiments constituting the garrison at Fort Donel- 
son, February, 1862. [This statement of the killed, wounded, missing, and pris- 



CONFEDERATE STRENGTH. 



479 



oner8, in the engagements of February 12-15, 1802, at Fort Donelson, Stewart 
County, Tennessee, was forwarded to the Surgeon-General's oflBce, on March 13, 
1866, by Surgeon H. V. Gill, U. S. V., with the following indorsement:] 

" This is an exact copy of a report, in my possession, made by Major John- 
son, First Mississippi Regiment. I procured the report at the house of Dr. 
Jeter, the father-in-law of Major Johnson, in the spring of 1864, and believe it 
to be correct. There is a remarkable item in it. In the Fourth Mississippi 
Regiment there were forty killed and but thirty-eight wounded, the only in- 
stance of the kind I have known." 



Third Tennessee 

Tenth " 

Eighteenth Tennessee 

Thirtieth " 

Thirty-second " 

Twenth-sixth " 

Forty-flrst " 

Forty-second " 

Forty-eig-hth " 

Forty-ninth " 

FifUeth " 

Fifty-first " 

Fifty-third " 

Second Kentucky 

Eighth " 

Seventh Texas 

Fifteenth Arkansas 

Twenty-seventh Alabama. . . . 

First Slississippi 

Thu-d " 

Fourth " 

Fourteenth Mississippi 

Twentieth " 

Twenty-8i.xth " 

Sixtieth Virginia 

Thirty-sixth Virginia 

Fiftieth " 

Fifty-flrst " 

Battalion Tennessee Infantry 

Company " " 

Battalion " Cavalry. 

" Ninth " 
Company Tennessee Artillery 



Kentucky 
Virginia 



Colonel Brown 

Heiman 

Palmer 

Head 

Cooke 

Lillard 

Farquharson . . 

Quarles 

Voorhies 

Bailey 

Sugg 

Browder. 

Abernethy 

Hanson , 

Burnett 

Gregg 

Gee 

Hughes 

Simonton 

Davidson 

Drake 

Baldwin 

Russell 

Reynolds 

Stewart 

McCausland. . . . 

Major Thorburn 

Colonel Wharton 

Major Colms 

" Gowan 

Captain Milton 

Lieutenant-Col. Forrest. 
" Gantt.. 

Captain Maney 

" Ross 

" Porter 

" Graves 

" Green 

" Jackson 

" Guy , 



Engaged. 



650 
760 
6S5 
751 
5S6 
400 
5T5 
498 
291 
872 
650 
200' 
420 
61S 
350 
385 
804 
2S0 
352 
624 
6ii5 

ess 

562 

443 

350 

280 

400 

275 

270 

60 

15 

600 

840 

100 

116 

113 

70 

76 

54 

53 



Wound- 


Surren- 


ed. 


dered. 


76 


558 


5 


700 


40 


615 


10 


730 


25 


557 


85 


801 


1 


552 


9 


465 


11 


270 


14 


851 


6 


547 




185 


20 


882 


57 


500 


41 


290 


84 


800 


23 


270 


1 


279 


66 


2H7 


19 


6rtO 


83 


550 


84 


5.54 


59 


4.S4 


71 


3i4 


'63' 




45 






2T0 




60 


1 


14 


15 


100 


5 


803 


9 


60 


2 


no 


4 


90 


4 


50 


1 


40 



Missing 

and 
escaped. 



27 
3 

'26' 
350 
280 
824 
225 



470 
81 
26 

12 
16 
85 
54 
58 



SUMMARY. 



STATE. 


Engaged. 


KiUed. 


Wonnded. 


Surrendered. 


Missine and 
escaped. 


Tennessee 


8,442 

1,114 

835 

804 

230 

8,304 

1,417 


■ 85 
82 
20 
11 

ii-i 

13 


838 

103 

84 

28 

1 

837 

113 


7,220 
880 
800 
270 
279 

2,789 


79;i 

99 


Texas 


81 






Alabama 






66 




1.291 






Total 


15,246 


273 


949 


11,733 


2,286 



32 



480 



FORT DONELSON. 



TABLE III. 
Confederate Force at Donelson. 



Third Tennessee 

Tenth " 

Eighteenth Tennessee. 
Twenty-sixth " 
Thirtieth " 

Thirty-second " 
Forty-first " 

Forty-second " 
Forty-eighth " 
Forty-ninth " 
Fiftieth " 

Fifty-flrst 
Fifty-third " 

Second Kentucky 

Eighth " 

Seventh Texas 

Fifteenth Arkansas. . . . 
Twenty-seventh Alabama 

First Mississippi 

Third " 

Fourth " 

Fourteenth Mississippi 
Twentieth " 
Twenty-sixth " 
Thirty-sixth Virginia.. 
Fiftieth " . . 
Fifty-flrst " . . 
Fifty-sixth " . , 
Tennessee Battalion . . . 
Alabama " 
BattaUon Cavalry 



Ky. Batt. Cav., 5 comp's 
Tennessee Keg't Cavalry 
Artilleryi 



Brown 

Heiman 

Palmer 

LUlard 

Head 

Cooke 

Farquharson. 

Quarles 

Voorhies 

Bailey 

Stacker 

Clark 

Abernethy . . 

Hanson 

Burnett 

Gregg 

Gee :. 



Acting Commander. 



Lientenant-Col. Gordon. 
Lieut.-Col. McGavock. . . 



Lieutenant-Ool. Sugg. . 

Browder 

Lieut. -Colonel Winston. 



Major Lyon . 



Hughes 

Simonton.... 

Davidson 

Drake 

Baldwin 

Eussell 

Reynolds 

McCausland . 



Wharton. .. 
Stewart 



Forrest . 



Lieut-Colonel Hamilton 
Lieutenant-Col. Webb . . 
Major Adair 

" Doss 

" Brown 

Lieutenant-Col. Boone.. 
•' Eeid.... 

Major Thorburn 

Lieutenant-Col. Massie.. 

Captain Daviess 

Major Colms 

'■ Garvin 

" Gantt 

Captain Milton 



Porter. . 
Graves. . 
Maney.. 
Jackson. 

Guy 

Ross 

Green. . . 



1. 

650 

750 
G15 
400 
654 
553 
460 
498 
230 
300 
650 

80 
280 
618 
800 
800 
2T0 
216 
2S0 
500 
535 
4T5 
502 
484 
250 
400 
275 
350 
270 

60 
227 

15 

'ooo 

113 

50 
100 

84 

58 
166 

76 



13,809 



S. 

650 
750 
685 
400 
751 
586 
575 
498 
291 
872 
650 
200 
420 
618 
350 
885 
804 
280 
852 
624 
665 
658 
562 
443 
280 
400 
275 
850 
270 

60 
S40 

15 

"600 
113 

70 
100 

54 

58 
116 

76 



15,246 



8. 

750 

685 

400 
450 
555 
575 
498 



6002 
855 



6.50 
500 
443 
250 

275 
350 



4. 

'782 



893'' 
5416 



584 



72 
318 

42 
266 



5. 

'sii 



778 
838 



' Scott's Louisiana Regiment of Cavalry was scouting on the right bank. Colonel Jordan ("Life of 
Forrest," page 61), in an intelligent account of the siege, estimates the force at 13,000 infantry and some- 
what over 1,000 cavalry and artillery. 

2 About. 3 January 14th, 833 effectives, 912 aggregate. 

* January 14th, 680 effectives, 777 aggregate. ^ January 14th, 686 effectives, 847 aggregate. 

3. In 6,011 men in sixteen commands, the official report, column 3, falls below column 2 only forty-nine 
men. It agrees with column 2 in seven and with column 1 in six instances, and exceeds column 1, 497 
men in the other ten. 

4. In 3,565 men in nine commands, column 4 falls 498 men below column 2 — 4,603. It exceeds column 
1, 54 men. 

Column 1.— The Nashville Patriot list is found in " The Rebellion Record," vol. iv., p. 187. 
Column 2. — Major Johnson's Report; Burgeon-GeneraPs Report, vol. i., Appendix, p. 35. 
Column 3. — Oflicial estimates and reports of men engaged, from " Battle Reports." 
Column 4. — Last oflRcial return before battle in January. 
Column 5. — Last official return before battle in January. 



CONFEDERATE STRENGTH. 



481 



TABLE IV. 

Fort Donelson. 
Eight Winff. — Buckner. 



iir. 

Beown. 



(Half attached to 
Brown's.) 



Regiments uid Commanderi. 



I Third Tennessee, Gordon 

■< Eighteenth Tennessee, I'almer 

( Thirty-second Tennessee, Cook 

f Second Kentucky, ITanson' 

I Fourteenth Mississippi, Doss 

I Forty-flrst Tennessee, Farquharson 

■{ Porter's battery 

I Graves's " 

I Issaquena " 

I. Staff, etc., not included 



65 



12 


76 




10 


88 




3 


86 




401 


150 


1,990 


24 


50 


600 


17 


84 


650 


2 


6 


575 


8 


25 


113 


2 


4 


50 




3 


64 


2 


15 





187 



Writer's eati- 
niata of 
Strength. 



2,042 



• The writer is informed by General Brown that the casualties in this brigade are known to exceed 
forty killed and one hundred and fifty wounded, and he is doubtless correct. 

2 In eight companies of the Second Kentucky, nineteen men were known to be killed and forty 
wounded. The above estimate is based on these facts. 



FOET DONELSON, 
Left Wing. — Pillow. 



BRIGADES. 


Regiments and Commanders. 


Killed. 


Wounded. 


Writer's esti- 
mate of 
Strengtli 
(effective). 










750 










850 


I. 


-! Forty-eighth Tennessee (eight companies) Voorhies 






250 


Hbiman. 






250 










100 




[■ Third Mississippi, "Webb ■. 










10 


86 


1,7001 


ir. 


5 
19 
20 
19 


19 

67= 
34 
66 


624 


Simonton's. 


J Eighth Kentucky, Lyon 


850 




1 Seventh Texas, Gregg 


385 




1_ First Mississippi, Hamilton 


852 




C Fourth Mississippi. Adair 






63 


176 


1,711 




88 

7 

"3' 


40 
17 

"2' 


5«4 


III. 


J Fifteenth .Arkansas, Gee 


804 


DBASE. 


j Twenty-sixth Alabama (two companies) Garvin. . . 
(. Tennessee Battalion, Browder 


72 
140 




Thirtieth Tennessee. Head 






48 


59 


1,100 


IV. 


11 
4 


30 
7 


654 


Head. 


Forty -second Tennessee, Quarles 


498 




Fiftv-first Virginia, Massie 






15 


87 


1,152 


V. 


9 
3 


43 
37 


275 


Whaeton, 


Fifty-sixth Virginia, Daviess 


350 










12 


80 


625 




1 







482 



FORT DONELSON. 



FoET DoNELSOx. — Left Wing — (Continued). 



BRIGADES. 


Hegimdnta &nd Commanders. 


KUled. 


Woondsd. 


Writer's eiti- 

mate of 

Strength 

(effective). 


VI. 

McCausland. 


1 Thirty-sixth Virginia, Reid 


14 

8 

20 


56 

6S 

58 


250 


X Fiftieth Virginia, Thorburn 


400 


1 Twentieth Mississippi, Brown 






Twenty-sixth Mississippi, Reynolds 






42 


182 


6509 


VII. 


12 
11 


71 

85 




Baldwin. 








f Ross's battery 






23 


156 


1,358 




"'7" 
2 


'14' 
4 


116 


Not brigaded in fort. 


J Tennessee Battalion, Colms 


270 


1 Forty-ninth Tennessee, Bailey 


872 




I, Fiftieth Tennessee, Sugg 


C50 










9 


18 


1,408 




8 


15 
1 


Cavalry 


Cavalry. 


J Ninth Tennessee Battalion, Gantt 


1.000 














( Greene's, seven guns 






8 


16 




Light Artillery bat- 
teries. 






76 


-j French, four guns 


58 




68 














192 



1 Colonel Heiman says about 1,600. " B. R. Johnson's Report. 

3 Attached on the 14th to Baldwin, who reports the Twentieth and Twenty-sixth Mississippi, and the 
Twenty-sLxth Tennessee, 1,358 strong. 

EEOAPITULATION. 

Killed 325 

Wounded 1,097 

Total army 14,928 



TABLE V. 

Federal Aemt at Donelsox. 
Fir&t Division. — General McClernand. 



BRIGADES. 


Regiments. 


Commanders. 


StrenKtli 
In Action. 


Killed. 


Wound- 
ed. 


Miss- 
ing. 


Aggre- 
gate. 


II. 

W. H. L. Wal- 
lace, Colonel 
commanding. 


• Eleventh Illinois 

Twentieth " .... 
Forty-fifth " .... 
Forty-eighth " 

Fourth Illinois Cav'ry 

First " Artil'y 1 

Taylor's battery... X 

L McAllister 


Lt.-Col. T. E. G. Ransom 
Colonel C. C. Marsh 

" John E. Smith.. 

" I. N. Hayne 

Colonel T. Lyle Dickey ") 

Captain Ezra Taylor.. >- 

E. McAllister.] 

Major Smith 


5791 
753 
615 
512 

2,464 
936 

8,4002 

7501 
645 


68 

18 

8 

2 

1 

13 
13 


183 

109 

31 

20 

8 
2 

62 
46 


79 

6 
3 

6 

9 


886 
183 

42 
22 

9 
2 


III. 


Seventeenth Illinois.... 
Forty-ninth 


81 


McAbthttr. 


Colonel Morrison 


68 




1,895 


123 


461 


103 


687 















FEDERAL STRENGTH. 
Federal Ahmy at Donelson. — First Division — (Continued). 



483 



BRIGADES. 


Reglmeats. 


CommanderE. 


Strength 
ill Action. 


KlUed. 


Wound- 
ed. 


Miss- 
ing, 


Aggre- 
gate. 


I. 


f Eiffhth Illinois 

Eighteenta Illinois .. . 
\ Twenth-niuth " 

Thirtieth " ... 
[_ Thirty-first " ... 


Lieut. -Colonel Ehoades. 
Colonel Lawler 


7513 

671 
M2 
568 
593 

8,130 
\ 5004 










OOtESBT. 


" Keardon 

Lieut.-Colonel Dennis . . 
Colonel John A. Logan . 














Cavahy !■ 


Stewart, Do'llin, 6'Har- 
nett, Carmichael. 





> strength of these commands from Surgeon Stearns's Report, " Medical History of the War," page 1, 
medical vol., Appendix, p. 84. He reports the aggregate loss of this division at 1,491. 
^ The Second Brigade had 3,400 effective men of all arms. ■Wallace's Keport. 
^ New York Times letter, "Eebellion Kecord," vol. iv., p. 173. 
* Estimated. 

Second Division. — Brigadier-General C, F. Smith. 



BRIGADES. 


Regiments. 


Commanders. 


KUled. 


Wound- 
ed. 


Miss- 
ing. 


Aggre- 
gate. 






Colonel Tuttle . . . 

" Veatch. . . 
Lt. -Col. Parrot... 

Colonel Shaw 

Lt.-Col. Compton 

(no data) 


41 

14 

2 

3 

1 


157 

101 

87 

23 

8 


i 


19S 




Twenty-fifth Indiana 


115 




Seventh Iowa 


39 






26 


Colonel J. G. Lau.majj. 


First Sharp-shooters 


4 




Fitty-sec'd and Fifty-sixth Ind. 
Stone's Missouri Battery 






/ Eighth Missouri 


Col. M.L. Smith. 
G. F. McGinnis . . 

Col. J. J. "Woods. 

Colonel Bane 

(no data) 






61 


821 


1 


363 


V. 
Col. MoBGAN L. Surrn, 


9 
4 


86 
20 




45 




24 


commanding. 


f Twelfth Iowa 




1 


27 




28 


Colonel J. Cook, com- 
manding. 


i Fiftieth Illinois 




J, Seventh " 










[ Fifty-second Indiana 















Third Division. — General Lew Wallace, 



BRIGADES. 


Regiments. 


Commanders. 


Strength. KlUed. 


Wound- 
ed. 


Miss- 
ing. 


Aggre- 
gate. 


I. 

Col. Chas. CKrFT, 

commandiog. 


fThirtv-first Indiana. 
J Forty-fourth " 
1 Seventeenth Kent'y 

[Twenty-fifth " 

r First Nebraska 

J Sevent}'-si.\th Ohio. 
) Fifty-eighth Ohio ( 
( Sixty-eighth " ( 
( Forty-sixth Illinois. 
-J Fifty-seventh " 
1 Fifty-eighth " 


Lieut.-Colonel Osbom.. 
Colonel Hugh R. Keed.. 
Cot. John H. McHenry. 
Col. Jas. M. Shackleford 

Lieut.-Colonel McCord. . 
Colonel Woods 

" Steadman 

" Davis 


T271 


13 
7 
4 

12 


51 
84 
83 
60 


5 

2 

3 

12 


69 
4.3 

40 

S42 






86 


178 


22 


2363 


II., III. and IV.* 

Col. J. M. Thatee, 

commanding. 

Second Brigade at- 
tached. 












" Baldwin 

" Lynch.. .. 











* " The Eebellion Record," vol. iv., p. 145. 

2 Eeglmental Report. Surgeon Keenan gives appro-ximate strength of this brigade at 2,000. 

' Killed and wounded — oflBcial, Cruft's Report. 

■• No data. 



484 THE RETREAT FROM BOWLING GREEN. 

CHAPTER XXIX. 

THE KETREAT FKOM BOWLING GREEN". 

Forts Henry and Donelson had fallen, and the great water high- 
ways were opened to Nashville and to North Alabama. This gave 
access to the rear of the Confederate armies, and turned the positions 
both at Bowling Green and Columbus. Of course, such misfortunes 
could not happen in his department without subjecting General John- 
ston to the severest criticism, and we shall presently see to what heights 
of excitement and depths of bitterness the tide of feeling ran. That 
mighty surge of wrath belonged to the hour, but it has left its mark on 
the military history of the times, and in the criticism which sprang out 
of it. The writer believes that the plain narrative of facts he has given 
is a better answer to the censures of General Johnston's conduct than 
the most elaborate argument would be. 

Without undertaking to answer, in form and controversially, the 
objections to General Johnston's dispositions, a brief reference to the 
considerations which controlled him will not be inappropriate in this 
connection. The reasons why he adopted a defensive instead of an 
offensive policy have been set forth so fully in these pages that it is 
not necessary to recapitulate them here. The chief were inadequate 
forces and armament. In Colonel Munford's pointed language, "Ae 
had no armyy 

General Johnston's largest force present for duty at any one time 
on the line from Bowling Green to Columbus, and in reserve, was never 
more than 43,000 men. But the facts demonstrated that this was only 
the number capable of fighting in position, not the force available for 
a winter campaign. The army lost twenty-five per cent, by the mere 
act of moving in the well-ordered retreat from Bowling Green to Nash- 
ville. Suppose that these forces could have been collected into one 
compact body without pursuit, molestation, or other interference by the 
enemy — a result manifestly not in the table of probabilities — and led 
against either Buell or Grant, what would have been the chance of suc- 
cess ? Buell had an army 75,000 strong. Grant could not be assailed 
in his fortifications on the north side of the Ohio ; and, even if his in- 
trenched position at Paducah had been attacked, he had his fleets and 
25,000 men, with Buell and Halleck to draw upon for any required 
reenforcements up to 100,000 men within three or four days' call. 

Nevertheless, it has been urged that these armies should have been 
" concentrated." To concentrate them for any merely defensive pur- 



STRATEGY. 485 

pose strikes the writer as mere fatuity. But this aside, at what one 
point could a defense of this line have been made ? At Columbus ? 
Then must the defense of Middle Tennessee have been abandoned with- 
out an effort to save it. At Henry and Donelson ? The same result 
would have ensued, for there was nothing to prevent Buell's advance, 
except the interposition of the force at Bowling Green, But, last of 
all, if the barrier at Columbus had been abandoned to maintain Bowling 
Green, or for any other consideration whatever, it opened the Mississippi 
River to the invader ; and, if either Henry or Donelson were given up, 
the rear of the armies at Bowling Green and Columbus would have 
been uncovered. Henry had no value, except as the gateway of the 
Tennessee River ; nor Donelson, save as an outpost of Nashville. 

While it was unnecessary for the Federal armies to feel much con- 
cern about concentrating to meet any hypothetical concentration of the 
Confederates, inasmuch as they were sufficiently strong to repel any 
attack in position without it, yet, had it been desirable, their means of 
rapid transit were so much greater than the Confederate that they 
could always have opposed a superior force to any assault. The " in- 
terior lines " are not determined by a scale of miles, but by the time 
required to convey troops over the intervals between commands. 
Facilities of transportation more than distances, therefore, decide what 
these interior lines are. An unlimited power of water-communication 
enabled Halleck and Buell to cooperate fully, and practically to place 
what force they pleased where they pleased. Such was the concentra- 
tion that actually took place. Forts Donelson and Henry were nearly 
twice as far from Bowling Green by land as from the Federal strong- 
holds by water. Colonel Robert W. Woolley, in a letter written at the 
time, says : 

The railroad was almost bare of transportation. The locomotives had not 
been repaired for six months, and many of them lay disabled in the depots. 
They could not be repaired at Bowling Green, for there is, I am informed, but 
one place in the South where a driving-wheel can be made, and not one where 
a whole locomotive can be constructed. 

General Johnston did all that was possible when he placed Floyd's 
command at Russellville, within striking distance of both Bowling Green 
and Donelson, which were alike threatened. Floyd was at Donelson in 
time, and could have been at Henry with any reasonable warning. If 
there were not enough men at Donelson, it was not from defect of 
judgment, but from want of adequate means. The elements, too, 
fought for the Federals. An unprecedented flood favored their attacks 
by water, while it impeded the movements of the Confederates. No 
time was given to Genera] Johnston, either through the sluggishness of 
the enemy, or by the prolonged resistance of his own troops, to repair 



486 THE KETKEAT FROM BOWLING GREEN. 

disaster. Grant moved February 2d ; in four days Henry was in bis 
hands. Ten days only intervened between General Johnston's first 
information of the attack on Henry and the surrender of Donelson. 
He meant " to defend Nashville at Donelson," if he could, and, if not, 
then to reunite his corps and to fight on a more retired line. 

A very astonishing statement is made by Mr. Swinton, in his " De- 
cisive Battles of the War," page 65. He says : 

In this condition, outnumbered on both lines, Johnston does not appear to 
have comprehended that a defensive attitude could only result fatally — that his 
sole ground of hope rested in taking advantage of his intei'ior position to con- 
centrate the gross of liis force at a single point, and assume the offensive against 
one or the other of the two Union armies. Connected with this is a piece of 
secret history, revealed to me by General Beauregard since the close of the war, 
which will not be out of place here. 

Toward the close of the first month of the year 18G2, General Beauregard 
was transferred from Virginia to the "West, to take charge, under Sidney John- 
ston, of the defense of the Mississippi Valley. En route he visited Johnston at 
his headquarters at Bowling Green, and between the two officers a prolonged 
conference ensued, touching the best method of action. It was with the liveliest 
concern that Beauregard, who had understood at Richmond that Johnston's 
force numbered 60,000 men, learned that in reality it was little over one-half 
that aggregate. But that officer was always essentially aggressive in his military 
inspiration, and he now proposed that the works at Columbus should be so re- 
duced that their defense might be sustained by two or three thousand men ; that 
the remaining 12,000 should be brought to Bowling Green and joined to the 
22,000 there, and that with the united force a vigorous, and, if possible, a crush- 
ing blow should be dealt to Buell's army, which was regarded at the time as the 
most menacing, for Grant and Foote had not yet moved. Johnston fell in with 
this plan, and Beauregard proceeded to Columbus to put it in train of execution. 
Scarcely, however, had he started for Columbus when the thunder of the Union 
guns on the Tennessee apprised him that it was too late, and, by the time he 
reached the Mississippi, Fort Henry had fallen. 

Without undertaking at all to solve how Mr. Swinton has fallen 
into such errors, a few facts will demonstrate an entirely difi'erent state 
of case. General Beauregard was ordered, January 2Gth, by letter from 
Richmond, to report to General Johnston, and to 'take command at 
Columbus. He did not leave Manassas for several days, and probably 
arrived at Bowling Green about February 5th or 6th. On the 7th he 
held a conference with Generals Johnston and Hardee, the minutes of 
which are here given. 

It will be observed that, on February 4th and 5th, General Johnston 
was moving troops to Clarksville to support Tilghman, and on the 6th 
ordered Floyd's entire command thither. General Beauregard remained 
in Bowling Green until the 12th. His conference with General John- 
ston did not take place until February 7th, when they both knew of 
the fall of Fort Henry, and made their plans with reference to that fact. 



CONFERENCE AT BOWLING GREEN. 487 

MEMOEANDUM OF CONFEEEXCE HELD BY GENERALS JOIINSTOX, BEAUEEGAED, AND 

HAKDEE. 

Bowling Green, Kentucky, Fel/ruaty 7, 1862. 

At a meeting held to-day at my quarters (Covington House), by Generals 
Johnston, liar dee, and myself (Colonel Mackall being present part of the time), 
it was determined that Fort Ilenry, on the Tennessee River, having fallen yester- 
day into the hands of the enemy, and Fort Donelson, on the Cumberland River, 
not being tenable, 2}re]}aration8 should at once be made for the removal of this 
army to Nashville in rear of the Cumberland River, a strong point some miles 
below that city being fortified forthwith to defend the river from the passage of 
gunboats and transports. The troops at present at Clarksvillo should cross over 
to the south side of that river, leaving only a sufficient force in that town to 
protect the manufactories and other property, in the saving of which the Con- 
federate Government is interested. From Nashville, should any further retro- 
grade movement become necessary, it will be made to Stevenson, and thence 
according to circumstances. 

It was also determined that the possession of the Tennessee River by the 
enemy, resulting from the fall of Fort Henry, separates the ai'my at Bowling 
Green from the one at Columbus, Kentucky, which must henceforth act inde- 
pendently of each other, until they can again be brought together ; the first 
one having for object the defense of the State of Tennessee along its line of opera- 
tion as already stated ; and the other one, of that part of the State lying between 
the Tennessee River and the Mississippi. But, as the possession of the former 
river by the enemy renders the lines of communication of the army at Columbus 
liable to be cut off at any time from the Tennessee River as a base, by an over- 
powering force of the enemy, rapidly concentrated from various points on the 
Ohio, it becomes necessary, to prevent such a calamity, that the main body of 
that army should fall back to Humboldt, and thence, if necessary, to Grand 
Junction, so as to protect Memphis from either point, and still have a line of re- 
treat to the latter place or to Grenada, Mississippi, and, if necessary, to Jackson, 
Mississippi. 

At Columbus, Kentucky, will be left only a sufficient garrison for the defense 
of the works there, assisted by Hollins's gunboats, for the purpose of making a 
desperate defense of the river at that point. A sufficient number of transports 
will be kept near that place for the removal of the garrison therefrom, when no 
longer tenable in the opinion of the commanding officer. Island No. 10 and 
Fort Pillow will likewise be defended to the last extremity, aided also by Hol- 
lins's gunboats, which will then retire to the vicinity of Memphis, where another 
bold stand will be made, 

(Signed) G. T. Beafeegaed, 

General C. S. A. 
(Signed) W. J. Haedee, 

Major- General. 

A true copy : S. TV. Ferguson, 

Lieutenant and Aide-de-Camp. 

This plan of campaign embraced the defense of the line of the Cum- 
berland, if possible ; or, if not, then a retreat to Stevenson. Beaure- 
gard was to fall back southward with Polk's army, leaving a small 



488 THE EETEEAT FROM BOWLING GREEN. 

garrison at Columbus. The immediate evacuation of Bowling Green 
was now inevitable. His correspondence has already made manifest 
that General Johnston regarded his stay at Bowling Green as a mere 
question of time, unless he should be promptly reenforced by a strong 
and well-organized corps. The defenses at Bowling Green, originally 
slight, had been greatly enlarged by the addition of a cordon of de- 
tached forts, mounted with heavy field-guns. Though its strength had 
been magnified by common report, until it had become " the Gibraltar 
of the West," it was really only sufficiently strong to withstand an 
assault, which General Johnston desired, but did not expect, and which 
Buell was too wary to make. 

General Johnston's Hne of retreat was safe, so long as his flanks 
were unbroken. If these were maintained, he hoped by a skillful de- 
fense to hold at bay the heavy odds in his front until reenforced. If 
anything is evinced in this biography, it is that General Johnston pos- 
sessed that admirable equilibrium of judgment — boldness combined 
with caution — which fitted him to hold a desperate position to the last 
extremity, and yet to apprehend distinctly when it could be defended 
no longer, and retire from it in time. 

Early in the autumn, the difficulties of recruiting becoming appar- 
ent, made it plain that the line of the Barren River might have to be 
given up, and General Johnston endeavored to provide a second line of 
defense on the Cumberland — with how little effect has already been 
seen. On this second line, if forced to retreat, he purposed to make 
his stand as long as possible. But when he compared the unequal 
preparations for aggression and resistance, and perceived that no warn- 
ing could to stir the Southern people to a just sense of their dan- 
ger, he beheld calamity coming as the clouds gather for the burst of 
the hurricane, and, with almost prophetic vision, saw his army forced 
back to the Cumberland, and beyond to the southern frontier of Ten- 
nessee. 

Colonel Frank Schaller, of the Twenty-second Mississippi, an edu- 
cated soldier, who published during the war, at Columbia, South Caro- 
lina, an edition of Marmont's " Spirit of Military Institutions," with 
valuable annotations pertinent to the times, illustrates Chapter HI. of 
Part IV. of that work, which describes the " picture of a general who 
answers to all the requirements of the command," by a review of the 
life and character of General Johnston.' He begins his brief but ap- 
preciative memoir as follows : 

Two foreign officers in the service of the Confederate States were ordered to 
report for duty to General Albert Sidney Johnston in the month of October, 
1861. "\Then leaving his headquarters at Bowling Green, in the State of Ken- 

1 Colonel Scballer has for several years beeu Professor of Modem Languages at 
the University of the South, Sewance, Tennessee. 



MILITARY PROPHECY. 489 

tucky, having then seen and spoken with him for the first time, they simulta- 
neously exclaimed, when outside of the inclosure of the unpretending quarters: 
" He is the Very leau-icUal of a general." To one of these officers, who now 
feebly attempts to pay this humble tribute to the memory of the departed hero, 
this, his iirst impulsive exclamation, has become the basis of the greatest vener- 
ation of which he is capable. 

After describing General Johnston's employment of his time at 
Bowling Green, Colonel Schaller adds : 

The result of all this was unshaken confidence on the part of the troops in 
their commander. But what endeared him most to his soldiers was the great 
justice which was the basis of all his decisions, the promptness with which 
wrongs were rectified, and the facility of access to the chief commander, as well 
as the genuine cordiality and dignity with which every one was met by him. 
Heavy labors on forts in mid-winter were endured without a murmur, since 
every soldier knew that General Johnston would never hesitate to expose him- 
self whenever necessary. His headquarters were a model of order, simplicity, 
and prompt dispatch of business. His decisions to personal applications were 
immediate and final. His bearing was that of a knight of the olden times. The 
writer will never forget the shouts which greeted the general whenever the 
troops passed in review. . . . 

The enemy had only been awaiting the completion of the fleet of gunboats 
to make demonstrations by water. Long before Fort Henry fell, in view of the 
disappointments to which General Johnston had been subjected, he was fully 
aware that his line, unless it was strongly reenforced, could not be held; and 
in the month of January, 1862, when one day looking with Colonel Bowen upon 
a map, showing the course of the Tennessee Kiver, these memorable and pro- 
phetic words fell from his lips when pointing out a spot marked "Shiloh 
Church: " '''■Here the great battle of the Southwest will he foughty 

The present writer, struck by this remarkable incident, applied to 
Colonel Schaller for more explicit information in regard to it, and re- 
ceived the following statement : 

EicmioND, Virginia, May 22, 1S63. 

Colonel : I give to you, according to your request, with great pleasure the 
following statement of facts, which occurred during the month of January, 1862, 
when at the headquarters of General Albert Sidney Johnston, in the town of 
BowHng Green, Kentucky, and in the presence of then Colonel (now General) 
John S. Bowen, commanding the forts and the town of Bowling Green, of which 
former my regiment garrisoned "Fort Buckner," a strong position on the ex- 
treme left of the fortifications. 

The engineers, who had been ordered by General A. S. Johnston to survey 
the course of the Tennessee Eiver as far as Florence, Alabama, where its navi- 
gation is impeded, had completed their labors and submitted a fine military map 
to the general commanding. In front of this map, the general and Colonel 
Bowen were standing, the former giving evidently an explanation of its mili- 
tary positions. In the course of their conversation. General Johnston directed 
Colonel Bowen's attention to a position upon this map, which had been marked 



490 THE EETEEAT FROM BOWLING GREEN. 

by the engineers, " Shiloh Church," and, concluding his remarks, he laid hia 
finger upon this spot, and quietly but impressively pronounced the following 
words, or words to this effect : '■''Here the great tattle of the Southwest will le 
fought.''^ This opinion, pronounced by so distinguished a general, could not but 
arrest attention at the time, but you may well imagine that it recurred to our 
memory in the strongest manner when Brigadier-General Bowen and myself 
were actually engaged in the terrible conflict, which the prophetic words of 
General Johnston had fully three months previously predicted. Meeting Gen- 
eral Bowen upon the battle-field of " Shiloh Church," shortly after he (General 
Bowen) had been wounded, and while my regiment was replenishing its ammu- 
nition, about two or three o'clock p. m., during the first day's battle, and before 
the army had any knowledge of the fall of our illustrious leader. General Bowen 
recalled the circumstances above cited, and they were pronounced remarkable. 

I give you these facts simply as they occurred, without any addition whatso- 
ever ; but you must permit me here to state my firm conviction that this inci- 
dent in the life of General Johnston was not a singular chance, as sometimes 
will happen in the life of man, but gloriously illustrating the strategic genius of 
the lamented general. With the information at his command, and the thorough 
knowledge of the strength of his line of defense, as well as of the topography 
of the country which he occupied, he was eminently conscious that, without a 
speedy accession of strength his line would become untenable, and that a new 
contracted line could only be obtained south of Tennessee Kiver. When and 
by whom this would be executed was, of course, beyond the bounds of human 
calculation ; but Corinth afterward did become the strategic point of the cam- 
paign, and Hamburg Landing was the most convenient port whereby to reach 
it, and from whence it could be threatened. . . . 

With sentiments of the highest esteem I am, colonel, very respectfully, 
Your obedient servant, F. Schaller, 

Colonel Twenty-second Mississippi Infantry, P. A. C. 8. 
To Colonel "William Peeston Johnston, Richmond, Virginia. 

The writer is indebted to Colonel Munford's address, so frequently- 
quoted, for the following important incident : 

Not very long before the evacuation of Bowling Green, the general and my- 
self being alone, he locked the door, and with more than his usual gravity said: 
" I fear I will have to evacuate this position. I wish to talk with you on that 
subject." I asked, "With or without a battle, general?" "Oh! without a 
battle. They will never come here to fight me." Pointing westward, he con- 
tinued, " They will operate on my left, by the rivers, of which their gunboats 
give them command." After reflecting, I said, "It is an important step, and 
involves the gravest consequences to both the South and yourself." I then 
sketched the connection of Kentucky with the Confederacy ; that its Governor 
and Council were then under the wing of his army, having already sent Eep- 
resentatives and Senators to our Congress; that they must flee with him, and 
leave Kentucky with no organized representation of the Southern cause on its 
soil. I then reminded him that the very military reasons which compelled him 
to leave Bowling Green would make it necessary to take his new position south 
of the Tennessee River ; that the Governor and Legislature would have to flee 
from Nashville, the enemy would occupy that capital, and thus all the resources 



RESOLVE TO RETREAT. 491 

of men and munitions in these two populous States would at one and the same 
time be lost. " Two States, general! It is a fearful stride toward subjugation ! " 
I told him frankly too that I believed the eflPect upon his own reputation would 
be serious ; that the public believed he had 80,000 troops then with him ; that 
they had unbounded confidence in his success; reminded him that when he had 
ordered his chief-engineer, Gilmer, to fortify Nashville, the popular sense of 
security was such that Gilmer was laughed at for suggesting the necessity for 
fortifications, was called in derision "Johnston's dirt-digger," and had to aban- 
don the attempt in despair. "Now, sir," said I, "your retreat will startle these 
people like a thunderbolt ; the loss of positions and of States, so unlooked for, 
will, with as mercurial a people as ours, produce a clamor the like of which you, 
perhaps, have never heard, and I sincerely trust it may not strike from your 
grasp the sceptre of your future usefulness." He remained silent and thoughtful 
for several minutes, and then used words which are indelible in my memory. 
"This," said he, "is a step I have pondered well, and such a step as no man 
would take who did not Icnoic he was riglity After another pause he said, "I 
wish I had 80,000 men — I'd be to-day upon the Lakes ; " and, after yet another 
pause, he added, with more cheerfulness: " The popular clamor of which you 
apeak is not unanticipated hy me. But the clamor of to-day is converted into the 
praises of to-morrow ly a simple success. All I require to rectify that is to get 
in position where I can fight a iattle, and I think all will he welV The con- 
versation was closed by his assuring me he would hold Bowling Green as long 
as it was safe to do so — even to the last moment. In a few weeks the enemy's 
plans were developed just as he had foretold, and that moment came. 

General John C. Brown informs the writer that he was sent by 
General Buckner, between the 1st and 4tli of February, from Russell- 
ville to Bowling Green, in order to have a full conversation with Gen- 
eral Johnston touching the reorganization of the troops and some other 
matters. During this confidential interview, which was frank and ex- 
tended. General Johnston explained to him the positions and relative 
strength of Buell's army and his own, and read to him a good deal of 
his correspondence elucidating these points. Among other things, Gen- 
eral Johnston told him that if he should lose Henry and Donelson, he 
should fall back to the line of the Cumberland ; but that he feared 
that Nashville would prove untenable, so that he might have to fall 
back to the line of the Tennessee ; and, in that event, he looked to 
Corinth, as a convenient point for concentrating his troops. This 
is an explicit statement, showing that General Johnston had considered 
every point, and sketched, at least, in his own mind, the plan of cam- 
paign which he afterward carried out, before General Beauregard's 
arrival. 

The memorandum quoted and the statements of General Brown 
and Colonels Schaller and Munford fully prove that the plan of cam- 
paign, presented in definite shape to Beauregard and Hardee, had been 
long maturing in General Johnston's mind. To defend the line of the 
Cumberland was his first intention ; should that fail, to fall back to 



492 THE RETREAT FROM BOWLING GREEN. 

Stevenson by the railroad from Nashville, and thence by the Charles- 
ton & Memphis Railroad to effect a junction with Polk's command at 
Corinth. All this was clearly foreshadowed in his conversations with 
Brown, Munford, Bo wen, and Schaller. 

The preparations for retreat were begun. But these could not be 
carried out, and the soil of Kentucky abandoned to the enemy, without 
exciting the liveliest emotions of anguish and dismay in the breasts of 
the Southern party at Bowling Green. The soldiers, though depressed, 
received the fact of retreat with that sullen resolution which the mil- 
itarj'- life engenders ; but all others seemed filled with despair. The 
Provisional Governor, George W. Johnson, a warm friend and admirer 
of General Johnston, but self-confident and enthusiastic, regarded the 
abandonment of the soil of the Commonwealth as an act of political 
suicide, and all the civilians shared this opinion. He appealed to Gen- 
eral Johnston in the most urgent and moving terms to change his pur- 
pose, and he was supported by the protests and appeals of the united 
voice of the Kentucky refugees. General Johnston found it hard to 
steel himself against these eager petitioners, who had given up their 
homes to follow the fortunes of his army, but he was bound to do what 
was right and necessary. A letter was written to him by Governor 
Johnson, in the very spirit of Leonidas, whom he emulated. Sometimes 
it is harder to do right than to hold a Thermopylae. General Johnston 
was inexorable. It is sufficient here to say that this gallant and ex- 
cellent man lived long enough to assure General Johnston of his ap- 
proval of the strategy he then condemned. 

Colonel Robert W. Woolley (now of Louisville, Kentucky), who 
had enjoyed exceptional advantages of observation, in a communication 
to the N'eio Orleans Picayune, in March, 1862, in describing General 
Johnston's work at Bowling Green, says : 

An army must be obtained, or else he must evacuate the citadel that guards 
Fasbville. A small army was obtained ; but where, or how, it will puzzle the 
historian of this war to relate. By extraordinary exertions he secured a regi- 
ment hei-e and another there ; but few with any drill, and only five of them for 
three months with uniforms. The army had to be built up ; and the general 
had not only to organize the troops, but had himself to search for them. Of 
transportation, without which an army cannot subsist, he had none. Eight 
hundred wagons were needed. He liad no workshops, yet he got the wagons. 
Hospitals and a medical department were necessary, for the sick were never 
less than twenty-five per cent. The great object was to secure Bowling Green 
against attack, until it could be fortified and succor obtained. This was most 
skillfully done. The place, in front, soon became, in strength, the second for- 
tress in America, and impregnable everywhere had infantry been sent to protect 
its wings. While the work was progressing, and while every effort was being 
made to get more troops, Johnston, by skillful manoeuvres, threw his men near 
the river which divided the two armies, and made the forces of the North be- 



EVACUATION OF BOWLING GREEN. 493 

lieve that he was trying to decoy them across, and then attack them, with a 
river in their rear; when, in fact, the last thing he wisiied was a hattle, when 
the odds were four or five to one. His strategy succeeded. 

General Johnston held on to Bowling Green till the last moment. 
But his right flank, under Crittenden, was broken. Fort Henry was 
lost. Donelson was about to be attacked, with a doubtful prospect of 
successful resistance. It was evident that the time for the evacuation 
of Bowling Green had come. On the 8th of February General John- 
ston wrote to the Secretary of War, informing him of the loss of Fort 
Henry, and the condition of things at Donelson. He says, further : 

The occurrence of the misfortune of losing the fort will cut oif the communi- 
cation of the force here under General Hardee from the south bank of the Cum- 
berland. To avoid the disastrous consequences of such an event, I ordered 
General Hardee yesterday to make, as promptly as it could be done, prepara- 
tions to fall back to Nashville and cross the river. 

The movements of the enemy on my right flank would have made a retro- 
grade in that direction to confront the enemy indispensable in a short time. 
But the probability of having the passage of this army corps across the Cumber- 
land intercepted by the gunboats of the enemy admits of no delay in making 
the movement. 

Generals Beauregard and Hardee are equally with myself impressed with the 
necessity of withdrawing our force from this line at once. 

Every preparation for the retreat was silently made. The ordnance 
and army supplies were quietly moved southward ; and measures were 
also taken to unburden Nashville of the immense stores accumulated 
in depot there. The weather w^as wet and cold, and very trying to 
men unused to the hardships of a winter campaign. Only 500 were in 
hospital at Bowling Green ; but, before the army reached Nashville, 
5,400, out of the 14,000, fell under the care of the medical authorities. 
Medical Director D. W. Yandell, in making this report at Nashville, 
February 18, 1861, says this large number is to be accounted for " by 
the immense number of convalescents and men merely unfit for duty or 
unable to undertake a march." 

On February 11th, everything being in readiness, the troops began 
their retreat, Hindman's brigade covering the rear. Breckinridge's 
command passed through Bowling Green on the 12th, and bivouacked 
on the night of the 13th two miles north of Franklin. It was on that 
Thursday night that the weather became so intensely cold, as was re- 
lated in the siege of Fort Donelson. The next day's march brought 
them to Camp Trousdale, where they occupied the huts ; but with little 
profit, as some atmospheric condition made the smoke in them intoler- 
able. After a bad night from smoke and the bitter cold, they marched 
twenty-seven miles next day, and on the day after, the 16th, through 
Nashville, and five miles beyond. The Kentuckians retreated sullenly.' 
' Thompson's " History of the First Kentucky Brigade," pp. 76-81. 



494 THE RETKEAT FROM BOWLING GREEN. 

General George B. Hodge, then Breckinridge's assistant adjutant- 
general, in an interesting account of that brigade, mentions that — 

The spirits of the army were cheered hy the accounts which General John- 
ston, with thoughtful care, forwarded hy means of couriers daily, of the success- 
ful resistance of the army. The entire army bivouacked in line of battle on the 
night of the 15th, at tlie junction of the Gallatin and Nashville and Bowling 
Green and Nashville [turnpike] roads, about ten miles from Nashville. 

.... At 4 p. M., on the 16th, the head of the brigade came in sight of the 
bridges at Nashville, across which, in dense masses, were streaming infantry, 
artillery, and transportation and provision trains, but still with a regularity and 
order which gave promise*of renewed activity and efficiency in the future. At 
nightfall, General Johnston, who had established his headquarters at Edgefield 
on the northern bank of the Cumberland, saw the last of his wearied and tired 
columns defile across and safely establish themselves beyond. ... He had with 
promptness, unrivaled military sagacity, and yet with mingled caution and celer- 
ity, dismantled his fortifications at Bowling Green, transmitted his heavy artillery 
and ammunition to Nashville, and extricated his entire army from the jaws of 
almost certain annihilation and capture. 

General Johnston left Bowling Green before daylight on the 13th, 
and made his headquarters at Edgefield, opposite Nashville. Colonel 
Woolley, in the article before mentioned, says : 

The evacuation was accomplishecl, protected by a force so small as to make 
doubtful the fact. Fifteen hundred sick had to be removed. Large quantities of 
stores and ammunition had accumulated. The provisions were nearly all secured 
except a large lot of spoiled pickled beef. Not a pound of ammunition, nor a 
gun, was lost. The engineer who destroyed the bridge in front of the town, 
told me that there was not powder enough left to explode the mines, and that 
he succeeded only with one small gun and seven shells, the last of which did 
the work. The ammunition, stores, and sick, being saved, the order for retreat 
was given, and the first intimation the enemy had of the intended evacuation, 
so far as has been ascertained, was when Generals Hindman and Breckinridge, 
who were in advance toward his camp, were seen suddenly to retreat toward 
Bowling Green. The enemy pursued, and succeeded in shelling the town, while 
Ilindman was still covering the rear. Not a man was lost, and the little army 
reached Nashville only in time to hear of the disaster of their comrades in arms. 

While mindful of whatever might aid the commanders at Donelson, 
General Johnston neglected nothing to secure the retreat of his own 
column. He brought Crittenden's command back within ten miles of 
Nashville, and thence to Murfreesboro. Besides the general orders for 
the march, he instructed Hardee to 

Let it be known that the object is to secure the crossing of the Cumberland, 
and no apprehension of the enemy in the rear. You will thus preserve their 
morale. This order must be communicated to the rear of the column, and cav- 
alry must be left in rear to assist the sick and bring up stragglers. 



SURRENDER OF DONELSON. 495 

At noon, on the 14th of February, the Federal vanguard appeared 
opposite Bowling Green, and opened fire from several pieces of artillery 
on the town, and especially on the railroad-depot, which was subse- 
quently burned. At half-past three o'clock. General Hardee retired 
from the town with the last of his troops, in perfect order. 

When General Johnston learned, February 15th, that a battle was 
raging at Donelson, he assumed that Buell might attack his rear, and 
placed Bowen's brigade, which had the head of column, in line of bat- 
tle on each side of the road, the other brigades forming on it as they 
came up. Orders were issued that all stragglers should be stopped at 
the bridges at Nashville, and sent under guard to their proper rendez- 
vous. This was successful for a time, but the multitudes of fugitives 
from Donelson -who came pouring in soon overtaxed the efforts of the 
guards to control and organize them. Companies applying were mus- 
tered in, without hesitation, whether their organization was complete 
or not. These judicious arrangements prevented the demoralization of 
organized commands, and, though the troops were wearied, suffering, 
and disconcerted, they were kept well in hand for a fight, had an attack 
been made. 

In this brief dispatch to General Beauregard, sent on the morning 
of the 16th, General Johnston sums up the fate of Donelson : " At 2 
A. M. to-day Fort Donelson surrendered. We lost all." 

Colonel Munford, who was General Johnston's aide-de-camp, in his 
address at Memphis, thus describes the announcement of the surrender 
of Donelson : 

General Johnston's headquarters were in Edgefield, opposite Nashville. 
About midnight a dispatch was received from General Pillow, announcing a 
" victory complete and glorious." We were jubilant over the result. All went 
to bed happy, the general and myself occupying the same room. Just before 
daybreak, we were awakened by another messenger with " dispatches from 
Donelson." I lighted a candle, and at the general's request read to him the 
astounding official statement that the place " would capitulate at daylight, and 
the army be surrendered by Buckner, Floyd and Pillow having left on steam- 
boats for Nashville ! " The general was lying on a little camp-bed in one cor- 
ner ; he was silent a moment, and then asked me to read the dispatch again, 
which I did. He then ordered the staff to be awakened, saying, " I must save 
this army ; " had runners sent to the different commands, and troops marched 
as fast as practicable across the river. This movement was effected without loss 
of anything, and headquarters established in Nashville. . . . The people of the 
capital were joyous over the news of the night before. The morning papers 
were full of the " glorious victory," In the midst of this joy came the news of 
the disaster. Its effects can be imagined ; " confusion worse confounded," nay, 
a perfect panic prevailed, and people rushed here and there in a delirium of fear. 
In the midst of tliese unhappy scenes General Johnston remained calm, distrib- 
uting his troops into proper positions, giving orders for the erection of batteries 
below the city to delay the gunboats, for the removal of public stores and 
33 



496 THE RETREAT FROM BOWLING GREEN. 

property of all sorts, and receiving delegations of public functionaries and private 
citizens who were crowding round him for advice under the changed state of 
affairs. He received Generals Floyd and Pillow with the greatest courtesy, and 
made the former commandant of the post at Nashville. The excitement and 
confusion continued, and on Monday night an immense mob blocked up the 
street in front of his headquarters ; one of them, seeming to be half drunk, 
mounting the steps, and exclaiming, " We have come to demand of our generals 
whether they intend to fight for us or not ; " and, turning to the crowd, he 
continued : " Yes, fellow-citizens, we have a right to hiow whether our generals 
are going to fight for us or intend abandoning us and our wives and children to 
the enemy. We will force them to tell us^ A wild shout of approval was the 
response from the mob. Generals Floyd, Hardee, and myself, had to make 
speeches to them before they could be induced to disperse, and abandon their 
futile effort to extort a disclosure of plans. It was considerably after midnight 
before we got clear of them. Dissatisfaction was general. Its mutterings, 
already heard, began to break out in denunciations. The demagogues took up 
the cry, and hounded each other and the people on in hunting down a victim. 
The public press was loaded with abuse. The very Government was denounced 
for intrusting the public safety to hands so feeble. The Lower House of Congress 
appointed a select committee to inquire into the conduct of the war in the West- 
ern Department. The Senators and Representatives from Tennessee, with the 
exception of Judge Swann, waited upon the President, saying, " We come in 
the name of the people to demand tbe removal of Sidney Johnston from com- 
mand, because he is no general." The President replied : " Gentlemen, I know 
Sidney Johnston well. If he is not a general, we had better give up the war, 
for we have no general." 

Nashville had acquired, during the progress of the war, a high degree 
of importance. It was the capital of the rich, populous, and martial 
State of Tennessee. As the base of Bowling Green, as a depot of sup- 
plies for the armies of the East as well as of the West, as a manufac- 
tory of ordnance and army stores, as a place of refuge for thousands of 
Kentuckians and Tennesseeans, and as the rendezvous for volunteers for 
the front, it had come to be looked upon in the West as Richmond was 
in the East. Its original population of some 30,000 had probably been 
doubled, and, from a rather provincial and Union-loving town, it had 
become a centre of furious political agitation. The people were war- 
like and energetic in character, and circumstances had produced in them 
a blind and overweening confidence. It has been seen how impossible 
it was to obtain labor in order to provide defenses for the city. Even 
when General Johnston's army was found retiring upon Nashville, the 
good news from Donelson kept the public mind in a state of unnatural 
elation. Even as late as February loth he found that the measures he 
had taken to obstruct by a raft the Cumberland River, which was fall- 
ing, were thwarted by the dead weight of popular opposition, directed 
by the " river-men," who as a class resisted it. Reverse seemed impos- 
sible. When, therefore, the blow fell, the revulsion of feeling produced 



PANIC. 497 

scenes the like of which were not witnessed again in the war. It was 
like the first crushing calamity in a family, whose traditions of honor 
and prosperity are unbroken. Shame, grief, rage, and terror, were min- 
gled in the bitter draught. Every evil that marks the track of con- 
quest was pictured to the imagination of the affrighted people. The 
public mind gave way first to panic, then to frenzy. Many were pos- 
sessed with but one idea — that of escape ; and a frantic exodus began 
of all who could procure the means of flight : carriages, wagons, open 
carts, filled with delicate women and tender children, unprovided with 
ordinary comforts, set out in the gloom of a winter evening and the 
pelting of a pouring rain, and thronged the roads that led southward. 
The tramp of the tired and angry soldiers and the roll of their baggage- 
wagons were continuous through that dreary day and those which suc- 
ceeded it. 

Duke, in his " Life of Morgan " (page 113), tells what he saw, in his 
usual animated style. He says : 

The Tennessee troops were naturally most influenced by the considerations 
which affected the citizens, but all shared the feeling. Some wept at the thought 
of abandoning the city to a fate which they esteemed as dreadful as utter de- 
struction ; and many, infuriated, loudly advocated burning it to the ground, that 
the enemy might have nothing of it but its ashes. 

During the first night after the army reached Nashville, when the excitement 
and fury were at the highest pitch, and officers and privates were alike influ- 
enced by it, it seemed as if the bonds of discipline would be cast off altogether. 
Crowds of soldiers were mingled with the citizens, who thronged the streets 
all night, and yells, curses, shots, rang on all sides. In some houses the women 
were pale and sobbing, and in others there was even merriment, as if in defi- 
ance of the worst. Very soon all those who had escaped from Donelson began 
to arrive. . . . The arrival of these disbanded soldiers, among whom it was diffi- 
cult to establish and enforce order, because no immediate disposition could be 
made of them, increased the confusion already prevailing. Rumors, too, of the 
near approach of the enemy were circulated, and were believed even by officers 
of high rank. 

Upon the second day, matters had arrived at such a state, and the excitement 
and disorder were so extreme, that it became necessary to take other precautions 
to repress the license that was prevailing, besides the establishment of guards 
and sentinels about the camps where the troops lay; and General Johnston or- 
dered the establishment of a strong military police in Nashville. The First Mis- 
souri Infantry,' one of the finest and best-disciplined regiments in the service, 
was detailed for this duty, and Morgan's squadron was sent to assist it. Our 
duty was to patrol the city and suburbs, and we were constantly engaged at it 
until the city was evacuated. 

Floyd had no common task in holding in check an infuriated mob, 
and in giving coherence to the routed fugitives of Donelson. His duty 
was, besides, to save from the wreck the most important supplies and 

' Under Colonel Rich, a valuable officer, who lost his hfe at Shiloh. 



498 THE RETREAT FROM BOWLING GREEN. 

stores. He impressed all means of transportation available, and em- 
ployed them in saving ordnance-stores and other valuable property. 
Among other articles, he saved all the cannon, caissons, and battery 
wagons. He found all restraints of civil order not only relaxed but 
sundered. A mixed mob had possession of the city, and cupidity was 
triumphant. Floyd says, in his report to General Johnston, that when 
he came in view of the landing at Nashville — 

The rabble on the wharf were in possession of boats loaded with government 
bacon, and were pitching it from these boats to the shore, and carrying what did 
not fall into the water, by hand or in carts, away to various places in the city. 

Floyd, when put in charge, placed guards over the public stores, and 
made extraordinary efforts to save them, and did in fact save great 
quantities — all that the railroad-trains could transport from Monday 
morning until the evening of Thursday, the 20th of February. Of 
course, the removal of the sick and wounded was first attended to. 
Torrents of rain impeded the work, and finally the washing away of a 
railroad-bridge stopped it. A large amount of transportation and a 
great number of cattle were brought from the north side of the river 
before the bridges were destroyed on the night of the 19th. 

Fear was replaced by greed. Duke says, in his graphic way: 

Excitement and avarice seemed to stimulate the people to preternatural 
strength. I saw an old woman, whose appearance indicated the extremest de- 
crepitude, staggering under a load of meat which I would have hardly thought 
a quartermaster's mule could carry. 

This plunder of the public stores was allowed to a certain extent, 
where it was evident that they could not be carried off, as it was better 
for the poorer classes to have them than that they should fall into the 
hands of the enemy. But so demoralizing is the license of pillage, 
that the predatory instinct becomes an overpowering, unreasoning im- 
pulse ; a blind, brute appetite, only to be restrained by force or fear. 
Hence this permitted spoliation, when limits were overstepped, had to 
be kept within bounds by the sternest measures of repression. Forrest 
came into personal collision with mob-leaders, and his cavalry twice 
charged the mob with drawn sabres. 

Duke speaks of Floyd's conduct in terms of the highest commenda- 
tion. He says : 

Nothing could have been more admirable than the fortitude, patience, and 
good sense, which General Floyd displayed in his arduous and unenviable task. 
... I saw a great deal of General Floyd while he was commanding at Nashville, 
and I was remarkably impressed by him. . . , He was evidently endowed with 
no common nerve, will, and judgment. 



EVACUATION OF NASHVILLE. 499 

Duke illustrates his conclusions about Floyd by details of his con- 
duct, highly creditable to that general. He continues : 

At last, the evacuation was completed ; the army was gotten clear of Nash- 
ville ; the last straggler driven out ; all the stores which could not be carried off 
nor distributed to the citizens, burned; and the capital of Tennessee (although 
we did not know it then) was abandoned finally to the enemy. Morgan's squad- 
ron was the last to leave, as it was required to remain in the extreme rear of the 
army, and pick up all the stragglers that evaded the rear-guards of the infantry. 
Our scouts, left behind when we, in our turn, departed, witnessed the arrival of 
the Federals, and their occupation of the city. 

Forrest's cavalry was very useful in the enforcement of order and in 
facilitating the removal of stores. Their reputation and morale bad 
both been enhanced by their successful escape from Donelson ; and 
their commander had qualities which peculiarly fitted him for rising 
above the tumult of civil commotion. His regiment remained in Nash- 
ville until Friday, and Forrest himself, with a small detachment, staid 
until Sunday, the 23d of February, when the enemy's advance-guard 
appeared in Edgefield. He then retired. A deputation of citizens, 
headed by the mayor, went out to negotiate, and the formal surrender 
of the city to Buell took place on Tuesday, the 25th. Nashville passed 
under the yoke that was never to be lifted. 

It is only just to say that Governor Harris gave General Johnston 
all the assistance in his power, and that the measures he took were, un- 
der the circumstances, bold and judicious. The following is Colonel 
Munford's account of his share in the transaction, based on his own 
personal knowledge : 

The Governor received the news of the disaster almost or quite as soon as 
did General Johnston. Very early in the morning he rode over to the general's 
headquarters in Edgefield to advise with him as to the best course under the 
changed circumstances. I heard the general say to him : " Your first duty, Gov- 
ernor, is to the public trusts in your charge. I regard it as all-important that 
the public archives should be removed to some place of safety, and for this pur- 
pose have ordered transportation to be furnished you. The Legislature can also 
adjourn to some other place. You can do no further good here now, and I 
think you should take the public archives under your especial charge." The 
Governor said ho would do so, went back, wrote a message to the Legislature, 
took charge of the archives as he had promised, put them in a place of safety, 
and in forty-eight hours was back at the capital, though in that time, at General 
Beauregard's earnest sohcitation, he had gone through Jackson, Tennessee, to 
confer with him. 

In putting Floyd in command at Nashville, General Johnston used 
the follovfing language, as appears by a memorandum taken at the time 
by Colonel Mackall : 



500 FROM MURFREESBORO TO CORINTH. 

I give you command of the city; you will remove the stores. My only re- 
striction is, do not fight a battle in the city. 

General Johnston also telegraphed Colonel D. P. Buckner, at Clarks- 
ville, February 16th : 

Do not destroy the army stores, if their destruction will endanger the city. 
If you can burn the army stores without destroying the city, do it. 

Thus, in the hour of his own deepest distress, he was vigilant and 
solicitous for the welfare of citizens and non-combatants. 

The following extract is from General Johnston's letter to the Sec- 
retary of War : 

Headquabteeb, Western Pepaetment, ) 
Nashville, February 18, 1862. i 

SiE : In conformity with the intention announced to the department, the 
corps under the command of Major-General Hardee completed the evacuation 
of Bowling Green on the 14th inst., and the rear-guard passed the Cumberland 
at this point yesterday morning in good order. 

I have ordered the army to encamp to-night midway between this place and 
Murfreesboro. My purpose is, to place the force in such a position that the 
enemy cannot concentrate his superior strength against the command, and to 
enable me to assemble as rapidly as possible such other troops in addition as it 
may be in my power to collect. The complete command which their gunboats 
and transports give them upon the Tennessee and Cumberland renders it neces- 
sary for me to retire my line between the rivers. I entertain the hope that this 
disposition will enable me to hold the enemy in check ; and, when my forces 
are sufiiciently increased, to drive him back. . . . 
Hon. J. P. Bekjamix, Secretary of War, Richmond, Virginia. 

A. S. Johnston. 



CHAPTER XXX. 



FROM MUEFREESBORO TO CORINTH. 



It has been seen that, in the conference of February 7th, with Beau- 
regard, the plan adopted was substantially a division of the command, 
by which General Johnston should face Buell and cover East and Mid- 
dle Tennessee, while General Beauregard should defend the country 
west of the Tennessee River. The issue at Donelson left General John- 
ston with little more than half his former strength in array. The whole 
aspect of affairs was changed by the surrender there; and hence a modi- 
fication of the plan of operations was demanded by the circumstances. 
A contingency had happened which he had contemplated and was pre- 
pared for, though he had not expected it would occur. General John- 



PLAN or RETREAT. 501 

ston's resolve was sudden, and has the appearance of a military inspira- 
tion ; but it has already been explained by General Brown's and Colonels 
Schaller's and Munford's reminiscences. It had evidently been matured 
in his mind, as an alternative. To retreat south of the Tennessee and 
defend that line had been his plan, with Corinth as his probable centre. 
He now determined to concentrate his forces there, and, uniting his own 
army with that which he had assigned to Beauregard, to hazard a battle. 
Soon after the conference at Bowling Green, General Beauregard 
addressed a letter to General Johnston, dated February 12th, which 
shows how strong a hold General Johnston's views had taken on his 
mind. Though for the most part a recapitulation of those views, there 
are some important modifications which render proper the insertion here 
of the entire letter. It will be found that before the loss of Fort Donel- 
son was known, or the capture of the army there even apprehended. 
General Beauregard suggests the probability that General Johnston 
would speedily have to retreat behind the Tennessee River. It is need- 
less to say that it was not the purpose of General Johnston to take that 
step unless compelled to do so. But as soon as the army at Donelson 
surrendered the time had come when this move must begin, with as 
much celerity as was consistent with the preservation of morale and 
material of war. It must, of course, have been agreeable to him to be 
sustained beforehand by General Beauregard's formal approval of a re- 
treat under much less stringent circumstances than now actually existed. 
The following is General Beauregard's letter: 

LETTER FROM GENERAL BEAUREGARD TO GEIS'ERAL JOHNSTON. 

Bowling Gkeen, Kentucky, February 12, 1862. 

General: By the fall of Fort Henry the enemy having possession of the 
Tennessee Eiver, which is navigable for their gunboats and transports to Flor- 
ence, it becomes evident that the forces under your immediate command and 
those under General Polk, separated unfortunately by that river, can no longer 
act in concert, and will be unable to support each other until the fortune of war 
shall have restored the Tennessee River to our possession, or combined the move- 
ment of the two armies in the rear of it. 

It also becomes evident that, by the possession of that river, the enemy can 
concentrate rapidly, by means of his iimumerable transports, all his disposable 
forces, on any point along its banks, either to attack Nashville in rear, or cut off 
the communications of Columbus by the river with Memphis, and by the railroad 
with the Memphis & Charleston Railroad. Should the enemy determine on 
the former plan of operation, your army, threatened in front and on right flank 
by Buell's large array, will be in a very critical condition, and may be forced to 
take refuge on the south side of the Tennessee River, in Alabama and Georgia, 
or Eastern Tennessee. But should Halleck adopt the second plan referred to, 
the position at Columbus will then become no longer tenable for an army inferior 
in strength to that of the enemy, and it must fall back to some central point 
where it can guard the two main railroads to Memphis, i. e., from Louisville 



502 FROM MUEFREESBORO TO CORINTH. 

and from Charleston ; Jackson, Tennessee, would probably be the best position 
for such an object, with strong detachments at Humboldt and Corinth, and with 
the necessary advance-guards. The Memphis & Charleston Railroad, so impor- 
tant on account of its extension through Eastern Tennessee and Virginia, must be 
properly guarded from luka to Tuscumbia, and even to Decatur, if practicable. 

Columbus must either be left to be defended to the last extremity by its 
proper garrison, assisted by HoUins's fleet of gunboats, and provided with pro- 
visions and ammunition for several months, or abandoned altogether, its arma- 
ment and garrison being transferred if practicable to Fort Pillow, which, I am 
informed, is a naturally and artificially strong position, about one hundred miles 
above Memphis. Island No. 10, near New Madrid, could also be held by its 
garrison, assisted by Hollins's fleet, until the possession of New Madrid by the 
enemy would compel that position to be evacuated. I am clearly of the opinion 
that to attempt at present to hold so advanced a position as Columbus, with the 
movable army under General Polk, where its communications can be so readily 
cut olf by a superior force acting from the Tennessee River as a new base, would 
be to jeopardize, not only the safety of that army, but necessarily of the whole 
Mississippi Valley. Hence I desire, as far as practicable, specific instructions as 
to the future movements of the army of which I am about to assume the com- 
mand ; if it be necessary for the safety of the country to make with all my forces 
a desperate stand at Columbus, I am ready to do so. I regret much that illness 
has prevented me from being already at my post, but during my stay here I 
believe I have made myself as well acquainted with your general views and in- 
tentions as circumstances have permitted, and which I will always be happy to 
carry into effect to the best of my abilities. I am general, very respectfully, 
Your obedient servant, 

G. T. Bkatjeegaed, General C. S. A. 

General A. S. Johnston, commanding Western Department, Bowling Green, Kentucky. 

It was the easier for General Johnston to adopt this resolution to 
get behind the Tennessee, as the War Department, aroused by the fall 
of Fort Henry, had taken steps to reenforce him. On February 8th 
Secretary Benjamin wrote him : 

The condition of your department, in consequence of the largely superior 
forces of the enemy, has filled us with solicitude, and we have used every pos- 
sible exertion to organize some means for your relief. 

The secretary goes on to state that eight regiments had been 
ordered to East Tennessee, which would make the whole force there 
some fifteen regiments, and would leave Crittenden's command free to 
act with the centre. He continues : 

To aid General Beauregard at Columbus, I send orders to General Lovell to 
forward to him at once five or six regiments of his best troops at New Orleans. 

He also promises 2,800 Enfield rifles, and adds : 

We have called on all the States for a levy of men for the war, and think, in 
a very few weeks, we shall be able to give you heavy reenforcements, although 
we may not be able to arm them with good weapons. 



REVIEW OF CAMPAIGN. 503 

It is due to General Lovcll to say that he used diligence in obeying 
what must have been a distasteful order to him, and in his letter to 
General Johnston, evinced a clear perception of the importance of Cor- 
inth as a strategic point. 

To use a homely proverb, the action of the War Department looked 
like " locking the stable-door after the horse was stolen." But, as 
has already been suggested, in a popular revolution, based on the idea 
of State-rights or decentralization, the War Department was greatly 
hampered in its designs by local public opinion operating both through 
the State Executives and through Congress. Colonel WooUey, in the 
letter already quoted, says truly and forcibly : 

But who is to be blamed ? The answer is given by every flash of lightning 
that comes from the coast. I shall not be believed if I state the number of 
letters General Johnston wrote while at Bowling Green, urging that an inde- 
fensible coast and unimportant towns be abandoned, and that troops be sent to 
enable him to give battle and win a great victory. But his warning was un- 
heeded, his requests denied. Nor was the President at fault. He knew what 
Johnston knew. Go to Kichmond, and the truth wiU then be learned. Each 
little town on the sea-coast thought that upon its defense depended the salvation 
of the Southern Confederacy. Senators and Congressmen, afraid of unpopu- 
larity, demanded that the troops of their States should be kept for home protec- 
tion. They formed parties against the President, and threatened him with seri- 
ous opposition if he did not conduct the war as they recommended. In vain 
did the President remind them of the fable of the old man and the fagot of 
sticks — singly they could be destroyed, together no power could break them. 
Except a few large towns there were no points on the sea-coast of any strategic 
importance. The presence of garrisons at little places only invited the naval 
expeditions of the enemy. Had there been no troops at those points there would 
have been no attack. 

The following letters from General Johnston to the Secretary of 
War give a brief but comprehensive view of his situation : 

Headquabtkes, Western Department, ) 
MuEFREESBORO, TENNESSEE, February 27, 1802. ' 

Sib : The fall of Fort Donelson compelled me to withdraw the forces under 
my command from the north bank of the Cumberland, and to abandon the de- 
fense of Nashville, which, but for that disaster, it was my intention to protect 
to the utmost. Not more than ll,OpO effective men were left under my com- 
mand to oppose a column of General Buell's of not less than 40,000 troops 
moving by Bowling Green, while another superior force under General Thomas 
outflanked me to the east, and the armies from Fort Donelson, with the gun- 
boats and transports, had it in their power to ascend the Cumberland, now swol- 
len by recent floods, so as to interrupt all communications with the south. 

The situation left me no alternative but to evacuate Nashville or sacrifice 
the army. By remaining, the place would have been unnecessarily subjected 
to destruction, as it is very indefensible, and no adequate force would have been 
left to keep the enemy in check in Tennessee. 



504 FROM MURFEEESBORO TO CORINTH. 

Under the circumstances I moved the main body of my command to this 
place on the 17th and 18th instant, and left a brigade under General Floyd to 
bring on such stores and property as were at Nashville, with instructions to 
remain until the approach of the enemy, and then to rejoin me. This has been 
in a great measure effected, and nearly all the stores would have been saved, but 
for the heavy and unusual rains which have washed away the bridges, swept 
away portions of the railroad, and rendered transportation almost impossible. 
General Floyd has arrived here. The rear-guard left Nashville on the night of 
the 23d. Edgefield, on the north bank of the Cumberland, opposite the city, 
was occupied yesterday by the advanced pickets of the enemy. I have remained 
here for the purpose of augmenting my forces and securing the transportation 
of the public stores. By the junction of the command of General Crittenden 
and the fugitives from Fort Donelson, which have been reorganized as far as 
practicable, the force now under my command will amount to about 17,000 
men. General Floyd, with a force of some 2,500 men, has been ordered to Chat- 
tanooga to defend the approaches toward North Alabama and Georgia, and the 
communications between the Mississippi and the Atlantic, and with the view to 
increase his forces by such troops as may be sent forward from the neighboring 
States. The quartermaster's, commissary's, and ordnance stores which are not 
required for immediate use have been ordered to Chattanooga, and those which 
will be necessary on the march have been forwarded to Huntsville and Decatur. 
I have ordered a depot to be established at Atlanta for the manufacture of sup- 
plies for the quartermaster's department, and also a laboratory for the manu- 
facture of percussion-caps and ordnance-stores, and, at Chattanooga, depots for 
distribution of these supplies. The machinery will be immediately sent for- 
ward. 

Considering the peculiar topography of this State, and the great power which 
the enemy's means afford them upon the Tennessee and Cumberland, it will be 
seen that the force under my command cannot successfully cover the whole line 
against the advance of the enemy. I am compelled to elect whether he shall be 
permitted to occupy Middle Tennessee, or turn Columbus, take Memphis, and 
open the valley of the Mississippi. To me the defense of the valley seems of 
paramount importance, and consequently I will move this corps of the army, of 
which I have assumed the immediate command, toward the left bank of the 
Tennessee, crossing the river near Decatur, in order to enable me to cooperate 
or unite with General Beauregard for the defense of Memphis and the Missis- 
sippi. The department has sent eight regiments to Knoxville for the defense of 
East Tennessee, and the protection of that region will be confided to them and 
such additional forces as may be hereafter sent from the adjacent States. Gen- 
eral Buckner was ordered by the department to take command of the troops at 
Knoxville, but, as at that time he was in presence of the enemy, the order was 
not fulfilled. 

As it would be almost impossible for me under present circumstances to 
superintend the operations at Knoxville and Chattanooga, I would respectfully 
suggest that the local commanders at those points should receive orders from 
the department directly, or be allowed to exercise their discretion. 

I have the honor to remain, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

A. S, Johnston, General C. S. A. 

Hon. J. P. Benjamin, Secretary of War, Eichmond. 



PLAN OF CONCENTKATIOX. 505 

Headqitabters Westekn Department, ) 
MTTRFBRE6B0R0, TENNESSEE, February 27, 1S62. S 

Sir: The army supplies and stores which were forwarded to this place, hav- 
ing all been sent forward to Chattanooga, except what may be needed for the 
immediate use of the army at Huntsville and Decatur and points farther on 
toward Memphis, this command will commence the march to-morrow toward 
Decatur. 

The enemy are in possession of Nashville in force — a part of which is eight 
miles on this side of the city. 

With great respect, your obedient servant, 

(Signed) A. S. JonxsTox, General C. S. A. 

Hon. J. P. Benjamin, Secretary of War, Eichmond. 

Colonel (afterward Major-General) William Preston, tben acting on 
General Johnston's staff as a volunteer aide, enjoyed as free an inter- 
course with him as any one could. Not long after General Johnston's 
death, in a letter (dated April 18, 1862) to the present writer, he gave 
a succinct but clear account of the campaign. The following is an ex- 
tract from it : 

Nashville was indefensible. General Johnston withdrew to Murfreesboro, 
determined to effect a junction with Beauregard, near Corinth. His two chief 
staff-officei's. Colonels Mackall and Gilmer, deemed it impossible. Johnston 
persevered. He collected Crittenden and the relics of his command, with 
stragglers and fugitives from Donelson, and moved through Shelbyville and 
Fayetteville on Decatur. Halting at those points, he saved his provisions and 
stores, removed his depots and machine-shops, obtained new arms, and finally, 
at the close of March, joined Beauregard at Corinth with 20,000 men, lifting 
their aggregate force to 50,000. 

This movement having been completed, though General Johnston fully 
appreciated its hazard if the enemy had interrupted him with 20,000 or 30,000 
men between Decatur and Corinth, General Johnston found himself for the 
first time at the head of an army capable of giving battle. In the mean time, he 
had borne with unshaken constancy and serenity the obloquy leveled at him by 
ignorant assailants, consoled by the unwavering confidence reposed in him by 
his unalterable friend the President, and upheld by his own manly self-reliance 
in the midst of adversity. 

General W. C. Whitthorne, then Adjutant-General of Tennessee, 
now a member of Congress from that State, has addressed to the writer 
the following communication : 

After the fall of Nashville, and while General Johnston was at Murfreesboro 
with his troops, and while General Forrest was at Nashville superintending the 
removal of stores, I was at General Johnston's headquarters in Murfreesbr 
having some business with his staff-oflBcers, which being completed, I ^ 
the act of leaving the house, when an aide of General Johnston infor 
that he (General Johnston) wished to speak to me. Upon entering Y' 
asked if I was going to leave without calling upon him. I repliec' 
excused myself upon the ground that I knew he was overwhelmey 



506 FROM MURFREESBORO TO CORINTH. 

etc. He at once inquired as to the feeling and views of tlie people of Tennessee, 
spoke feelingly and rapidly of the situation ; informed me that he was making 
arrangements to move his force as rapidly as possible to Corinth, which would 
leave Middle Tennessee exposed ; but added, or rather concluded, by saying, 
" General Whitthorne, go tell your people that, under the favor of Providence, I 
will return in less than ninety days and redeem their capital." I remember well 
his confident tone, his smile, and the earnestness of his manner. I had such 
faith and confidence in him that I believed such would be the case. And, had 
he lived, my conviction is, that he would have accomplished his purpose and his 
plan — the recovery of Nashville. 

Governor Harris, on the fall of Nashville, carried the State archives 
to Memphis to secure them. While there, on February 20th, General 
Johnston telegraphed him to consult Beauregard, and call out the 
whole strength of the State to his aid. Governor Harris informs the 
writer that he received a telegram from General Beauregard asking him 
on his return to Nashville to come by way of Jackson, Tennessee, which 
he did by a special train. General Beauregard requested him to visit 
General Johnston at Murfreesboro, and tell him that he (General Beau- 
regard) thought he had best concentrate at or near Jackson or Corinth, 
in that region. Governor Harris went to Nashville, where he remained 
a short time, and then proceeded to Murfreesboro. This must have 
been before the 23d of February, when Nashville was finally abandoned. 
He delivered General Beauregard's message to General Johnston, who 
promptly replied that such was his intention, and that he was then 
making preparations for that purpose. 

The following statement of facts was made by Colonel Sam Tate, of 
Memphis, March 7, 1878, and forwarded to the writer : 

Memphis, March 8, 1878. 

As soon after the fall of Donelson as practicable, I repaired to General A. S. 
Johnston's headquarters to confer with him as to his future probable wants in 
railroad transportation, my appointment on his staff having been made, as he 
informed me, principally with reference to this branch of duty. I met him at 
Murfreesboro, where he had arrived the day previous. I well remember our in- 
terview, which began by my frankly avowing no wish to inquire into his future 
plans, but that I thouglit it my duty, under the changed state of the campaign 
since I had seen him, to learn as far as he thought proper to inform me what 
provision he desired me to make, if any, in my transportation department, for 
the use of his army. He replied : " I have no desire to conceal my plans from 
you. It is my purpose to concentrate all the troops which the Government will 
permit at Corinth, and there, or in that vicinity, fight a decisive battle as soon as 
"sible." He then made minute inquiry of me about the railroad-bridge over 
nnessee Eiver at Decatur — the practicability of crossing his army over it — 
V his artillery and wagon trains, and it was agreed that the bridge was 
d for horses, troops, etc., and flats or platform-cars provided for the 
^k a map, and also made minute inquiries as to the river below 
•■ance from the railroad, and the practicability of the roads lying 



CHOICE OF ROUTE. 507 

south of the railroad leading in the direction of Corinth, suggesting that if tlio 
enemy were vigilant and enterprising they might, through their command of the 
river by their gunboats and their superior numbers, seriously interfere with his 
railroad route, and force him to take the more dilatory route south of it. It may 
be well enough also to state that in the course of this conversation he stated that, 
if for any reason he might be compelled to fall back from Corinth, his line would 
be from Fort Pillow with headquarters at Grand Junction, with a fixed determi- 
nation at all hazards to hold the Mississippi River to Port Hudson, and keep the 
line of communication open between the armies east and west of that river. 
These are the facts. Sam Tate. 

Indeed, General Johnston's letters and telegrams show quite con- 
clusively that, from the moment of his arrival at ISIurfreesboro, it was 
his settled purpose to move his army to Corinth by the way of Shelby- 
ville and Decatur. 

As it has been suggested in certain quarters that General Johnston 
ought to have removed his army from Murfreesboro by the railroad to 
Stevenson and thence to Corinth, the writer propounded to General 
Gilmer the question of the practicability of such a move. The follow- 
ing is his reply : 

Being thus occupied, I had no conversation with your father at Kasliville as 
to the after-movements of his army; nor did I have on the march to Murfrees- 
boro. I think it was at Murfreesboro that I first knew of the decision to 
make, if practicable, a junction with Beauregard at Corinth. 

As to the movements hy rail from Murfreesboro to Stevenson and thence to 
Corinth, by the Charleston & Memphis Railroad, it was simply impossible with- 
out sacrificing the supplies and munitions on which the subsistence and arma- 
ment of the command depended. The entire transportation capacity of the 
railroads was taxed to the utmost, and even then immense quantities of meat 
and other commissary supplies were left at Nashville, Murfreesboro, Shelby- 
ville, Fayetteville, and Huntsville. Again, the movement was made over the 
"metal" roads leading to Shelbyville, Fayetteville, and Huntsville, as expedi- 
tiously, considering the number of troops to be transported, as it could have 
been by rail, with the imperfect organization of the railroad, as it then existed. 

The movement from Nashville, southeast by way of Murfreesboro, 
to a certain extent beguiled the Federal generals into the belief that 
General Johnston intended to retreat on Chattanooga, and masked the 
concentration of his troops to the west. A direct retrograde would 
have betrayed his purpose. Had they understood his design, with 
larger forces, shorter lines, and better routes, they might have antici- 
pated him at Corinth, or even intercepted him at Decatur. 

When the condition of the troops, the season of the year, thr 
precedented rains and floods, and the consequent state of the ro 
taken into consideration, this retreat may well be accounted a* 
dinary triumph over the greatest difficulties. The foUowi'^ 
will show some of the embarrassments which had natura^^ 



508 FROM MURFREESBORO TO CORINTH. 

staff to distrust the feasibility of this circuitous route, or, indeed, of 
any concentration with Beauregard. 

At Murfreesboro were now concentrated all the troops east of the 
Tennessee River and west of the mountains. It was here that Gen- 
eral Johnston assumed command of the army on the 23d of February, 
thus relieving Hardee, who had thus far been holding the immediate 
command. As has been seen, there were fifteen regiments in East 
Tennessee, besides Floyd's force of 2,500 men sent back by General 
Johnston to Chattanooga. General Johnston reorganized his own 
army (now numbering about 17,000 men) at Murfreesboro. The nu- 
cleus was the force that had been posted near Bowling Green, to which 
was added Crittenden's command and the debris of Donelson. The 
army was reorganized in three divisions under Hardee, Crittenden, and 
Pillow respectively ; with a reserve brigade under Breckinridge, and 
the Texas Rangers and Forrest's cavalry unattached. The brigade- 
commanders were Hindman, Cleburne, Carroll, Statham, Wood, Bowen, 
and Breckinridge. There were represented in the army thirty-five 
regiments and five battalions of infantry, seven regiments and five bat- 
talions of cavalry, and twelve batteries of artillery. The number of 
organizations, as compared with the effective total, evinces that they 
were but skeletons. 

The strictest regulations were adopted for the restoration of disci- 
pline and the morale of the army. Orders for the repression of strag- 
gling and of marauding under the pretext of impressment or purchase 
were rigid and thorough. General Johnston, always keenly alive to 
the rights of citizens and of their helplessness in presence of an army, 
warned commanders against stripping them of the " means of support 
even for the necessities of the army," and ordered safeguards to be 
granted where the means of the citizen were reduced " to the wants 
of his family." 

The line of march from Murfreesboro through Shelbyville and Fay- 
etteville to Decatur was a middle route between the railroad to Chatta- 
nooga and the turnpike from Nashville through Columbia and Pulaski. 
It was adopted so as to enable the Confederate army to intercept and 
give battle to Buell, in case he should advance by any of these three 
roads. The movement was covered by a cloud of cavalry. Helm's First 
Kentucky, Scott's Louisiana, Wirt Adams's Mississippi, and by For- 
rest's and Morgan's commands, who were bold and energetic in harass- 
ing the enemy. The incessant rains, varying from a drizzle to a tor- 

■^ flooded the roads, washed away bridges, and made encampment 
.intolerable and marching nearly impossible. General Hodge, 
-^.tch, says of the road taken : 

the most part, through cultivated and deep bottoms, on the edge 
''abama it rises abruptly to cross the great plateau thrown out 



MORGAN'S FIRST RAIDS. 509 

from the Cumberland Mountains, here nearly a thousand feet above the sur- 
rounding country and full forty miles in width, covered with dense forests of 
timber, yet barren and sterile in soil, and wholly destitute of supplies for either 
man or beast. Two weeks of unintermitting rain had softened the earth until 
the surface resembled a vast swamp. . . . 

During his retreat, General Johnston's movements were well covered 
by his cavalry, who also brought him full information of the enemy. 
Scott's gallant action has already been mentioned. Captain John H. 
Morgan here first began to win his reputation as a raider. " The raid " 
— a wild dash at the enemy's communications — is, of course, as old as 
warfare. But Morgan, and after him, Stuart, Forrest, and others, made 
it historic and heroic. For the raid, the torpedo, and the ram — a modi- 
fied revival of the old Roman beaked vessel — legitimate modern war- 
fare is indebted to the Confederates. 

Morgan's first raid was begun on the afternoon of March 7th. With 
Lieutenant-Colonel Wood, ten rangers, and fifteen of his own squadron, 
he advanced along by-roads eighteen miles from Murfreesboro toward 
Nashville that day, and on the next morning marched until he came 
opposite the lunatic asylum, near Nashville. Here he commenced over- 
hauling the trains as they came along, capturing and disarming the 
men, until he had ninety-eight prisoners, including several officers. 
Returning in three parties, one was pursued by the Fourth Ohio Cav- 
alry, and obliged to abandon sixty of the prisoners. They brought in 
thirty -eight prisoners, however, with a large number of horses, mules, 
sabres, pistols, saddles, etc. 

Encouraged by this essay, he and Colonel Wood, with forty men, 
again set out from Murfreesboro, secretly and in separate parties, on 
the afternoon of the 15th. They made a rapid march, reaching Galla- 
tin, on the Louisville & Nashville Railroad, twenty-six miles north of 
Nashville, at 4 p. M. next day. Here he seized the telegraph-office, 
with several of Buell's dispatches, and burned all the rolling-stock and 
water-tank of the railroad at that place. He returned with five prison- 
ers, through the enemy's lines, to Shelbyville. 

On the 28th of February, the army took up the line of march, 
Hindman's brigade in advance, and Hardee covering the rear with all 
the cavalry. Orders prescribed twelve to fifteen miles a day as the 
march. The hardships endured have perhaps been sufficiently outlined. 
A soldier present in the campaign says * of this retreat : 

The difficulties attending it were great, but a more orderly and more sv 
ful one, under all the circumstances, was perhaps never accomplished, 
indignation, even rage, blind but full of confidence and of such fore 
have goaded common minds into desperation, was poiu-ed out upor 

' Thompson's " History of the First Kentucky Brigade," 



510 FROM MUEFREESBORO TO CORINTH. 

the commander. The wintry season, inclement, unpropitious beyond measure 
for such an undertaking, was calculated both to tax the skill of the general and 
destroy the martial ardor, even the ordinary morale^ of the troops. Dangers 
menaced the retreating array as much as hardships crowded upon its course. . . . 
Demoralization, almost unavoidably consequent upon the state of the public 
mind and the nature of a retreat, threatened to destroy the efficiency of bodies 
of troops who could not have been spared in case of an attack. And the state 
of the weather — heavy rains having set in before the command had quitted the 
vicinity of Nashville — foreboded evil, in retarding if not arresting the pro ress 
of the army, by swollen streams and impassable mud. But everything went on 
with a regularity and a degree of order that seemed to have been the result of 
circumstances working in entire harmony with the plans of a great general, 
instead of having been adverse at every step ; and he reached Corinth with so 
little loss of men or munition as to mark him one of the first administrative 
minds of his age and country. 

Duke says ("Life of Morgan," page 118) : 

When the line of march was taken up, and the heads of the columns were 
still turned southward, the dissatisfaction of the troops broke out into fresh and 
frequent murmurs. Discipline, somewhat restored at Murfreesboro, had been 
too much relaxed by the scenes witnessed at Nashville, to impose much restraint 
upon them. Unjust as it was, officers and men concurred in laying the whole 
burden of blame upon General Johnston. Many a voice was then raised to 
denounce him, which has since been enthusiastic in his praise, and many joined 
in the clamor, then almost universal against him, who, a few weeks later, when 
he lay dead upon the field he had so gallantly fought, would have given their 
own lives to recall him. 

The extracts from narratives and letters, which will be quoted, give 
an idea of the panic and rage stirred up by the evacuation of Nashville, 
and the evident intention to retreat from the State. The wrath and 
terror, so strikingly exhibited in Nashville, spread with incredible 
rapidity over the whole State. Bounds could scarcely be set to the 
fury and despair of the people. Every hamlet resounded with denun- 
ciation, and every breast was filled with indignation at the author of 
such calamities. Those who had refused to listen to his warning voice, 
when it called them to arms, were loudest in their passionate outcry at 
what they considered a base desertion of them to the mercies of the 
invader. General Johnston was, of course, the special target of every 
accusation, including imbecility, cowardice, and treason. These rash 
harges were not confined to the ignorant, the malicious, or the dis- 
'"'d. It is true that men with supposed grievances against the 
nent, the cause, or the commander, seized the occasion to vent 
^n ; and that demagogues, eager for aggrandizement at any 
in and directed the wild hunt for a victim. But every 
•augment the volume of protest and appeal to the Presi- 



POPULAR FURY. 511 

dent, demanding General Johnston's removal. Indeed, the greater the 
stake and the more violent the revulsion of patriotic fervor, the bitterer 
was the disappointment, and the more vindictive the feeling. Every- 
where, above, below, with louder and deeper swell, came from a whole 
people — noble, but mistaken, and with passions strung to the highest 
pitch — the terrible demand for vengeance. And the victim required by 
them — the man most ready, most willing to suffer as a sacrifice, if it 
would avail aught ! 

The press leveled its shafts at President Davis. One of the most 
rabid of the fire-eating journals in the South used this language, which 
is given as a sample : 

Shall the cause fuil because Mr, Davis is incompetent? The people of the 
Confederacy must answer this plain question at once, or they are lost. Tennes- 
see, under Sidney Johnston, is likely to be lost. Mr. Davis retains him. Van 
Dorn writes that Missouri must he abandoned unless the claims of Price are 
recognized. Mr. Davis will not send in his nomination. A change in the cabi- 
net is demanded instantly, to restore public confidence. Mr. Davis is motion- 
less as a clod. Buell's proclamation to the people of Nashville has disposed the 
young men, already dissatisfied with Johnston, to lay down their arms, and 
paved the way to the campaign of invasion in the Mississippi Valley. Mr. Davis 
remains as cold as ice. The people must know, and f^el, and be felt. The 
Government must be made to move. 

A writer in one of the public prints at the time, evidently with good- 
will, confidence, and respect, toward General Johnston, but somewhat 
timidly, as if overawed by public opinion, called for " charity " to his 
conduct. Among other statements he says : 

Special correspondents, not satisfied with charges of stupidity, must de- 
nounce him as corrupt. So complete is the revulsion of public sentiment, that 
soldiers, when enlisting, make it a condition that they shall not be placed under 
General Johnston. This precipitate and unmeasured condemnation must neces- 
sarily cripple him. Whatever ability he possesses will be rendered ineffectual 
through a want of confidence which will withhold from him the means of mak- 
ing his skill available. 

Some of the telegrams addressed to the President are here given, as 
illustrations of the universal feeling. But it would be unjust to the 
writers to give their names, and thus perpetuate their mistake, for 
which most of them afterward felt and expressed a sincere regret. Ar 
ex-member of the United States Congress, in whose house General J 
ston made his headquarters, telegraphed President Davis : 

Nothing but your presence here can save Tennessee. General 
army is demoralized. Your presence will reassure it, and will sa 
Nothing else can. For God's sake, come 1 
34 



512 FKOM MURFREESBORO TO CORINTH. 

An officer who overheard its transmission reported the fact to Gen- 
eral Johnston, who replied : " I was aware of his distrust. Take no 
notice of it." 

An officer, high in the staff of the army, and influential — a Missis- 
sippian — telegraphed thus : 

Memphis, March 1, 1862. 

If Johnston and Hardee are not removed, the army is demoralized. Presi- 
dent Davis must come here and take the field. 

A member of the Confederate Congress telegraphed as follows : 

Atlanta, March 11, 1862, 
I have been with and near General Johnston's army ever since he was as- 
signed command — have been his admirer and defender — still admire him as a 
man; but, in my judgment, his errors of omission, commission, and delay, have 
been greater than any general's who ever preceded him, in any country. [He 
has] inexcusably and culpably lost us 12,000 men, the Mississippi Valley, and 
comparatively all provisions stored, by one dash of the enemy. This is the 
almost unanimous judgment of officers, soldiers, and citizens. Neither is it mere 
opinion, but is demonstrable by dates, facts, figures, and disastrous results. He 
never can reorganize and reenforce his army, with any confidence. 

The people now look to you as their deliverer, and imploringly caU upon you 
to come to the field of our late disasters and assume command, as you promised 
in a speech to take the field whenever it should become necessary. That neces- 
sity is now upon us. Such a step would be worth a hundred thousand soldiers 
throughout the Confederacy. Can you, then, hesitate? We cannot survive the 
permanent loss of Tennessee and Kentucky for the war. They must be imme- 
diately retaken, at all hazards, or great suffering for provisions and forage is the 
inevitable and immediate consequence. If your presence is impossible, for God's 
sake give immediate command to Beauregard, Bragg, or Breckinridge, or all will 
be irretrievably lost. Save us while it is yet time, I will be in Eichmond next 
week. 

Such was the reversal of opinion afterward in this matter that, soon 
after the battle of Shiloh, this gentleman voluntarily, and with tears, 
expressed to the writer his "remorse for this telegram, which could 
only be accounted for by the panic that had unhinged everybod3\" It 
is due to him to say that he but expressed the popular verdict — the 
public opinion with which he came in contact. 

It will be seen that every one of these telegrams contains a most 

subtile appeal to the powerful instinct of self-love ; and it is creditable 

-^ the calmness of President Davis's judgment, as well as to the con- 

y of his friendship, that he took them at their true value. He, 

alone, remained unmoved ; and that intrepidity of intellectual 

n, characteristic of him, so often and so mistakenly called his 

■!aved the Confederacy, not only from a great injustice, but 

mistake. He not only lent his moral support to General 



1 



THE PRESIDENT AND CONGRESS. 



513 



Johnston, the weight of his great name — then a tower of strength with 
the Southern people — but he ordered, to reenforce him at Corinth, from 
the Gulf coast, Bragg's fresh, disciplined, splendid army, 10,000 strong. 

All President Davis's power was needed to retain General John- 
ston in his position. Congress took the matter in hand ; and, though 
the feeling there resulted merely in a committee of inquiry, it was 
evident that the case was prejudged. 

The resolutions passed by the Confederate House of Representa- 
tives created a special committee " to inquire into the military disasters 
at Fort Henry and Fort Donelson, and the surrender of Nashville into 
the hands of the enemy," and as to the conduct, number, and disposition, 
of the troops under General Johnston. Great feeling was shown in the 
debates. 



;! JC'KNTUCKY 



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j/^Frost 7 'Is < 'm^tf^ ^\y^^ Hartsvii: 



Sic.Kenzie/ 

-f Milan ^C*^ 

mboldt 



^ Dickson 



Imsonville 



Franklin^^ 
Centrevllle 

;''SOn ^o'^aturV.I ' \ ^'«^''"''^'' Jit.rkasai.'t \ 



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v^^ s^^'lf- w- Savannah 

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/Ripley ^^©'Corinth 

M ■ I S ""^S 
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Scale of Miles 




lurfreesboro 

eu lu .„V£i=c*Wartrace'' 

TuUaJiouia?^ 

DecherdS^^ , 

' Cowan 



JO 30 




In response to the attempt of Mr. Moore, of Kentucky, to put in a 
plea for General Johnston, Mr, Foote, of Tennessee, asked " if the gen- 
tleman would advocate the continuance of any man in command when 
the soldiers under him had lost confidence in him." 

The writer believes he may now safely say, without fear of contra- 
diction among the Southern people, that General Johnston was too 
calm, too just, and too magnanimous, to misapprehend or resent so 
natural a manifestation. His whole life had been a training for this 
occasion. To encounter suddenly and endure calmly the obloquy of a 
whole nation is, to any man, a great burden. To do this with a seren- 



514 FROM MURFREESBORO TO CORINTH. 

ity that shall not only not falter in duty, but restore confidence, obtain 
the best possible results, and organize victory, is conclusive proof of a 
greatness of soul rarely equaled. 

But, while the storm of execration raged around him, the men 
who came into immediate contact with General Johnston never for a 
moment doubted his ability to perform all that was possible to man. 
Among these, the Kentuckians, who felt that his camp was their only 
ark in the revolutionary deluge, as a rule gave him their confidence. 
This was possibly due to State pride in his nativity ; but probably still 
more to the presence on his staff of several able and popular citizens 
of that State. The Texans, too, never faltered in their trust in him, 
approved by so many years of trial. 

John A. Wharton, then colonel, afterward major-general, a man 
sagacious, able, and eloquent, wrote to him, from a sick-bed, March 14th : 

I trust the Eangers will be kept as near you as the good of the service will 
permit; and that they will not be deprived, under any circumstances, from par- 
ticipating in the first battle. The esteem and admiration of every honest man 
must be desirable to any man, no matter how exalted his position ; and, under 
present circumstances, I feel it is not inappropriate in me to say that I regard 
you as the best soldier in America, and that I desire to fight under no other 
leadership, and that such is the feeling of the Texas Eangers. 

This was not according to regulations — a subordinate commending 
his superior ; but it was no time for conventionalities, as Wharton's 
vigorous sense clearly saw. R. Scurry, well known in the early annals 
of Texas, wrote from Hempstead, Texas, March 15th : 

I fully approve of your movements. I have all the enthusiasm and feelings 
of '36 upon me. I hope for the best. With an ear deaf to popular clamor, pur- 
sue your course and follow the dictates of your own reason, and fame will be 
your reward. 

Love and others also wrote to him in the same spirit. 

Quotations have already been made from an able article from the 
incisive pen of Woolley ; other Kentuckians took the same view ; but 
one of the most gratifying testimonials was a letter, quoted hereafter, 
from the provisional Governor, George W. Johnson, which might prop- 
erly be added as a companion-piece to his energetic protest against the 
evacuation of Bowling Green. 

A correspondent of the 3Iohile Hegister said : 

I remember well being with him one evening at Murfreesboro, after the re- 
treat from Nashville, when, in the course of conversation, I urged that he should, 
in justice to himself, make an explanation to the people. " Ah ! my dear friend," 
'he replied, " I cannot correspond with the people. "What the people want is a 
battle and a victory. That is the best explanation I can make. I require no 
vindication. I trust that to the future." Noble, glorious, self-sacrificing heart 1 



MORAL POWER. 5I5 

He required no newspaper vindication, because he was conscious that ho had 
taken the only course to save his little army. If there was censure deserved, 
the people would find out in the future where it should rest. Thus tlie great, 
magnanimous and chivalric Johnston bared his head to the storm of anathema 
and denunciation, without a murmur of complaint or any attempt to shield him- 
self from its fury. 

The respect due these men is that which was paid the consul who, 
after Cannae, did not despair of the republic. 

Colonel Munf ord says in his address at Memphis, heretofore quoted : 

"When we left Nashville for Murfreesboro the trip was made in the night, 
because the army, with their wagons and artillery, would then be encamped, 
and the road clear. About ten o'clock that night a very heavy rain commenced 
falling, and General Johnston called for me to exchange my horse for his driver's 
seat beside him, and get into a little carriage in which he was. We were alone, 
and the conversation soon became free and full about recent events. I told him 
he had begun to see and Jiear something of the clamor his retreat was causing. 
"Oh, yes," he said, "but you know I anticipated this. It will last no longer 
than is necessary for me to be in condition to fight a battle. As soon as I get 
men enough, I have no fear but that this clamor will become praise." 

Thus looking for it to come, as well as facing it when in its midst, he viewed 
and treated it with the same philosophic calmness and just appreciation. That, 
as a good man, General Johnston felt the censures of his countrymen is abso- 
lutely certain ; but that, as a wise man, he estimated them at their true value, 
and, as a manly man, deviated neither to the right hand nor to the left from the 
path of duty on account of them, is equally certain. 

General Preston also states to the writer that General Johnston 
felt complete confidence in his ability to reorganize his army, and to 
strike such a blow as would not only restore the confidence of his com- 
patriots, but would turn the tide of defeat into a career of victory. 
Whoever spoke to him, whoever saw him, went away, not so much 
touched with the pathos and the difficulties of his great ordeal, as san- 
guine of success and eager for a trial of arms with the foe. As the re- 
treat was converted into an evident march against the enemy, the spirit 
of the army rose from the depths into a passionate and exultant thirst 
for the combat. Munford says : 

He had no self-seeking. He honestly believed that the South was right, 
and the cause of constitutional liberty in America bound up in her fate. In 
joining her standard, therefore, he was actuated by such convictions of duty 
that he had no trouble in keeping his eye fixed singly upon her success. As il- 
lustrative of this, of his magnanimity and absolute justice, I will notice his treat- 
ment of Generals Floyd and Pillow, in the very midst of the denunciations 
poured out upon him for losing the army at Donelson. He received them both 
with the utmost kindness, and made Floyd at once commandant of the post at 
Kashville. After we had reached Murfreesboro, I asked him what he thought 
of their conduct. He replied : " The oflacial reports are not yet before me. I 



516 FROM MUKFREESBOEO TO CORINTH. 

do not think it would be just to those gentlemen to permit myself to form an 
opinion till they have stated the facts in an authentic form." At Decatur, he 
voluntarily said to me, " I intend to sustain Floyd and Pillow. Their conduct 
was irregular, but its repetition may be avoided by a simple order. They are 
both men of tried courage, and have had experience in the field. "We have too 
few oflBcers possessed of these advantages, and the country needs them. I think 
it my duty to sustain them, and shall do so." How rare the man, thus goaded 
by abuse, who, unheeding self, would do alone as duty bid ! 

On tlie IGth of March, however, he received a letter from the Secre- 
tary of War, dated March 11th, which closed that question. Mr. Ben- 
jamin says : 

The reports of Brigadier-Generals Floyd and Pillow are unsatisfactory, and 
the President directs that both these generals be relieved from command until 
further orders. In the mean time you will request them to add to their reports 
such statements as they may deem proper on the following points. 

The Secretary then propounded a number of interrogatories, relating 
to matters which have been already fully discussed. He concludes : 

You are further requested to make up a report from all the sources of in- 
formation accessible to you, of all the particulars connected with the unfortunate 
affair which can contribute to enlighten the judgment of the Executive and of 
Congress, and to fix the blame, if blame there be, on those who were delinquent 
in duty. 

Out of this matter and the general situation in the West arose an 
unofficial correspondence, which has been published in part. General 
Johnston's letter of March 18th has been much admired, and comment 
upon it by the present writer is not called for. President Davis's let- 
ters are also given in full, and will be found to reflect equal credit on 
his head and heart. 

[Telegram.] 

HuNTSviLLE, ifarch 7—11 a. m. 

Your dispatch is just received. I sent Colonel Liddell to Eichmond on the 
2Sth ult., with the official reports of Generals Floyd and Pillow of the events at 
Donelson, and suppose that he must have arrived by this time. I also sent by 
him a dispatch, containing my purposes for the defense of the valley of the 
Mississippi, and for cooperating or uniting with General Beauregard, who has 
been urging me to come on. 

The stores accumulated at Murfreesboro, the pork and provisions at Shelby- 
ville and other points, and their necessary protection and removal, with the bad 
roads and inclement weather, have made the march slow and laborious, and 
delayed my movements. The general condition of the troops is good and effec- 
tive, though their health is impaired by the usual camp disasters and a winter 
campaign. 

The fall of Donelson disheartened some of the Tennessee troops, and caused 
many desertions from some of the new regiments, so that great care was re- 



DAVIS'S GEXEROUS LETTER. 517 

quired to inspire confidence. I now consider the tone of the troops restored, 
and that they are in good order. The enemy are about 25,000 strong at Nash- 
ville, with reenforcements arriving. My rear-guard, under General Hardee, is 
protecting the removal of provisions from Shelbyville. Last evening his pickets 
were near Murfreesboro, but gave no information of an advance by the enemy. 
There are no indications of an immediate movement by the enemy from Nash- 
ville. I have no fears of a movement through Tennessee on Chattanooga. West 
Tennessee is menaced by heavy forces. My advance will be opposite Decatur 
on Sunday. 

(Signed) A. S. Johsstox, General C. S. A. 

To President Davis, Eichmond. 

KiCHMOND, Virginia, Jfarch 12, 1SG2. 

Mt dear General: The departure of Captain "Wickliffe offers an oppor- 
tunity, of which I avail myself, to write you an unofficial letter. "We have suf- 
fered great anxiety because of recent events in Kentucky and Tennessee ; and I 
have been not a little disturbed by the repetitions of reflections upon yourself. 
I expected you to have made a full report of events precedent and consequent to 
the fall of Fort Donelson. In the mean time I made for you such defense -as 
friendship prompted, and many years of acquaintance justified ; but I needed 
facts to rebut the wholesale assertions made against you to cover others and to 
condemn my administration. The public, as you are aware, have no correct 
measure for military operations ; and the journals are very reckless in their 
statements. 

Your force has been magnified, and the movements of an army have been 
measured by the capacity for locomotion of an individual. 

The readiness of the people among whom you are operating to aid you in 
every method has been constantly asserted ; the purpose of your army at Bowl- 
ing Green wholly misunderstood ; and the absence of an effective force at Nash- 
ville ignored. You have been held responsible for the fall of Donelson and the 
capture of Nashville. It is charged that no effort was made to save the stores 
at Nashville, and that the panic of the people was caused by the army. 

Such representations, with the sad forebodings naturally belonging to them, 
have been painful to me, and injurious to us both ; but, worse than this, they 
have undermined public confidence, and damaged our cause. A full develop- 
ment of the truth is necessary for future success. 

I respect the generosity which has kept you silent, but would impress upon 
you that the question is not personal but public in its nature ; that you and I 
might be content to suffer, but neither of us can willingly permit detriment to 
the country. As soon as circumstances will permit, it is my purpose to visit 
the field of your present operations; not that I should expect to give yon any 
aid in the discharge of your duties as a commander, but with the hope that my 
position would enable me to effect something in bringing men to your standard. 
"With a sufficient force, the audacity which the enemy exhibits would no doubt 
give you the opportunity to cut some of his lines of communication, to break 
up his plan of campaign ; and, defeating some of his columns, to drive him from 
the soil as well of Kentucky as of Tennessee. 

"We are deficient in arms, wanting in discipline, and inferior in numbers. 
Private arms must supply the first want ; time and the presence of an enemy. 



518 FROM MURFREESBORO TO CORINTH. 

with diligence on the part of commanders, will remove the second ; and public 
confidence will overcome the third. General Bragg brings you disciplined 
troops, and you will find in him the highest administrative capacity. General 
E. K. Smith will soon have in East Tennessee a sufficient force to create a strong 
diversion in your favor ; or, if his strength cannot be made available in that 
way, you will best know how to employ it otherwise. I suppose the Tennessee 
or Mississippi River will be the object of the enemy's next campaign, and I 
trust you will be able to concentrate a force which will defeat either attempt. 
The fleet which you will soon have on the Mississippi River, if the enemy's gun- 
boats ascend the Tennessee, may enable you to strike an effective blow at Cairo ; 
but, to one so well informed and vigilant, I will not assume to ofi'er suggestions 
as to when and how the ends you seek may be attained. With the confidence 
and regard of many years, I am very truly your friend, 

Jeffeeson Davis. 

Decatur, Alabama, March 18, 18G2. 

My dear General: I received the dispatches from Richmond, with your 
private letter by Captain "Wickliffe, three days since ; but the pressure of affairs 
and the necessity of getting my command across the Tennessee prevented me 
from sending you an earlier reply. 

I anticipated all that you tell as to the censures which the fall of Fort Donel- 
son drew upon me, and the attacks to which you might be subjected ; but it was 
impossible for me to gather the facts for a detailed report, or spare time which 
was required to extricate the remainder of my troops and save the large accumu- 
lation of stores and provisions, after that disheartening disaster. 

I transmitted the reports of Generals Floyd and Pillow without examining or 
analyzing the facts, and scarcely with time to read them. 

When about to assume command of this department, the Government charged 
me with the duty of deciding the question of occupying Bowling Green, which 
involved not only military but political considerations. At the time of my arrival 
at Nashville, the action of the Legislature of Kentucky had put an end to the 
latter by sanctioning the formation of camps menacing Tennessee, by assuming 
the cause of the Government at Washington, and by abandoning the neutrality 
it professed ; and in consequence of their action the occupation of Bowling Green 
became necessary as an act of self-defense, at least in the first step. 

About the middle of September General Buckner advanced with a small force 
of about 4,000 men, which was increased by the 15th of October to 12,000 ; and, 
though accessions of force were received, continued at about the same strength 
till the end of the month of November, measles, etc., keeping down the effective 
force. The enemy's force then was, as reported to the War Department, 50,000, 
and an advance impossible. No enthusiasm, as we imagined and hoped, but 
hostility, was manifested in Kentucky. Believing it to be of the greatest moment 
to protract the campaign, as the dearth of cotton might bring strength from 
abroad and discourage the. North, and to gain time to strengthen myself by new 
troops from Tennessee and other States, I magnified my forces to the enemy, 
but made known my true strength to the department and the Governors of 
States. The aid given was small. At length, when General Beauregard came 
out in February, he expressed his surprise at the smallness of my force, and was 
impressed with the danger of my position. I admitted what was so manifest, 



GENERAL JOHNSTON'S ANSWER. 519 

and laid before him my views for the future, in which he entirely concurred, 
and sent me a memorandum of our conference, a copy of which I send to you. 
I determined to fight for Xashvillo at Donelson, and gave the best part of my 
array to do it, retaining only 14,000 men to cover my front, and giving 16,000 
to defend Donelson. The force at Donelson is stated in General Pillow's report 
at much less, and I do not doubt the correctness of his statement ; for the force 
at Bowling Green, which I supposed 14,000 effective men (the medical report 
showing only a "little over 500 sick in hospitals"), was diminished more than 
5,000 by those who were unable to stand the fatigue of a march, and made my 
force on reaching Nashville less than 10,000 men. I inclose medical director's 
report. Had I wholly uncovered my front to defend Donelson, Buell would 
have known it and marched directly on Nashville. There were only ten small 
steamers in the Cumberland in imperfect condition, only three of which were 
available at Nashville, while the transportation of the enemy was great. The 
evacuation of Bowling Green was imperatively necessary, and was ordered before 
and executed while the battle was being fought at Donelson. I had made every 
disposition for the defense of the fort my means allowed ; and the troops were 
among the best of my forces, and the generals, Floyd, Pillow, and Buckner, were 
high in the opinion of officers and men for skill and courage, and among the best 
officers of my command ; they were popular with the volunteers, and all had 
seen much service. No reenforceraents were asked. I waited the event oppo- 
site Nashville. The result of the conflict each day was favorable. At midnight 
on the 15th I received the news of a glorious victory ; at dawn, of a defeat. 
My column was during the day and night (of the 16th) thrown over the river. 
A battery had been established below the city to secure the passage. Nashville 
was incapable of defense from its position, and from the forces advancing from 
Bowling Green and up the Cumberland. A rear-guard was left, under General 
Floyd, to secure the stores and provisions, but did not completely effect the ob- 
ject. The people were terrified and some of the troops were disheartened. The 
discouragement was spreading, and I ordered the command to Murfreesboro, 
where I managed, by assembling Crittenden's division, and the fugitives from 
Donelson, to collect an army able to offer battle. The weather was inclement, 
the floods excessive, and the bridges were washed away ; but most of the stores 
and provisions were saved, and conveyed to new depots. This having been ac- 
complished, though with serious loss, in conformity with my original design I 
marched southward and crossed the Tennessee at this point, so as to cooperate 
or unite with Beauregard for the defense of the valley of the Mississippi. The 
passage is almost completed, and the head of my column is already with General 
Bragg at Corinth. The movement was deemed too hazardous by the most ex- 
perienced members of my staff, but the object Avarranted the risk. The diffi- 
culty of effecting a junction is not wholly overcome, but it approaches completion. 
Day after to-morrow (22d), unless the enemy intercepts me, my force will be 
with Bragg — and my army nearly 50,000 strong. This must be destroyed before 
the enemy can attain his object. 

I have given you this sketch, so that you may appreciate the embarrassments 
which surrounded me in my attempts to avert or remedy the disaster of Donel- 
son, before alluding to the conduct of the generals. 

When the force was detached, I was in hopes that such dispositions would 
have been made as would have enabled the forces to defend the fort or withdraw 



520 TROM MURFREESEORO TO CORINTH. 

without sacrificing the army. On the 14th I ordered General Floyd, by tele- 
gram, " if he lost the fort to get his troops back to Nashville." It is possible 
this might have been done ; but justice requires to look at events as they ap- 
peared at the time, and not alone by the light of subsequent information. All 
the facts in relation to the surrender will be transmitted to the Secretary of War 
as soon as they can be collected in obedience to liis order. It appears from the 
information received, that General Buckner, being the junior officer, took the 
lead in advising the surrender, and General Floyd acquiesced, and they all con- 
curred in the belief that their force could not maintain the position. All con- 
curred that it would involve a great sacrifice of life to extricate the command. 
Subsequent events show that the investment was not so complete as their in- 
formation from their scouts led them to believe. The conference resulted in 
the surrender. The command was irregularly transferred, and devolved on the 
junior general ; but not apparently to avoid any just responsibility, or from any 
want of personal or moral intrepidity. The blow was most disastrous, and 
almost without remedy. I therefore in my first report remained silent. This 
silence you were kind enough to attribute to my generosity. I will not lay 
claim to the motive to excuse my course. 

I observed silence, as it seemed to me to be the best way to serve the cause 
and the country. The facts were not fully known, discontent prevailed, and 
criticism or condemnation was more likely to augment than cure the evil. I 
refrained, well knowing that heavy censures would fall upon me, but convinced 
that it was better to endure them for the present, and defer to a more propitious 
time an investigation of the conduct of the generals ; for, in the mean time, their 
services were required, and their influence was useful. For these reasons. Gen- 
erals Floyd and Pillow were assigned to duty, for I still felt confidence in their 
gallantry, their energy, and their devotion to the Confederacy. 

I have thus recurred to the motives by which I have been governed, from a 
deep personal sense of the friendship and confidence you have always shown me, 
and from the conviction that they have not been withdrawn from me in adver- 
sity. All the reports requisite for a full official investigation have been ordered. 
Generals Floyd and Pillow have been suspended from command.* 

You mention that you intend to visit the field of operations here. I hope 
soon to see you, for your presence would encourage my troops, inspire the peo- 
ple, and augment the army. To me personally it would give the greatest grati- 
fication. Merely a soldier myself, and having no acquaintance with the states- 
men or leaders of the South, I cannot touch springs familiar to you. Were you 
to assume command, it would afford me the most unfeigned pleasure, and every 
energy would be exerted to help you to victory, and the country to indepen- 
dence. Were you to decline, still your presence alone would be of inestimable 
advantage. 

The enemy are now at Nashville, about 50,000 strong, advancing in this di- 
rection by Columbia. He has also forces, according to the report of General 
Bragg, landing at Pittsburg, from 25,000 to 50,000, and moving in the direction 
of Purdy. 

This army corps, moving to join Bragg, is about 20,000 strong. Two bri- 
gades, Hindman's and Wood's, are, I suppose, at Corinth. One regiment of Har- 

' This was in obedience to orders from the War Department. 



THE TEST OF MERIT. 521 

dee's division (Lieutenant-Colonel Patton commanding) is moving by cars to-day 
(20th March), and Statham's brigade (Crittenden's division). The brigade will 
halt at luka, the regiment at Burnsville ; Cleburne's brigade, Hardee's division, 
except regiment, at Burnsville ; and Carroll's brigade, Crittenden's division, and 
Helm's cavalry, at Tuscumbia; Bowen's brigade at Cortland; Breckinridge's 
brigade, here ; the regiments of cavalry of Adams and Wharton, on the oppo- 
site bank of the river ; Scott's Louisiana regiment at Pulaski, sending forward 
supplies ; Morgan's cavalry at Shelbyville, ordered on. 

To-morrow, Breckinridge's brigade will go to Corinth ; then Bowen's. "When 
these pass Tuscumbia and luka, transportation will be ready there for the other 
troops to follow immediately from those points, and, if necessary, from Burns- 
ville. The cavalry will cross and move forward as soon as their trains can be 
passed over the railroad-bridge. 

I have troubled you with these details, as I cannot properly communicate 
them by telegram. 

The test of merit in ray profession with the people is success. It is a hard 
rule, but I think it right. If I join this corps to the forces of Beauregard (I con- 
fess a hazardous experiment), then those who are now declaiming against me 
will be without an argument. Your friend, 

A. S. JonxsTOx. 

P. S. — I will prepare answers to the questions propounded by General Foote, 
chairman of the committee to investigate the causes of the loss of the forts, as 
soon as practicable. But, engaged as I am in a most hazardous movement of a 
large force, every, the most minute, detail requiring my attention for its accom- 
plishment, I cannot say when it will be forwarded to the Secretary of War to be 
handed to him, if he think proper to do so.* 

Colonel T. M. Jack, in a letter addressed to the present writer in 
1877, gives a graphic account of the circumstances under which Presi- 
dent Davis received this letter : 

Just before the battle of Shiloh your father sent me to Eichmond, as bearer 
of dispatches to President Davis. Among these dispatches was the celebrated 
letter in which success is recognized as the test of merit in the soldier. My du- 
ties, of course, were merely executive— to deliver the dispatches in person, and 
return with tlie answers quietly and promptly. 

Arriving at Pvichmond, and announcing my business to tlie proper officer, I 
was at once shown into the office of Mr. Davis and presented to him. I had 
never before met the President of the Confederacy. He received me with cour- 
tesy — even with kindness— asking me at once, " How is your general my friend 

General Johnston? " There was an earnestness in the question which could not 
be misunderstood. Pveplying briefly, I handed him my dispatches, which he was 
in the act of opening, when an officer entered the room, to whom the President 
presented me as General Lee. This was my first meeting with him also— and 
the last. He had not then attained the full measure of his fame. He was not 
as yet the idol of the Southern people. These things came afterward, with the 
recognition by all fair-minded Christendom of the greatness of the Christian 
chieftain. There was something fascinating in his presence. His manners 

» This letter was begun on March 17th, and finished March 20th. 



522 FROM MURFREESBORO TO CORINTH. 

struck me as dignified, graceful, and easy. He seated himself by my side at the 
"window", and engaged me in conversation about the movements of our Western 
army, while the President read, in silence, the dispatches of your father. These 
two historic figures, together in the capital of the Confederacy, the one chatting 
pleasantly with a young and unknown oflScer, the other engrossed -with the last 
formal papers of the ranking general in the field of the Confederate forces after 
their retreat, and on the eve of a pitched battle on chosen ground, fastened them- 
selves on the canvass of my memory in bright and lasting colors. Listening to 
the pleasing tones of the general's voice, I watched, at the same time, with eager 
interest, the countenance of the President, as he read the clear, strong, and frank 
expressions of his old friend and comrade, full of facts, and breathing senti- 
ments of the noblest spirit. There was softness then in his face ; and, as his eye 
was raised from the paper, there seemed a tenderness in its expression, border- 
ing on tears, surprising and pleasing at that critical juncture in the civil and 
military leader of a people in arms. 

Next day the President handed me his dispatches, which were delivered to 
the general at Corinth, as he was preparing for the field. 

"How did the President receive you?" he asked, in a playful way, as I 
handed him the dispatches. " As the aide-de-camp of his friend," was my re- 
sponse, in the same spirit ; after which he made no further allusion to the 
mission. 

The following was the reply borne to General Johnston by Colonel 
Jack : 

EiCHMOND, ViBGiNTA, Murch 26, 1862. 

Mt deae General : Yours of the 18th inst. was this day delivered to me by 
your aide, Mr. Jack. I have read it with much satisfaction. So far as the past 
is concerned, it but confirms the conclusions at which I had already arrived. 
My confidence in you has never wavered, and I hope the public will soon give 
me credit for judgment, rather than continue to arraign me for obstinacy. 

You have done wonderfully well, and now I breathe easier in the assurance 
that you will be able to make a jimction of your two armies. If you can meet 
the division of the enemy moving from the Tennessee before it can make a 
junction with that advancing from Nashville, the future will be brighter. If 
this cannot be done, our only hope is that the people of the Southwest will rally 
en masse with their private arms, and thus enable you to oppose the vast army 
which will threaten the destruction of our country. 

I have hoped to be able to leave here for a short time, and would be much 
gratified to confer with you, and share your responsibilities. I might aid you in 
obtaining troops ; no one could hope to do more unless he underrated your mili- 
tary capacity. I write in great haste, and feel that it would be worse than use- 
less to point out to you how much depends upon you. 

May God bless you is the sincere prayer of your friend, 

Jefferson Davis.* 

On the 25 th of March General Johnston completed the concentra- 
tion of his troops. On that day he wrote to the President from Cor- 
inth, " My force is now united, holding Burnsville, luka, and Tuscum- 
bia, with one division here." 

' It will be observed that General Lee's letter (on page 551) was written the same day. 



THE WAR IX MISSOURI. 523 



CHAPTER XXXI. 

PITTSBURG LAX DING. 

While these movements of General Johnston were in progress, a 
stirring campaign occurred in Missouri, and great preparations were 
made in the Mississippi Valley, and on the Tennessee River, to over- 
•\vhelm him on that flank. The storm was gathering. It has been seen 
that General Johnston's efforts to raise men for the contest west of the 
Mississippi were as earnest and as unavailing as in Mississippi and Ten- 
nessee. Though vested with the direction of affairs both east and west 
of the river, so distant and distinct was the scene of operations in Mis- 
souri that he was only able to maintain a general control there. 

"While the armies in Kentucky, like wary swordsmen, watched every 
opposing movement, with only an occasional thrust and parry, until the 
final rush and death-grapple, the struggle in Missouri resembled those 
stage-combats in which many and often aimless blows are given, the 
antagonists exchange weapons and positions, and the situations shift 
with startling rapidity, until an interposing hand strikes up the weap- 
ons and leaves the contest undecided. 

After the return of Price's army from the expedition to Lexington, 
it moved about in Southwestern Missouri until Christmas, when it 
advanced to Springfield, where it remained until the middle of Feb- 
ruary. McCulloch wrote to General Johnston, October 11th, that he 
had been able to recruit about 1,000 infantry, which did not supply his 
losses from sickness. McCulloch was convinced that nothing could be 
done until spring, except in the way of organization and preparation. 
Many motives impelled Price to resume the aggressive. He was flat- 
tered with the general and growing sympathy of his fellow-citizens ; 
but he was not sustained by a corresponding accession of force, and 
for a long time his army remained a shifting and tumultuous throng 
of from 5,000 to 15,000 men. Eventually, disciplined by competent 
hands, sifted by hardship, and tempered in the fire of battle, it be- 
came as true, tried, and faultless, as the blade of Damascus. Dissen- 
sions arose between McCulloch and Price, which were eventually set- 
tled to the satisfaction of both parties by the assignment of Major- 
General Earl Van Dorn to the command west of the Mississippi River. 

Van Dorn had been a captain in General Johnston's own regiment, 
the Second Cavalrj', and was distinguished for courage, energy, and 
decision. On taking command, he adopted bold plans, in accordance 
with the views of Generals Johnston and Price. But these the enemy 



524 PITTSBURG LANDING. 

did not allow him to carry out. Van Dorn assumed command January 
29, 1862, and was engaged in organizing the force in Northeastern 
Arkansas until February 22d, when, learning the Federal advance, he 
hastened, with only his staff, to Fayetteville, where McCulloch's army 
had its headquarters, and toward which Price was falling back from 
Springfield. 

General Curtis, the Federal commander, had at Rolla, according to 
his report, a force of 12,095 men, and fifty pieces of artillery. He 
advanced February 11th, and Price retreated. He overtook Price's 
rear-guard at Cassville, and harassed it for four days on the retreat. 
Curtis pursued Price to Fayetteville, Arkansas, and then retired to 
Sugar Creek, where he proposed to establish liimself. Leaving the 
main body here to fortify, he sent out heavy detachments to live upon 
the country and collect provisions. 

As soon as Van Dorn arrived at the Confederate camps, on Boston 
Mountain, he made speedy preparations to attack Curtis or some one of 
his detachments. Learning that Sigel was at Bentonville with 7,000 
men, he attempted to intercept him with his army, then about 16,000 
strong. The lack of discipline and perfect methods in the Confederate 
army allowed Sigel to effect his escape, which he did with considerable 
skill. Curtis was enabled to concentrate at Sugar Creek ; and, instead 
of taking him in detail. Van Dorn was obliged to assail his entire army. 

Nevertheless, while Curtis was preparing for a front attack, Van 
Dorn, by a wide detour, led Price's army to the Federal rear, moving 
McCulloch against Curtis's right flank. Here, again, the want of order 
among the Confederate troops produced disastrous results, and so slow 
and embarrassed was their march that the enemy got notice of it in time 
to make his dispositions accordingly. Van Dorn had avoided his in- 
trenchments, however, and fought him on fairer terms, though Curtis, 
posted on rugged and wooded hills, still held the stronger ground. 

The battle of " Elkhorn," or " Pea Ridge," as the Federals call it, 
began early on the morning of March 5, 1862. The opposing armies 
were nearly equal in strength. Van Dorn says he had 14,000 men 
engaged, and Curtis puts his force at about 10,000 men and forty-nine 
guns. The two corps of the Confederate army were widely separated ; 
Curtis's divisions fought back to back, and readily reenforced each 
other. Van Dorn, with Price's corps, encountered Carr's division, 
which advanced to meet it, but was driven back steadily and Avith 
heavy loss. 

In the mean time, McCulloch's corps met a division under Oster- 
haus, and, after a sharp, quick struggle, swept it away. Pushing for- 
ward through the scrub-oak, his wide-extended line met Sigel's, As- 
both's, and Davis's divisions. Here on the rugged spurs of the hills 
ensued one of those fearful combats in which the most determined 



BATTLE OF ELKHORN. 525 

valor is resisted by the most stubborn tenacity. In the crisis of the 
struggle McCulloch, dashing forward to reconnoitre, fell a victim to a 
lurking sharp-shooter. Almost at the same moment Mcintosh, his sec- 
ond in command, fell while charging a Federal battery with a regiment 
of Texas cavalry. Without direction or head, the shattered lines of the 
Confederates left the field, to rally, after a wide circuit, on Price's corps. 

When Van Dorn learned this sad intelligence, he urged his attack, 
pressing back the Federals until night closed the bloody scene. The 
Confederate headquarters were then at Elkhorn Tavern, where the 
Federal headquarters had been in the morning. Each army was now 
on its opponent's line of communications. Van Dorn found his troops 
much disorganized and exhausted, short of ammunition, and without 
food. He made his arrangements to retreat. The wagon-trains and 
all men not effective for the coming battle were started b}' a circui- 
tous route to Van Buren. The effectives remained to cover the re- 
treat. The gallant General Henry Little had the front line of battle 
with his own and Rives's stanch Missouri Brigades. The battle was 
renewed at 7 a. m. next day, and raged until 10 a. m. , this stout rear- 
guard holding off the whole Federal army. The trains, artillery, and 
most of the army, were by this time well on the road. The order was 
then given to the Missourians to withdraw. *' The gallant fellows 
faced about with cheers," and retired steadily. They encamped ten 
miles from the battle-field, at three o'clock. There was no real pur- 
suit. The attack had failed. 

Van Dorn puts his losses at 600 killed and wounded, and 200 pris- 
oners. Curtis reports his losses at 203 killed, 972 wounded, and 176 
missing — total, 1,351. But the casualties did not measure the Confed- 
erate loss. McCuUoch's corps was for the moment broken to pieces, 
though it rapidly recovered. Worse than all, a great chance was gone, 
and, though the Federals were badly crippled and soon left that region, 
Missouri was not regained, nor was the diversion effected in General 
Johnston's behalf which both he and Van Dorn had hoped. 

Van Dorn was now called to meet General Johnston at Corinth, 
and was ordered to hasten his army by the quickest route to that point. 
Through unavoidable causes, only one of his regiments arrived in time 
to participate in the battle of Shiloh. Soon after, however, his army 
reenforced Beauregard. 

Beauregard left Nashville sick, February 14th, to take charge in 
West Tennessee, and made his headquarters at Jackson, Tennessee, 
February 17th. He was still prostrated by disease, which partially dis- 
abled him throughout that entire campaign. He was, however, ably 
seconded by Bragg and Polk, who commanded his two grand divisions 
or army corps. Writing to General Johnston March 2d, he says : 
" General Bragg is with me. We are trying to organize every tbing^ 



628 PITTSBUEG LANDING. 

as rapidly as possible ; " and, again, on the Cth : " I am still unwell, 
but am doing the best I can. I nominally assumed the command yes- 
terday." He directed the military operations from his sick-room, and 
sometimes from his sick-bed, as he informs the writer. On March 23d 
he went to Corinth to confer with General Johnston there, and on 
March 26th removed thither permanently. 

Whether Columbus should be evacuated entirely or stand a siege 
with a small garrison, when the rest of the army retired southward, was 
a question which had been left by General Johnston to General Beau- 
regard to determine on the spot, according to the exigencies of the 
case. On the 20th of February General Johnston telegraphed to Gen- 
eral Beauregard : 

If not well enough to assume command, I Lope that you, now having had 
time to study the field, will advise General Polk of your judgment as to the 
proper disposition of his army, in accordance with the views you entertained 
in our memoranda, unless you have changed your views. I cannot order him, 
not knowing but that you have assumed command, and our orders conflict. 

Guided by these instructions from General Johnston, Beauregard 
directed the evacuation of Columbus, and the establishment of a new 
line resting on New Madrid, Island No. 10, and Humboldt. Polk is- 
sued the preliminary orders February 25th, for the evacuation, which 
was completed on March 2d. 

General Beauregard selected Brigadier-General J. P. McCown, an old 
armj'-officer, for the command of Island No. 10, forty miles below Co- 
lumbus, whither he removed his division February 27th. A. P. Stew- 
art's brigade was also sent to New Madrid. Some 7,500 troops were 
assembled at these points. The remainder of the forces marched by 
land, under General Cheatham, to Union City. The quarters and build- 
ings were committed to the flames ; and at 3 P. m., March 2d, General 
Polk followed the retiring column from the abandoned stronghold. 

Polk says in his report : 

The enemy's cavalry — the first of his forces to arrive after the evacuation — 
reached Columbus in the afternoon next day, twenty-four hours after the last of 
our troops had left. In five days we moved the accumulations of six months, tak- 
ing with us all our commissary and quartermaster's stores — an amount sufiicient 
to supply my whole command for eight months — all our powder and other ammu- 
nition and ordnance stores, excepting a few shot and gun-carriages, and every 
heavy gun in the fort. Two thirty-two-pounders in a remote outwork were 
the only valuable guns left, and these, with three or four small and indifferent 
carronades similarly situated, were spiked and rendered useless. The whole 
number of pieces of artillery composing our armament was 140. 

After the surrender of Fort Donelson and the first flush of satisfac- 
tion resulting in Grant's promotion, he fell under the censures of his 



ISLAND NO. 10. 527 

immediate superior, Halleck, on account of the marauding and demoral- 
ization of his troops, and his own alleged neglect of duty. Grant was 
superseded, March 4th, but was soon after (March 13th) restored to 
command. It is evident, however, from Halleck's correspondence, that 
his own cautious and hesitating temper had as much to do with the 
tardy movements of the Federals as any of Grant's shortcomings. 
Halleck was now put in command of the whole West ; Buell, Grant, 
and Pope, on the west bank of the Mississippi, and Curtis in Southwest 
Missouri, all moving under his supreme control. 

While the Confederate and Federal armies were gathering, front to" 
front, at Corinth and Pittsburg Landing, important operations were 
occurring around New Madrid and Island No. 10. On the 18th of 
February General Halleck sent Major-General John Pope, whom he 
had recalled from Central Missouri, to organize an expedition against 
New Madrid. 

His force consisted of eight divisions, made up of thirty regiments 
and nine batteries, in all probably 35,000 men, besides Foote's flotilla 
and troops with it. McCown had at first probably 7,500 men, after- 
ward reduced to some four or five thousand by the removal of troops. 
General Beauregard informed him from the first that under no circum- 
stances would his force be increased, as it was intended as a forlorn 
hope to hold this position until Fort Pillow was fortified. The defense 
at Island No. 10 was not adequate to the preparations there ; but, as 
its bearing on General Johnston's operations was simply to withhold 
from his army its garrison, which did not surrender until the day after 
the battle of Shiloh, an account of the transactions there may be 
omitted as not essential to this narrative. 

While Pope was thus directed against New Madrid, a combined 
movement up the Tennessee by Grant's column was also projected. In 
orders issued March 1st, to Grant, Halleck says : 

The main object of this expedition will be to destroy the railroad-bridge over 
Bear Creek, near Eastport, Misbissippi, and also the connections at Corinth, 
Jackson, and Humboldt. It is thought best that these objects be attempted in 
the order named. Strong detachments of cavalry and light artillery, supported 
by infantry, may by rapid movements reach these points from the river without 
very serious opposition. Avoid any general engagement with strong forces. It 
will be better to retreat than to risk a general battle. This should be strongly 
impressed upon the officers sent with the expedition from the river. General 
C. F. Smith, or some very discreet officer, should be selected for such commands. 
Having accomplished these objects, or such of them as may be practicable, you 
will return to Danville and move on Paris.' 

Halleck's ultimate objective point was Memphis, which he expected 
to reach by forcing a column down the Mississippi ; and the movement 

' Badeau's " Life of Grant," vol. i., p. 596. 
35 



528 PITTSBURG LANDING. 

up the Tennessee was, at first, only subsidiar3\ It was meant to cut the 
communications from Memphis east, and prevent reenforcements to the 
Confederates on the Mississippi. Afterward, when the concentration 
of troops at Corinth was reported to him, with wonderful exaggerations 
of the Confederate strength — 100,000, 200,000 men — he determined to 
mass Buell and Grant against the army at that point; and Buell was 
ordered, March 15th, to unite his forces with Grant's, a movement pre- 
viously suggested by him. 

Meanwhile, the expedition up the Tennessee was begun by C. F. 
'Smith, on the 10th of March, with a new division under Sherman in ad- 
vance. On the 13th of March, Smith assembled four divisions — Sher- 
man's, Hurlbut's, Lew "Wallace's, and W. H, L. Wallace's, at Savannah, 
on the right bank of the Tennessee, at its Great Bend. Smith at once 
sent Sherman with his division, escorted by two gunboats, to land be- 
low Eastport and make a break in the Memphis & Charleston Rail- 
road between Tuscumbia and Corinth. Sherman, finding a Confederate 
battery at Eastport, disembarked below at the mouth of the Yellow 
River, and started for Burnsville; but, becoming discouraged at the 
continued rains, the swollen streams, the bad roads, and the resistance 
he met with from the troops posted there, under G. B, Crittenden, he 
retired. After consultation with Smith, he again disembarked, on the 
16th, at Pittsburg Landing, on the left bank, seven miles above Savan- 
nah, and made a reconnaissance as far as Monterey, some ten miles, 
nearly half-way to Corinth. On the 17th General Grant took command, 
relieving Smith, who was lying ill at Savannah on his death-bed. 
Smith died April 2oth — a very gallant and able officer. 

Two more divisions, Prentiss's and McClernand's, had joined in the 
mean time, and Grant assembled the Federal army near Pittsburg Land- 
ing, which was the most advantageous base for a movement against 
Corinth. Here it lay motionless until the battle of Shiloh. 

The Federal army was at Shiloh, near Pittsburg Landing, in a posi- 
tion naturally very strong. Its selection has been censured for rashness, 
on the erroneous presumption that the army there was outnumbered, 
inferior in discipline to its opponents, and peculiarly exposed to attack. 
The criticism is unjust, because the supposition is altogether untrue. It 
cannot be denied that General Grant reported the Confederate army at 
Corinth, at 60,000—80,000—100,000, and as rumored to be 200,000 
strong ; but we are not to suppose that his sagacity was so much at 
fault as to be misled by these " old women's stories," as Sherman calls 
them, especially when Buell was conveying to Halleck pretty accurate 
information of the numbers there. 

Grant felt safe at Shiloh, because he knew he was numerically 
stronger than his adversary. His numbers and his equipment were 
superior to those of his antagonist, and the discipline and morale of 



TOrOGRAPHY AROUND SHILOH. 



529 




his army ought to have been so. The only infantry of the Confederate 
army which had ever seen a combat were some of Polk's men, who were 
at Belmont; Hind man's brigade, which was ia the skirmish at Wood- 
sonville ; and the fugitives of Mill Spring. In the Federal army were 
the soldiers who had fought at Belmont, Fort Henry, and Donelson — 



530 PITTSBURG LANDING. 

30,000 of the last. There were many raw troops on both sides. Some 
of the Confederates received their arms for the first time that week. 

Unless these things were so, and unless Grant's army was, in whole 
or in part, an army of invasion, intended for the offensive, of course it 
was out of place on that south bank. But Sherman has distinctly as- 
serted that it was in prosecution of an offensive movement, and hence 
this occupation of the south bank was a necessary preliminary to the 
advance projected against Corinth. There was much to foster a spirit 
of self-complacent security in the bosoms of the Federal generals. Not 
only were they the stronger, but their gunboats gave them command 
of the river for reenforcement or retreat ; Buell was drawing near with 
his large army ; and the character of the ground at Shiloh made it a 
natural stronghold. The peril to Grant's army was not in the topog- 
raphy, but in the want of proper precautions. 

The overweening confidence that received at Shiloh so just and 
terrible a rebuke is inexplicable, except as the result of a natural temer- 
ity, increased by success, inexperience, and a perfect reliance on superior 
strength and position. Had it been otherwise, Grant would have for- 
tified strongly, and urged to the utmost the advance and junction of 
Buell's army with his own, or asked for other reenforcement. We shall 
see he did neither. The truth is, he undervalued his adversary's celerity 
and daring. 

The water-shed between the Mississippi and Tennessee Rivers, near 
the Great Bend, follows the general course of the latter stream, at the 
distance of some twelve or fourteen miles. The railroad system lies on 
its western and southern slope, and, as far east as Burnsville, passes 
through a poor, flat, and swampy country, covered with the primeval 
forest. There are twenty bridges between Corinth and Bethel, a space 
of some twenty-three miles. The slope toward the Tennessee is steep- 
er, broken by short creeks, which, as they apjDroach the river, become 
deep, or spread out in tangled marshes. The ridges between these 
creeks are considerably elevated above the river-level. 

The Tennessee flows northwest for some distance, until a little west 
of Hamburg, a point nineteen miles from Corinth, it takes its final bend 
to the north. Here, two affluents. Owl and Lick Creeks, flowing nearly 
parallel, somewhat north of east, from three to five miles apart, empty 
into the Tennessee. Owl Creek, uniting with Snake Creek, takes that 
name below their junction. It forms the northern limit of the ridge, 
which Lick Creek bounds on the south. These streams, rising some 
ten or twelve miles back, toward Corinth, were bordered near their 
mouths by swamps filled with back-water, and impassable except where 
the roads crossed. 

The inclosed space, a rude parallelogram, is a rolling table-land, 
about one hundred feet above the rivfer-level, with its water-shed lying 



STRENGTH OF TDE POSITION. 531 

near Lick Creek, and either slope broken by deep and frequent ravines 
draining into the two creeks ; the side toward Lick Creek being pre- 
cipitous, while that toward Owl Creek, though broken, is a gradual 
declivity. This plateau ends in abrupt hills, overlooking the narrow 
strip of river-bank ; and, the gorges near the river passing toward it, 
the tangle of ravines results in very broken ground. In the troughs of 
the ravines, brooks were running, the drainage of the recent heavy 
rains ; and there were boggy places hazardous for the passage of artil- 
lery, and difficult even for infantry. The acclivities were covered with 
forests, and often thick-set with copses and undergrowth. Indeed, the 
whole country was heavily timbered, except where an occasional small 
farm dotted the wilderness with a cultivated or abandoned field. 

Pittsburg Landing, a mere hamlet of three or four log-cabins, was 
situated about midway between the mouths of Owl and Lick Creeks, in 
the narrow and swampy bottom that here fringes the Tennessee. It 
was three or four miles below Hamburg, six or seven above Savannah, 
the Federal depot on the right bank, and twenty-two miles from Cor- 
inth by the direct road. Shiloh Church, from which the battle took its 
name, lay two and a half miles in advance of the landing. The coun- 
try between the river and Monterey, a village on the road to Corinth, 
is intersected by a network of roads, up to which neighborhood lead 
three or four roads from Corinth, cut through the forests and across the 
sloughs. These roads were badly made, soft with the continued rains, 
and not perfectly known to the .Confederate leaders. 

It will be perceived that the Federal position was, in fact, a formi- 
dable natural fortification. With few and difficult approaches, guarded 
on either flank by impassable streams and morasses, protected by a suc- 
cession of ravines and acclivities, each commanded by eminences to the 
rear, this quadrilateral seemed a safe fastness against attack — hard to 
assail, easy to defend. Its selection was the dying gift of the soldierly 
C. F. Smith to his cause. 

That the strength of Shiloh has not been overstated is evinced by 
the evidence of General Sherman, given then and afterward. He says, 
in his "Memoirs," vol. i., page 229 : 

The position was naturally strong. ... At a later period of the war, we 
could have rendered this position impregnable in one night, but at this time we 
did not do it, and it may be it is well we did not. 

He says of it in a letter to Grant's adjutant-general, Rawlins, March 
18, 1862 (page 232) : " Magnificent plain for camping and drilling, and 
a military point of great strength." On the next day (page 233), he 
expresses himself — 

Strongly impressed with the importance of this position, both for its land 
advantages and its strategic position. The ground itself admits of easy defense 



532 PITTSBURG LANDING. 

by a small command, and yet affords admirable camping-ground for 100,000 
men. 

On the trial of Colonel Thomas Worthington, Forty-sixth Ohio Vol- 
unteers, who had severely criticised General Sherman, the latter testi- 
fies : ' 

I will not insult General Smith's memory by criticising his selection of afield. 
It was not looked to so much for defense as for ground on which an army could 
be organized for offense. We did not occupy too much ground. . . . But even 
as we were, on the 6th of April, you might search the world over and not find a 
more advantageous field of battle, flanks well protected and never threatened, 
troops in easy support ; timber and broken ground giving good points to rally : 
and the proof is that forty-three thousand men, of whom at least ten thousand 
ran away, held their ground against sixty thousand chosen troops of the South, 
with their best leaders. 

In a letter to the editor of the United States Service Magazine, 
published January, 1865, General Sherman says : " It was General 
Smith who selected that field of battle, and it was well chosen. On 
any other we should surely have been overwhelmed." 

It cannot be said that the Federal generals availed themselves of 
the superior advantages of their position. Flushed with the victory 
at Donelson, they indulged the delusion of marching to an easy triumph 
whenever they might choose to advance and give battle. Sherman 
says (" Memoirs," vol. i., page 239) : 

I always acted on the supposition that we were an invading army ; that our 
purpose was to move forward in force, make a lodgment on the Memphis & 
Charleston road, and thus repeat the grand tactics of Fort Donelson, by sepa- 
rating the rebels in the interior from those at Memphis and on the Mississippi 
Eiver. We did not fortify our camps against an attack, because we had no 
orders to do so, and because such a course would have made our raw men timid. 

Again, General Sherman says (" Memoirs," vol. i., page 247) : 

We had no intrenchments of any sort, on the theory that as soon as Buell 
arrived we would march to Corinth to attack the enemy. 

While the criticism, so often made, may be just, that comfortable 
camping-grounds for the divisions were one controlling consideration 
in the arrangement of the Federal army, still it would have been diffi- 
cult on that ground to have selected any other than strong defensible 
positions. 

On Colonel Worthington's trial {vide Boynton's volume, already 
quoted, page 28), Sherman testifies, under oath, thus : 

' Vide " Sherman's Historical Raid," by Boynton, p. 29 ; also " Shiloh," p. 22, by 
Colonel Worthington. 



FALSE SECURITY. 533 

He (Colonel "Worthington) says, " A slight abattis might have prevented an 
attack." "What business was it of his whether his superior officer invited an 
attack or not? The Army Regulations will show him that no fortification can 
be made, except under order of the commanding general. To have erected forti- 
fications loould hate been an evidence of weakness^ and tcould have invited an 
attack. 

Boy n ton says (page 31) : 

Immediately after the battle, General Sherman seems to have been won over 
to the idea that an abattis might be valuable as a protection to his camp ; for, in 
a, compilation of his orders, made under his own direction, the very first of them 
which appears after the engagement contains the following paragraph : '• Each 
brigade commander will examine carefully his immediate front; fell trees to 
aflford his men barricade, and clear away all underbrush for two hundred yards 
in front, so as to uncover an approaching enemy ; with these precautions, we 
can hold our camp against any amount of force that can be brought against us." 
There is no indication that General Sherman considered this order either an 
evidence of weakness, or an invitation to attack, or as calculated to make his 
" raw men timid." 

Sherman, in his letter to the editor of the ZTnited States Service 
Magazine, already quoted, which might by courtesy be styled his " Af- 
ter-thoughts," wrote as follows : 

It was necessary that a combat, fierce and bitter, to test the manhood of the 
two armies should come off, and that was as good a place as any. It was not, 
then, a question of military skill and strategy, but of courage and pluck ; and I 
am convinced that every life lost that day to us was necessary; for otherwise, 
at Corinth, at Memphis, at Vicksburg, we would have found harder resistance, 
had we not shown our enemies that, rude and untutored as we then were, we 
could fight as well as they. 

All these excuses do not hang well together. "What was the result 
of that test of manhood which General Sherman applies, if he did not 
need fortifications before the battle of Shilob, and did need them after 
it ? Surely, that his troops were bold before and timid after the fight 
— that they could not stand the test. The suggestion does injury to 
the brave men he commanded. It is not just. 

It is perfectly evident that, if the slightest idea of an attack by Gen- 
eral Johnston had been foreseen, not only would defensive works have 
been put up, but a very different line of battle would have been estab- 
lished. All the controversy on the Federal side about the battle of 
Shiloh has arisen out of the theory that it is necessary to show that 
Generals Grant and Sherman are, and always have been, incapable of 
mistake or failure. A better theory, and more easily maintained, would 
be that they were capable of learning something, and at Shiloh re- 
ceived a lesson which rebuked their insolent contempt of an able adver- 



534 PITTSBURG LANDING. 

sary, and the perilous carelessness of their false security. These dis- 
tinguished generals have since become famous ; and it is not necessary 
to their reputations to show that they were infallible — especially, so 
early in their careers. If the testimony proves them somewhat at fault 
in wariness and sagacity, yet it shows them derelict only so far ; and 
they certainly exhibited on the field a gallantry and persistence worthy 
of commendation. 

Buell seems to have advised General Halleck with very considerable 
accuracy and promptness of General Johnston's movements after he left 
Shelbyville, showing that he had greatly improved his means of infor- 
mation, and that the retreating army could not so efiectually mask its 
movements as in Kentucky. 

In forming a plan of campaign, there was some diversity of opinion 
between Halleck and Buell as to details ; but the main idea of dividing 
the Confederacy, by cutting the Memphis & Charleston Railroad near 
the Great Bend of the Tennessee, was essentially the same. 

There has been controversy as to the origin of this plan of cam- 
paign. McClellan and Buell were in conference about it ; and Halleck 
adopted it as soon as he saw his way clear to the possession of the 
Tennessee River. 

The original design of Halleck, as communicated to his subordinates, 
was a dash at the Confederate lines of communication. It had become 
apparent to them, however, and to his adversary, that he purposed to 
split the South, and that from Sbiloh to Corinth was where he expected 
to drive his wedge. 

Buell says that he and Halleck, as independent commanders, con- 
certed the campaign against Corinth. Halleck's troops moved by 
water up the Tennessee— that being their only practicable route. Buell 
was evidently very solicitous to occupy and secure the rich region of 
Middle Tennessee, and for that reason preferred to move by land, and 
make Florence, Alabama, instead of Pittsburg or Savannah, the base 
of a combined movement. But Halleck, having been put in supreme 
command, his opinion prevailed, and the joint movement concerted 
against Corinth between the two commanders was set on foot. 

Halleck telegraphed Buell, March 26th : 

I am inclined to believe the enemy will make his stand at or near Corinth. 

On the 28th : 

It seems from all accounts the enemy is massing his forces in the vicinity of 
Corinth. You will concentrate all your available troops at Savannah, or Pitts- 
burg, twelve miles above. Large reenforcements being sent to General Grant. 
"We must be ready to attack the enemy as soon as the roads are passable. 

On April 5th Halleck telegraphed from St. Louis : 



BUELL'S MOVEMENTS. 535 

You are right about concentrating at Waynesboro. Future movements must 
depend on those of the enemy. I shall not be able to leave here until the first 
of next week, via Fort Henry and Savannah.' 

General Bucll gives the following summary of his share in the cam- 
paign before Shiloh, in a letter published in the United States Service 
Magazine^ to the statements of which his high character must secure 
entire credit : 

I deemed it best that mine [my army] should march through by land, because 
such a movement would clear Middle Tennessee of the enemy and facilitate the 
occupation of the Memphis & Charleston Railroad through North Alabama, to 
which I had assigned General Mitchell. I believed, also, that I could effect the 
movement almost as promptly that way as by water, and I knew that it would 
bring my army upon the field of future operations in better condition. I com- 
menced my march from Nashville on the 15th of March, with a rapid movement 
of cavalry, followed by McCook's division, to seize the bridges which were yet 
in possession of the enenly. The latter, however, succeeded in destroying the 
bridge over Duck River, at Columbia, forty miles distant, and another a few 
miles farther north. At that time our armies were not provided with pontoon- 
trains, and rivers had to be crossed with such means as we could make. The 
streams were out of their banks. Duck River was a formidable barrier, and it 
was not until the 31st that the army was able to cross. 

He says this work was prosecuted with intelligence, energy, and 
diligence. 

In the mean time I had been placed by the War Department under the orders 
of General Halleck, and he designated Savannah, on the east bank of the Ten- 
nessee, as the place for our junction. The distance from Columbia is ninety 
miles, and was marched at the rate of fifteen miles a day, without a halt. The 
distance from Nashville is 130 miles, and was marched in nine marching days, 
and twelve days were occupied in bridging streams. The rear divisions, in con- 
sequence of the battle, made forced marches. . . . 

The assertion that I knew that General Grant was in jeopardy has no foun- 
dation in truth, and I shall show that General Halleck and General Grant them- 
selves could not have believed that such was the case. 

He says he only casually learned, a few days before his arrival at 
Savannah, that General Grant was not there, but on the west bank, 
adding, " And then I was told it" (the force) "was secure in the natu- 
ral strength of the position." On the 18th he telegraphed. General 
Halleck : 

"I understand General Grant is on the east side of the river. Is it not so ? " 
And the reply did not inform me to the contrary. ... At no time did either of 
these officers inform me of Grant's actual position, or that he was thought to bo 
in danger. 

> Euell's letter to Grant, New York World, April 6, 1866. 



536 PITTSBURG LANDING. 

On the 3d of April Buell suggested that he had better cross the 
Tennessee at Hamburg, and Halleck replied, directing him to bait at 
Waynesboro, thirty miles from Savannah — 

Saying he could not leave St. Louis until the 7th to join us ; but, as his dis- 
patch did not reacli me before I arrived at "Waynesboro, I made no halt, but 
continued my march to Savannah. And further yet, the day before his arrival 
at Savannah, General Nelson, who commanded my leading division, advised. 
General Grant by courier of his approach, and was informed in reply that it was 
unnecessary for him to hasten his march, as he could, not at any rate cross the 
river before the following Tuesday. Nevertheless, that division and myself 
arrived at Savannah Saturday, as I had directed. The next morning General 
Grant was attacked at Pittsburg Landing. 

General Buell says further that all the facts prove that Sherman 
shared the feeling of security. 

A careful reading of the dispatches and communications of com- 
manders sustains every statement in the foregoing summary. 

General G. Ammen, in a letter dated April 5, 1871, published in 
the Cincinnati Commercial, strongly corroborates General Buell's state- 
ment that Grant delayed Nelson's march. He says Nelson told him, 
at Columbia, that he was not wanted at Savannah before Monday, 
April 7th, but, everything favoring him, he arrived there on the 5th, at 
noon. Thus, he anticipated in time not only the calculations of the 
Confederate commanders, but Buell's orders, by two days. 

There is no reason for believing that General Buell disappointed 
any just expectation of his colleagues, or moved with less diligence and 
expedition than the proposed plan of campaign demanded, or the diffi- 
culties of the march permitted. If there was the error of delay, it 
occurred in stopping at Nashville, and arose almost inevitably from the 
division of the command between Halleck and Buell, and the time taken 
up in concerting a combined movement. It was the advance of Buell 
that now hastened General Johnston's resolution to attack. 

The First, Second, Fourth, Fifth, and Sixth Divisions, commanded respec- 
tively by Brigadier-Generals Thomas, McCook, Nelson, Crittenden, and Wood, 
with a contingent force of cavalry, in all 37,000 effective men, constituted the 
main army, which, under the personal command of General Buell, was to join 
General Halleck in the projected movement against the enemy at Corinth, Mis- 
sissippi.' ' 

Mitchell's corps, moving against Florence, was 18,000 strong. 
The writer has used every effort to ascertain with entire accuracy 
the forces engaged in the battle of Shiloh. He lays before the reader 

' " Army of the Cumberland," vol. i., p. 99. 



FEDERAL STRENGTH. 537 

all the information he can obtain. The Hon. Mr. McCrary, Secre- 
tary of War, kindly put at his disposal all the data in possession of 
the War Department. These are given in the Appendix to the battle 
of Shiloh, showing for the first time the organization, strength, and 
casualties, of the Federal army, in a form which it is hoped will prove 
a valuable contribution to history. 

The tables appended to Chapter XXXIV. (see summary) show that 
General Grant had at Pittsburg Landing — total present, 58,052 men, of 
whom 49,314 were present for duty. General Buell, on the information 
of General C. F. Smith, estimated it at 60,000 men. His aggregate on 
April 1st, according to a memorandum furnished the writer by Secretary 
Belknap, December 17, 1875, was 68,175 ; and Buell's aggregate was 
101,051. Buell, on March 20th, reported to the adjutant-general that 
he had 73,472 present for duty. Thus we have present for duty in the 
armies of invasion opposed to General Johnston, and excluding the 
troops in garrison or reserve of Grant's and Halleck's commands : 

Buell's troops 73,472 

Grant's " 49,314 

Pope's " (about) 27,000 

Total 149,786 

Their aggregate force reached about 200,000 men. To meet these 
great armies, General Johnston had about 20,000 men of his own armv, 
25,000 or 30,000 under Beauregard, and 9,000 or 10,000 at Island No. 
10, Fort Pillow, and other garrisons ; not more than 60,000 in all, of 
whom not more than 50,000 were effectives. The forces immediately 
to be encountered, exclusive of Pope's, were : 

Grant 50,000 

Buell 37,000 

Mitchell 18,000 

Total 105,000 

To engage these it will be seen that he was able to get together 
about 40,000 available troops at Shiloh. 



APPENDIX A. 

(62T6 A. G. O. 75. 

Wak Depart: 

Washington, December 17, 1875, 

MEMOEANDUM. 



War Department, Adjtjtant-Geneeal's Office, I 



Statement showing the number of troops, present and absent, in the com- 
mands of Generals Sherman, Grant, and Buell, at the dates hereinafter specified. 



538 



CONCENTRATION AT CORINTH. 



GENERAL SHERMAN'S COMMAND, NOVEMBER 10, 1861. 

In commands that furnished returns to department headquarters . 30,917 

" " not furnishing returns (about) 9,100 

Regiments in process of formation (estimated) 9,600 

Total 49,617 

General Grant's command, February 1, 1862 27,113 

" Buell's " " 20, 1862 103,864 

" Grant's " April 1, 1862 68,175 

" Buell's " " 30, 1862 101,051 

Note. — Owing to the absence of returns of a uniform date, the above figures have 
been taken from such returns as are on file bearing date nearest to the time desired. 





DISTANCES. 


By Land. 


Miles. 


On 


om Corinth to luka 


23 


From 


" " Burnsville 


10 




" " Chewalla 


11^ 




" " Bethel 


23 




" " Purdy . 


22 




" " Eastport 


30 




" " Wynn's Landing 


21 




" " Farmington 


5 




" " Hamburg 


19 




" " Monterey 


11 




" " Pittsburg 


23 




" " Savannah 


30 




" luka to Eastport 


8 




" Burnsville to Wynn's 


15 




" Bethel to Purdy 


4 




" " Savannah 


23 




" Monterey to Purdy . 


15 




" " Farmington . 


9 





On Tennessee Eiver going down. Miles. 

From Chickasaw to Bear Creek . . IJ 
Bear Creek to Eastport . l\ 

Eastport to Cook's Landing . 1^ 
Cook's Landing to Indian Creek 2^ 
Indian Creek to Cook's Landing . ^ 
Cook's Landing to Yellow Creek 5 
Yellow Creek to Wynn's Landing IJ 
Wynn's Landing to Wood's . 2 
Wood's to North Bend Landing . 4 J 
North Bend Landing to Cham- 
bers's Creek ... .4 
Chambers's Creek to Hamburg . 4 
Hamburg to Lick Creek . 2 

Lick Creek to Pittsburg . . 2 
Pittsburg to Crump's Landing . 4 
Crump's Landing to Coffee . 8 

Coffee to Chalk-Bluff Landing . 2 
Chalk-Bluff Landing to Saltillo . 12 
Saltillo to Decatur Furnace . .18 



CHAPTER XXXII. 



COITCENTRATION AT CORINTH. 



General Johnston had now effected the concentration of his troops 
at Corinth, with the intent of striking Grant before the arrival of Buell. 
The strategic importance of this point can scarcely be over-estimated. 
At Corinth, two great railway lines crossed — that running north and 
south from Mobile, on the Gulf, to Columbus, near the mouth of the 



ARMY AT CORIXTH. 539 

Ohio ; and that from Memphis to Chattanooga, running east and west, 
and connecting the Mississippi River with the railroad system of Georgia 
and East Tennessee. The Mississippi Central Railroad from New Or- 
leans runs west of and nearly parallel with the Mobile & Ohio Railroad, 
gradually approaching it, and forming a junction with it at Jackson, 
Tennessee. Still farther west, the Memphis Railroad to Bowling Green 
runs northeast, crossing the Mobile & Ohio at Humboldt. With the 
Tennessee River as the Federal base, its Great Bend from Florence to 
Savannah formed a salient, to which the railway system conformed. 
Corinth was the central point and key of this system and its defense. 
Pittsburg Landing, twenty-two miles distant, was the strongest point 
near it on the river for a base. There was no mistake in its selection, 
if it had been judiciously intrenched, as has been shown. 

To concentrate at Corinth, and fight the Federal armies in detail — 
Grant first, Buell afterward — this had been the cherished object to which, 
during so many weeks. General Johnston had bent every energy. That 
concentration was at last accomplished. Arriving at Corinth in person 
on the 2-itb of March, with his troops nearly all on the ground or at 
hand, he spent a week in the reorganization, armament, and array of 
the forces collected there from so many quarters. 

It has already been seen how Polk's command was drawn back 
from Columbus, in accordance with the plan settled upon at Bowling 
Green, February 7th. It has been seen, too, that the War Department, 
as soon as it realized the fact of General Johnston's retreat from Bowlinar 
Green, ordered Bragg from Pensacola, with his well-disciplined army, 
to aid in resisting the weight of the attack. Polk had been negotiating 
with Lovell, in January, to spare him some troops ; and in compliance 
with a telegraphic request made by General Johnston from Bowling 
Green, February 2d, Lovell sent him Ruggles's brigade. General John- 
ston telegraphed, February 12th, for these troops to report, by the short- 
est possible route to Corinth, for orders from General Beauregard. 
Generals Chalmers and L. Pope Walker were already on the line of the 
Memphis & Charleston Railroad, with considerable commands. 

These pages have evinced how many and how strenuous efforts had 
been made to raise troops in the South during that autumn and winter. 
Many regiments, long organized, were lying in rendezvous waiting for 
arms. The fall of Donelson hurried up volunteering, and these new 
levies were added to the others. At this juncture — at the critical mo- 
ment, it may be said indeed, at the last moment — some cargoes of arms 
ran the blockade, and the troops were pressed to the front to receive 
these precious weapons, arriving, some in time, some too late, to share in 
the glories of Shiloh. General Beauregard issued an eloquent appeal 
for volunteers, and several regiments responded — a high compliment to 
his prestige won at Manassas. 



540 CONCENTRATION AT COIIINTH. 

The Comte de Paris mentions (vol. i., page 525), on what authority 
does not appear, that Beauregard " left Manassas with 15,000 men," and 
that " he had with him well-trained troops, who took with them the 
prestige of the Bull-Run victory, and were to inspire new ardor in the 
Army of the Mississippi, of which they were destined to form the nu- 
cleus." 

This is an error. General Beauregard came to the Army of the West 
with his staff only. The troops collected under his command at Corinth 
were composed of Polk's corps, Bragg's corps, Ruggles's, Walker's, and 
Chalmers's brigades, and the new troops sent forward by the Governors. 
Careless writers have assumed that this considerable army was sum- 
moned into being, or concentrated at Corinth, by other than regular 
military methods ; but they are mistaken. They were recruited, armed, 
disciplined, and assembled at Corinth, by the conjoint efforts of the State 
and Confederate governments, extending through many months, and by 
the slow and laborious processes already detailed in these pages. 

The army now collected at Corinth consisted of Polk's corps, whom 
we have seen holding Columbus, and baffling Grant at Belmont ; 
Bragg's well-disciplined troops, who had been all the fall in training 
at Pensacola ; Ruggles's reenforcement, detached from Lovell at New 
Orleans ; and Chalmers's and Walker's commands, as stated. To these 
were added such new levies as the Governors had in rendezvous, who in 
this emergency were sent to the front, even without arms, and a few 
regiments which were raised in response to General Beauregard's call. 

It will be remembered that General Johnston's plan of concentration 
at Corinth, long contemplated, had taken shape as soon as Donelson fell. 

On February 21st Mackall, adjutant-general, telegraphed to Gen- 
eral Pillow, who was at Columbia, that General Johnston's " retreat 
will be toward Shelbyville." On the sam6 day orders were given to 
send Cleburne's regiment to Decatur. On February 24th General 
Johnston telegraphed President Davis : 

My movement has been delayed by a storm on the 22th, washing away pike 
and railroad-bridge at this place. Floyd, 2,500 strong, will march for Chatta- 
nooga to-morrow, to defend. This army will move on the 26tb, by Decatur, for 
the valley of the Mississippi. Is in good condition and increasing in numbers. 

When his arrangements at Murfreesboro were complete, he wrote to 
Mr. Benjamin, February 27th, that he was about to move to the defense 
of the Mississippi Valley, " crossing the (Tennessee) River near Deca- 
tur, in order to enable him to coojyerate or unite with General Beaure- 
gard.'''' Next day he moved. This was before Halleck's orders for 
the movement up the Tennessee, and ten days before it began, and 
General Johnston was already three days on his march before Colum- 
bus was evacuated. 



JOHXSTON'S OBJECTIVE POINT. 54I 

On the 26tli of February General Beauregard asked for a brigade to 
assist in the defense of New Madrid, in the following terms : 

Appearance of an early attack on New Madrid, in force. Position of abso- 
lute necessity to us. Cannot you send a brigade at once, by rail, to assist 
defense as fast as possible ? 

In his report of the battle of Shiloh, he says : 

General Johnston being at Murfreesboro, on the march to form junction of 
his forces with mine, was called on to send at least a brigade by railroad, so we 
might fall upon and crush the enemy should he attempt an advance from under 
his gunboats. 

There was, in fact, no enemy there until some two weeks later, and 
the brigade called for was intended, as is seen above, for a diflFerent 
purpose — "to assist defense," not "to fall upon and crush the enemy," 
The correspondence between General Beauregard and General John- 
ston shows that the former was advised of all of General Johnston's 
movements. 

General Beauregard wrote from Jackson, Tennessee, March 2d, to 
General Johnston : 

I think you ought to hurry up your troops to Corinth by railroad, as soon as 
practicable, for here or thereabouts will soon be fought the great battle of this 
controversy. 

Adjutant-General Mackall telegraphed for General Johnston to Gen- 
eral Beauregard, March 7th : 

The general understands that detachments for this army are coming east. 
Will you order none to pass the line of road running to Corinth ? 

This, with the other circumstances already given, is conclusive that 
Corinth was the objective point of General Johnston's march. While 
engaged in these efforts at concentration, General Johnston fully per- 
ceived the necessity of haste in their execution, and it has been seen 
that all possible speed was made. 

Immediately after Sherman effected his first lodgement at Pitts- 
burg, Bragg conceived the project of striking him a blow at once, 
which, if it had been executed promptly, would very probably have 
proved successful, and might have changed the whole course of subse- 
quent events. This bold stroke was, however, prevented by the follow- 
ing orders from General Beauregard, who determined to await General 
Johnston's arrival: 



542 CONCENTRATION AT CORINTH. 

Jackson, Tennessee, March 17, 1862. 

Dear General : I telegraphed you yesterday, via Corinth, my views relative 
to the two strategic points, CTiarriberlain and Corinth (according to the map). 
Having brigades of observation at Purdy and luka, the two points threatened by 
the enemy from the Tennessee River, I also addressed you a letter on the same 
subject through my adjutant-general. Colonel Jordan. 

Yesterday evening, however. Captain Jordan submitted to me your inten- 
tions, formed, no doubt, before having received my communications, above 
referred to, relative to a proposed movement on your part, in two columns from 
Corinth and Bethel, to meet at Adamsville. This movement, with such troops 
as we have, in the presence of a determined enemy, might be dangerous, for the 
point of junction is too near his positions at Crump's Landing and Pittsburg. 
I would prefer uniting farther back, at or near Purdy, if the roads permit it. 
But what I wish to call your attention particularly to is, the nature of our opera- 
tions. I do not think, owing to the quality of our troops, the nature of the 
country we would have to operate in (cut up with small streams, woods, etc.), 
not knowing exactly where the enemy intends to strike, and in what force, that 
our operations ought to be purely offensive ; I would prefer the defensive- offen- 
sive — that is, to take up such a position as would compel the enemy to develop 
his intentions, and to attack us, before he could penetrate any distance from hia 
base ; then^ when within striking distance of us, to take the offensive, and crush 
him wherever we may happen to strike him, cutting him off, if possible, from 
his base of operations, or the river ; in that way, we would be certain not to 
march on Crump's Landing or Pittsburg, when, perhaps, we ought to move on 
or toward luka or Eastport. The great desideratum is to be thoroughly pre- 
pared wheresoever and whenever required, on positive information only of the 
enemy's movements, and for which purpose you must have strong advanced posts 
in every direction toward him, protected by a strong body of cavalry, thrown 
well forward, to watch the enemy and give timely notice of his approach. , , . 

(Here follow directions for the disposition of the troops, not spe- 
cially pertinent to this memoir.) 

My health not permitting me yet to be with you, I have thought it advisable 
to give you these general ideas, which may be of service to you. I hope, how- 
ever, to be well enough to join you when the fighting shall have commenced, 
not, however, to interfere with your arrangement, but merely to assist you, if I 
can, and prevent misunderstandings, complications, etc. 

My physician tells me that I must stop talking altogether, and avoid any un- 
due excitement. How in the world can that be done, at this critical moment ? 
They might as well tell a drowning man that he must not catch at a straw. 

Still hopeful, however, I remain, yours truly, 

(Signed) G. T. Beauregard, General commanding. 

P. S. — While I have guarded you against an uncertain offensive, I am de- 
cidedly of the opinion that wo should endeavor to entice the enemy into an 
engagement as soon as possible, and before he shall have further increased his 
numbers by the large numbers which he must still have in reserve and available 
— that is, beat him in detail. 
To Major-General B. Bkagg. 

(For the information of General A. S. Johnston.) 



BEAUREGARD'S REPORT OF SHILOH. 543 

General Beauregard's report of the battle of Shiloh is given in full in 
the appendix to Chapter XXXV. Its statements have led to many erro- 
neous inferences and much of the prevalent misapprehension as to the 
circumstances preceding and attending the battle of Shiloh. It is not 
the province of the present writer to deal with it controversially. It 
is given to the reader, not as a just or accurate view of these events, 
but because so important a document belongs to history. It has 
seemed to the writer, however, that this report ought to be looked at 
in the light of its intent and of the circumstances under which it was 
composed. It was written in the first hours of the great and sudden 
disappointment and reversal of the splendid dream of complete tri- 
umph opened to the Southern arms at Shiloh, and closed again by 
General Johnston's death. It was written, too, amid the wreck of an 
unavailing contest, and, unconsciously perhaps, to reconcile the results 
with the fair promise of its opening. Hence its standpoint is simply 
personal. 

Its strictly personal character is readily seen, when it is observed 
that it contains no record of all the service of General Johnston in his 
last campaign and his last battle. These are attributed to an imper- 
sonal " It." The report says, " It was expected," " It was decided," 
" It was determined," where strong men thought the experience of a 
veteran and the energies of a great soldier were incorporate, vivid, and 
strenuous, in the person of their leader. 

That the aspect of General Beauregard's report is simply personal 
to himself is evident from the fact that General Johnston's name 
appears in it but four times, and then in the following connections : 1. 
That he reenforced General Beauregard ; 2. That General Johnston 
was advised that his attack conformed to the expectations of the 
President ; 3. That he died bravely at Shiloh ; 4. That he had a staff 
worthy of commendation. Surely, if this is a record of General John- 
ston's part in the battle of Shiloh, this memoir would not be worth the 
writing. Hence, it seems to the writer that General Beauregard's re- 
port must be taken merely as the record of General Beauregard's own 
services from his own point of view. 

Immediately on his arrival at Corinth, March 24th, General Johnston 
held a conference with Generals Beauregard, Polk, and Bragg, after 
which General Beauregard went back to Jackson ; but returned on the 
26th, and lent zealous and valuable aid in spite of his malady. About 
the same time General Johnston had the conference with Van Dorn, in 
which it was determined to bring his army also to Corinth. The enemy 
was at this time reported in front of Monterey, almost half-way between 
Pittsburg and Corinth, advancing. But this was a mistake. Grant 
made no move of note previous to the battle. It was known that Buell 
was advancing, and the time taken for reorganization and armament 
36 



544: CONCENTRATION AT CORINTH. 

had to be measured by his movements. If these would permit it, a lit- 
tle time would make the Confederate army, reenforced by Van Dorn, 
compact and terrible. If, however, he pressed on, the blow must be 
struck without waiting for Van Dorn. The Comte de Paris, in his his- 
tory of the war, vol. i., page 557, attributes this delay to hesitation ; 
but there was no hesitation. The work of organization and armament 
was unavoidable and imperious. The attack was ordered within two 
hours after Buell's advance was reported. 

This work of reorganization and armament first engaged General 
Johnston's attention. His personal staflf was now constituted as fol- 
lows : 

Colonel H, P. Brewster, assistant adjutant-general. 

Captain N, "Wickliffe, assistant adjutant-general. 

Captain Theodore O'Hara, assistant inspector-general. 

Lieutenant George W. Baylor, aide-de-camp. 

Lieutenant Thomas M. Jack, " 

Major Albert J. Smith, assistant quartermaster-general. 

Captain Wickham, " " " 

Colonel William Preston, volunteer aide-de-camp. 

Major D. M. Hayden, " " 

Major Edward W. Munford, " 

Major Calhoun Benham, " 

For the important work of reorganization before him, General 
Johnston called to his aid General Bragg, who had special qualifica- 
tions for the task. At General Johnston's earnest request. General 
Bragg consented to act temporarily as chief of staff, with the under- 
standing that he was to have command of his corps on the approach of 
a battle. 

General Bragg played so conspicuous a part in the civil war that 
this work affords neither scope nor occasion for an account of his life, 
or an estimate of his character. Indeed, there is scarcely any other 
career that has come under the writer's personal view where there were 
so many questions difficult to settle fairly. In Bragg there was so 
much that was strong marred by most evident weaknesses, so many vir- 
tues blemished by excess or defect in temper and education, so near 
an approach to greatness and so manifest a failure to attain it, that his 
worst enemy ought to find something to admire in him, and his best 
friend something painful in the attempt to portray him truly. The 
writer saw him from many points of view and under divers lights and 
shadows, and as he has passed into history, gives here a brief mention 
of him that may serve till some abler hand performs the task of recount- 
ing his services. 

Braxton Bragg was born in Warren County, North Carolina, in 1815. 
Members of his family attained eminence in politics and at the bar. 



BRAXTON BRAGG. 54,5 

He was graduated at West Point, and entered the Third Artillery 
in 1837. He saw service in the Seminole War in Florida, and was pro- 
moted to first-lieutenant in 1838. Bragg served under General Taylor 
in the Mexican War, and was brevetted captain in 1846, " for gallant 
and distinguished conduct in the defense of Fort Brown, Texas." He 
was brevetted major for gallant conduct at Monterey, and lieutenant- 
colonel for his services at Buena Vista. The mythical order of General 
Taylor to him on that field, " A little more grape. Captain Bragg," made 
a popular catch-word, which gave him great notoriety. An attempt 
was made to assassinate him in camp in 1847, by the explosion of a 
twelve-pound shell at the foot of his bed. 

After the Mexican War, he became a sugar-planter in Terre Bonne 
Parish, Louisiana, and his methodical habits, industry, and skillful man- 
agement, gave him great success. At the opening of the war, the State 
of Louisiana made him commander-in-chief of her volunteer forces. 
When the Confederate Government was established, President Davis 
made him a brigadier-general, and put him in command at Pensacola. 
Here the people and the troops expected a great contest, and, though 
it did not occur, it afforded a favorable field for Bragg's excellent tal- 
ents for organization, administration, and discipline. It has been seen 
how he was transferred with his forces to Corinth. 

It is not the province of the present writer to recount his further 
services, but the following brief abstract from the pen of Colonel J. 
Stoddard Johnston, who served on his staff, will here suffice : 

His first service was at Pensacola, where he distinguished himself as a disci- 
plinarian, and whence he was transferred to Corinth shortly before the battle of 
Shiloh, having the rank of a major-general. He served with distinction at 
Sbiloh, having been made by General Johnston his chief of staff, and, shortly 
after, being promoted to a full generalship, succeeded to the command of the 
Army of the Mississippi. In the succeeding summer, 1862, he transferred the 
main body of his command to Chattanooga, and planned and executed the Ken- 
tucky campaign of that year, being at the same time in command of the depart- 
ment embracing the territory between the Mississippi Elver and the Alleghany 
range. Notwithstanding the unpopularity which assailed him after the evacua- 
tion of Kentucky, he was continued in command, and transferred his army in 
November, 1862, to Middle Tennessee, and December 31st of that year fought 
with 31,000 infantry the battle of ^furfreesboro or Stone River. Notwithstand- 
ing the superior numbers by which he was opposed under Rosecrans, the victory 
for a time was his. A bloody repulse of Hardee at the moment when the latter 
was thought to be giving the finishing stroke to the day, and the slaughter which 
befell Breckinridge's command two days after, compelled him to retreat and 
yield the ground to his opponent. He, however, continued to occupy a great 
part of Tennessee until the following September, when on the 19th and 20th he 
again fought Rosecrans at Chickamauga. Here his victory was decisive, as at 
the close of the second day's fight he ocoupied the battle-field, and Rosecrans re- 
treated to Chattanooga. Failure to pursue and follow up his victory gave Rose- 



546 CONCENTRATION AT CORINTH. 

crans time to fortify and restore the morale of his shattered command, and re- 
sulted ultimately in Bragg's defeat at Missionary Eidge, November 25th, his 
retreat into Georgia, and his relinquishment of the command of the army to 
Joseph E. Johnston. His active military career may be said to have closed here, 
as he was assigned to staff-duty at Richmond, where he remained until shortly 
before the close of the war in confidential relations with President Davis, as chief 
of staff of the armies of the Confederacy. Not long before the surrender, he 
was placed in command at Wilmington, North Carolina, and was engaged in 
several actions. 

The close of the war found him ruined in fortune, but he went to work 
cheerfully, following the pursuit of a civil engineer in New Orleans and Mobile, 
until within the past few years he removed to Galveston, where death closed 
his career in his sixty -first year. 

General Bragg met his death at Galveston, Texas, September 27, 
1876, by heart-disease. He was struck, while crossing a street, and 
died as suddenly as if he had met his fate on the battle-field. 

Colonel Johnston continues : 

The brief sketch which I have given shows that his service in the late war 
was large, varied, and active, and the time during which he was in command, 
from Shiloh to Dalton, comprises the most eventful period of the war in the 
"West. Soldiers with whom he left Pensacola marched northward till they came 
in sight of Cincinnati, and fought under him at Shiloh, Perryville, Murfreesboro, 
Chickamauga, and Missionary Ridge; and the historian who attempts impartially 
to give the details of his marches and his battles will find, though the net re- 
sults of his efforts were not summed up in victory, what triumphs over obstacles 
he achieved through the valor of his men, his skill as an organizer and disciplin- 
arian, and ])is fertility of resource in matters pertaining to the quartermaster, 
commissary, and ordnance departments. . . . 

I am not his eulogist; but, having been personally associated with him 
at the most critical periods of his active service, I feel that I owe it to 
him to bear attestation to the unselfish and untiring devotion he always gave to 
the service in which he was enlisted. He was not a soldier of the first rank like 
Lee, lacking some of those essential grander elements which give success to a 
commander in the field ; but he possessed qualifications such as, rightly directed, 
would have made him great in the Confederate army as Moltke in the Prussian. 
Sidney Johnston weighed him aright when lie assigned him a position hitherto 
unknown in American warfare, but essential to the proper organization of a 
great army, and so recognized by the European powers. As a commander in 
tlie field, Bragg was too much engrossed with the details of moving, disciplining, 
organizing, and feeding his men, to master the broader and more comprehensive 
duties of a great captain in time of battle. His plans of battles, and orders pro- 
mulgated, as at Murfreesboro and Chickamauga, will be found to evince more 
ability, and to comprehend remarkable accuracy of detail as well as clearness 
and precision. 

In both the engagements named, he attacked boldly on the flank ; at the for- 
mer on the left, and the latter on the right ; but, in the supreme moment, when 
Lee or Jackson would have made his victory complete, he failed in the power to 



BRAGG'S CHARACTER. 547 

modify his original plan, and lost from his tendency to adhere inflexibly to his 
predetermined line of action. . . . 

But in the matter in which General Bragg has been most criticised and 
held up to reproach I think injustice has been done him. That he was strict 
is true, and that he incited fear and alarm, by his avowed purpose to enforce 
discipline at all hazards, is also true, and that he may have used in some in- 
stances extreme measures we may admit ; but that his action was inspired more 
by a sense of the necessity of his situation as an officer charged with the safety 
of a great army, than by a cruel disposition, is my firm conviction. He had 
been bred in a strict school as a West-Pointer, and as captain of an artillery- 
company in actual war knew the details as weU as the necessity of discipline. 
He was no holiday soldier, and had none of the ulterior aspirations of a volun- 
teer to lead him to curry favor with any one. He therefore exacted of all a 
rigid performance of duty, a neglect of which fell heavily upon any one, 
■whether high or low ; but I was too frequently cognizant of his good deeds 
of mercy to the delinquents, for light offenses, and commutations, reprieves, and 
pardon for capital ones, to let him rest under the imputation of a heartless man, 
or one who wielded his great powers cruelly. In his personal habits and con- 
duct he was thoroughly temperate, in both meat and drink, discarding tlie use 
of liquor in any form, and waging ruthless war upon all who made it or sought 
to supply his men with it. He was untiring in his labors, methodical and sys- 
tematic in the discharge of business, an early riser, and devout in his attention to 
his religious duties, being a communicant of the Episcopal Church. In person 
he was tall and spare, but of a lithe and sinewy frame, and capable of enduring 
any amount of fatigue. Though in social converse he was peculiarly mild and 
agreeable in manner, a peculiar conformation of eyebrows, which extended con- 
tinuously from eye to eye, and a cold, steel-gray eye, which exhibited much of 
the white when animated, gave him in his sterner moods, or when roused, a 
very ferocious aspect, which made him a terror to all who incurred his dis- 
pleasure. 

I recall with gratitude and pleasure many acts of personal kindness and 
friendship of which I was the recipient at his hands, and for which, despite the 
occurrence of the circumstances which led to severance of association, I shall 
ever hold him in grateful memory. 

Colonel Johnston also mentions his lack of that power of concilia- 
tion so necessary to the commander of volunteer troops. 

Circumstances give to Colonel J. S. Johnston's estimate of General 
Bragg a more than ordinary judicial character. They are inserted with 
such fullness, because they conform very nearly to the well-settled 
opinions of the present writer. While Bragg was an able man, he was 
too rigid and narrow to be a great one. He was very harsh and intol- 
erant where he once imbibed a prejudice, and he was not slow, nor 
always just, in assuming his conclusions. He was always a partisan, 
and merciless toward those who resisted him, even when his acts were 
clearly arbitrary. He did not inspire love or reverence, but he com- 
manded respect and fear. He trusted too much those who agreed with 
him, and was apt to undervalue those who held aloof from or offended 



548 CONCENTRATION AT CORINTH. 

him. But if this rugged outline seems too much the likeness of a mili- 
tary despot', it should be added that his purposes were great, pure, and 
unselfish, and his aspirations high. 

But, whatever may have been General Bragg's defects, he was con- 
spicuous for one trait that marks him as the worthy citizen of a repub- 
lic — a profound sense of public duty. Whether wise or unwise in the 
means adopted, the ultimate object of his endeavors was the public 
good. He was a patriot, and in the poverty and trials of his latter 
days no temptation shook his stoical fortitude in bearing the ills of his 
own lot, and in maintaining the righteousness and dignity of the cause 
for which he had suffered. Physical studies, culture from books, and 
the enlarging and mellowing influences of religion and domestic hap- 
piness, gilded his latter days. It is right to give such a man his exact 
place in history. 

Before his death, General Bragg prepared for the present writer a 
sketch of the battle of Shiloh, the opening of which succinctly explains 
the preliminaries of that event. It is as follows : 

The memory of a fallen commander, however much honored and revered by 
his countrymen, rarely receives full justice during the excitement of war, and 
especially when he meets bis fate in an active campaign, or on a botly-contested 
and unfortunate field. Few can know the motives which influenced, the acts 
which distinguished, or the opposition which met bini. And rules of military 
etiquette frequently impose silence on these few. 

After the disasters incident to their dispersed condition, which naturally 
befell the Confederate arms, in the winter of 1861 and 1862, and which culmi- 
nated in the surrender at Fort Donelson, General A. Sidney Johnston, then com- 
manding all the Confederate forces in the "Western Department, acting against 
the advice of some of his best and ablest commanders, wisely determined to 
concentrate in the valley of the Mississippi, and there risk his own fate and that 
of the cause he sustained.* This movement, directed upon Corinth — commenced 
early in the month of March — was not fully consummated when information of 
the enemy's dispositions determined Johnston to attack with the forces then 
available. In a period of four weeks, fragments of commands from Bowling 
Green, Kentucky, under Hardee; Columbus, Kentucky, under Polk; and Pen- 
sacola. Mobile, and New Orleans, under Bragg ; with such new levies as could 
be hastily raised, all badly armed and equipped, were united at and near Corinth, 
and for the first time organized as an army. It was an heterogeneous mass, in 
which there was more enthusiasm than discipline, more capacity than knowl- 
edge, and more valor than instruction. Eifles, rifled and smooth-bore muskets 
— some of them originally percussion, others hastily altered from flint-locks by 
Yankee contractors, many still with the old flint and steel — and shot-guns of all 
sizes and patterns, held place in the same regiments. The task of organizing 
such a command in four weeks, and supplying it, especially with ammunition 
suitable for action, was simply appalling. It was undertaken, however, with a 

> He so stated to me at Corinth, when, as chief of staff, I advised and he ordered the 
troops from the Trans-Mississippi to that place, before the battle of Shiloh. 



JOnXSTOX'S OFFER TO BEAUREGARD. 54-9 

cool, quiet self-control, by calling to his aid the best knowledge and talent at his 
command, which not only inspired confidence, but soon yielded the natural 
fruits of system, order, and discipline. 

This force, about 40,000 of all arms, was divided into four corps, commanded 
respectively by Major-Generals Polk, Bragg, and Hardee, and Brigadier-General 
Breckinridge, General Albert Sidney Johnston in chief command ; and General 
Beauregard, who, having recently come out from the army in Virginia, and 
being in feeble health, was assigned no special command, but was designated 
in orders as " second in command," and as such aided the commander-in-chief 
with his counsel and advice. 

The difficulties mentioned by General Bragg of arming the troops 
were increased by the process of exchange in many instances for new 
weapons, some of which were put into the hands of the troops only 
the day before they marched against the enemy. General Beauregard 
likewise mentions that 

want of general officers needful for the proper organization of divisions and 
brigades of an army brought thus suddenly together, and other difficulties in 
the way of an effective organization, delayed the movements until the night of 
the 2d inst. (April). 

At this time occurred a remarkable episode, which General Beaure- 
gard gives, in the following words, in a letter to the writer : 

When General Johnston first met me at Corinth, he proposed, after our 
staff officers had retired, to turn over the command of the united forces to me ; 
but I positively declined, on his account and that of the " cause," telling him 
that I had come to assist, but not to supersede him, and offering to give him all 
the assistance in ray power. He then concluded to remain in command. It 
was one of the most affecting scenes of my life. 

Colonel William Preston, in his letter of April 18, 18G2, to the 
writer, says : 

General Beauregard was offered the immediate command of the whole force, 
but he declined it, as his health was bad, and General Johnston assumed it in 
person. 

When General Johnston told his purpose to Colonel Munford, 
that officer remonstrated with him, saying that he appeared to have 
lost Tennessee and Kentucky. "This battle may regain them, and 
reestablish your jeoparded fame ; yet you, on such an occasion, 
would invite another to win the glory of redeeming what you had lost." 
He smiled, and said, " I think it but right to make the offer," Colonel 
Munford pressed upon him other considerations as to the importance 
of his services to the country, to which General Johnston replied, " I 
will be present at the battle, and will see that nothing goes wrong." 

General Johnston felt constrained to make this offer, because he had 



550 CONCENTEATIOX AT COKINTE. 

brought with him the smaller fraction of the united forces, and he was 
on a field that he had set apart for Beauregard's control. That officer 
had been for some time on the ground, and he was unwilling that a 
subordinate should suffer by his arrival. He would make any sacrifice 
himself rather than take one laurel from the brow of a fellow-soldier. 

It was his wish to give General Beauregard the command of the 
troops in the field, which would have secured to that officer whatever 
of glory might be won at Shiloh ; but it was in no wise his inten- 
tion to abdicate the supreme command, or the superintendence of 
affairs in the management of the department or the movements of 
the army. His offer to Beauregard was certainly an act of rare mag- 
nanimitj'. A somewhat analogous case in his career occurred at the 
battle of the Neches, in 1839. While Secretary of War of Texas, he 
attended his subordinate on the field, gave him the benefit of his mili- 
tary experience, and then received from his hand the report of the 
combat. General Johnston had no diffidence as to his fitness for com- 
mand. He once said regretfully to the writer, during the Mexican 
War : "There is one thing I know I can do ; I am competent to com- 
mand troops." In this instance, with General Beauregard, his idea of 
unselfishness, even though heroic, seems somewhat overstrained ; for he 
would chiefly have suffered in case of a failure, but would not have 
shared in the glories of a victory. 

The rumor of this occurrence also gave rise to the following vigor- 
ous protest from Governor George W. Johnson: 

BuRNSviLLE, Mississippi, March 26, 1862. 

Mt dear Sir: Arumor has reached me that has filled me with just alarm for 
onr cause, and which induces me again to write to you, relying on the friendship 
which I feel for you as my excuse. It is rumored here that you intend to yield 
to the senseless clamors of fools and pretenders, and to give up the command of 
the army at the very crisis of our fate. This, if done, will be fatal to our cause, 
or others will reap what ought to be the just reward of all your noble self- 
sacrifice for your country. I cannot sit by silent while this is being done. You 
did what was right ; you have in your own hands ample means of self-defense 
against those who assail you ; and, as your friend, I sincerely rejoiced when I 
heard that Congress had asked for explanations — because this, I knew, would 
at once break the seal of silence which your own noble sense of justice and 
mercy to others might have imposed upon you. You left Bowling Green when 
they would give you no reenforcements, and when it was impossible to defend 
Fort Donelson except by yielding that position. You bad sent all to that point 
who could be spared from your army in the presence of Buell's army. The event 
showed that you had sent enough troops to that point — for we had whipped the 
enemy ; and if the generals there commanding chose to surrender, and did so 
surrender, after victory and to a retreating foe, it is their fault — not yours. 

From this disastrous turrender^ and not from the defense of Donelson, have 
resulted the subsequent retreat and concentration of your army here. We are 
in the right place, at the right time, and the proudest victory of the war awaits 



THE RESOLVE TO ATTACK. 551 

you, unless you commit suicide, by yielding up the command of your army when 
it most needs energy and an active head. Yoii mtist not do this. I beg that you 
will not do it, both for your own fame and the good of our country. If I hear 
that you are resolved upon this course, I will despair of our cause. It will sink 
under the curse of Heaven, upon a people, who joined li^-e Avolves, and icith a 
few Kohes in sheep's clothing, to huut down the noblest and purest man it has 
been my good-fortune to know. Very truly and respectfully your friend, 

Geoege W. Johnsox. 

General A. Sidney Johnstoji, headquarters, Corinth, Mississippi. 

It is proper to say that General Beauregard considers himself as 
having inspired General Jolinston with the idea of attacking Grant at 
Shiloh. But he must be mistaken. This was the purpose for which he 
had concentrated liis army at Corinth, AYhat he said to Schaller, 
Whitthorne, and many others, has already been stated. It was known 
to the President, to his own staff and generals, and to others, that his 
main design, in the tremendous effort by which he had ti-ansferred his 
army from Nashville to Corinth, was to fight the enemy in detail. In 
view of Grant's anticipated movement, and to be able to strike him 
before Buell's arrival, he had made that race of life and death. He was 
now within arm's-length of his enemy. While every hour of delay was 
important to him to augment, organize, arm, and rest his troops, it was 
never his intention to permit a junction of Buell with Grant. Buell's 
advance was to be the signal for action. As soon as the intelligence of 
it was received, his resolution was taken. The information reached him 
at eleven o'clock at night. In two hours the orders for an advance 
were issued. This was on the night of April 2d. 

President Davis has assured the writer that he concurred in all of 
General Johnston's plans. They likewise received, about this time, the 
sanction of a name then, like General Johnston's, under the shadow of 
legislative disfavor and popular opposition, and supported by the almost 
unaided hand of the President, but since illustrious — that of General 
Robert E. Lee. General Lee wrote him a letter, received just before the 
battle of Shiloh, the text of which is here given. As General Lee was 
at that time in Richmond, acting as military adviser of the President, 
this letter may be held to convey Mr. Davis's views as well as his own. 

LETTER OF GENERAL LEE TO GEXEEAL JOnXSTON. 

Richmond, 3farch 26, 1S62. 

My DEAR Gexeral : No one has sympathized with you in the troubles with 
which you are surrounded more sincerely than myself. I have watched your 
every movement, and know the difficulties with which you have had to contend. 
I hope your cares will be diminished, if not removed, when your junction with 
the other lines of your army has been completed, which must be accomplished 
by this time. I need not urge you, when your army is united, to deal a blow at 
the enemy in your front, if possible, before his rear gets up from Nashville. 
You have him divided, and keep him so, if you can. Wishing you, my dear 



552 CONCENTEATION AT CORINTH. 

general, every success and happiness, with my earnest prayers for the safety of 
your whole army, and that victory may attend your movements, 

I remain, truly and sincerely your friend, 
(Signed) R. E. Lee. 

General A. 8. Johnston. 

General Johnston was not insensible to the perils of his aggressive 
movement, or to the strength of the enemy's position from the nature 
of the ground and the proximity of his gunboats, affording means of 
retreat or reenforcement ; but it was necessary to destroy that army 
without delay. To effect this, immediate battle must be delivered. 
On this General Johnston at once resolved. 

The following is from Colonel Munford's address at Memphis : 

When General Johnston terminated his retreat from Kentucky, at Corinth, 
he found General Beauregard in command of a small army, to which he united 
his own. All available troops were concentrated as rapidly as possible, and, 
before moving on the enemy at Shiloh, upward of tTiirty-five thousand men of 
all arms were in hand. General Beauregard's health was feeble. He was slowly 
recovering from a severe attack, which had given just cause for serious alarm ; 
but, sick as he was, he was indefatigable in duty. Much, however, devolved on 
the general-in-chief . Soon after his headquarters were established, General John- 
ston requested General Bragg, then a major-general of volunteers, to act as his ad- 
jutant-general, especially during the reorganization of the array, which was soon 
to take place. In a day or two he told me Bragg had consented, tut would retain 
Ms command [as corps commander] in the approaching battle. This was my first 
Tcnoicledge that a battle was imminent. Questions have been mooted as to who 
projected and who planned the battle of Shiloh. I do not know. I have heard, 
however, from President Davis's own lips, that the concentration of troops at 
Corinth, for this purpose, was agreed upon between Mm and General Johnston 
beforehand; and that, two days before the battle was fought. General Johnston 
sent him a despatch in cipher. But I regard these questions and their solution as 
wholly unimportant. The facts hereafter revealed, which took place on the field 
the day before the battle, demonstrate that, but for Sidney Johnston, no such bat- 
tle would have been fought. As far as this question of honor between the gen- 
erals is concerned, it was emphatically Sidney Johnston's battle, though this fact 
would never be inferred from the oificial report of it sent to the Government. 

General Johnston was most active in his attention to all the details of re- 
organization and preparations for the battle. At an early stage in these pro- 
ceedings, he said he could add a full brigade to his strength, if he could substi- 
tute negroes for soldiers detailed as cooks and teamsters, and asked my assist- 
ance. I advised sending out men of well-known character from the army into 
the counties in the rear, with authority to hire, for sixty or ninety days, such 
negroes as he wanted, and to give obligations binding the Government to pay 
their value as agreed upon, if, on any accormt, they were not returned. It was 
adopted, but we got less than fifty negroes, the men sent out saying, "Those 
people have given their sons freely enough, but it is folly to talk to them about 
a negro or a mule." The general said : " I regret this disappointment ; a single 
brigade may determine the fate of a battle. These people do not seem to be 



PLAN OF BATTLE. 553 

aware how valueless would be their negroes were wo beaten." And on the 
morning of the 4th of April, our horses already waiting under saddle, I will ever 
remember his pause on the door-step,- lost in thought, and how, looking up, he 
muttered, half aloud, " Yes, I believe I have overlooked nothing." 

General Beauregard informs the writer : 

I prepared the order of march and of battle, which were submitted by me to 
Generals Johnston and Bragg, in presence of Colonel Jordan, chief of staff of 
the whole army, and they were accepted tcithout one word of alteration. They 
were then put iu proper form by Colonel Jordan, and furnished to the corps 
commanders. 

These orders are in Appendix C to this chapter. In a letter from 
General Bragg to the writer occur the following comments : 

Galveston, Texas, December 16, 1S74. 
Deak Colonel : Yours of the 8th instant, asking for any facts in my pos- 
session as to the authorship of the plan for the battle of Shiloh, is received. 
The details of that plan, arranged after General A. Sidney Johnston decided on 
delivering battle and had given his instructions, were made up and published to 
the army in full from the adjutant-general's office, '^j first knowledge of them 
was derived from this general order, the authorship of which has been claimed 
by General Beauregard. 

Conceding the arrangement of the details to Beauregard or Jordan, 
General Bragg continues : 

In this case, as I understood then, and still believe, Johnston gave general 
instructions for the general movement. . . . Over his (Jordan's) signature these 
elaborated details reached the army. 

General Bragg goes on to say that Johnston's general plan was 
admirable, but condemns the elaboration of the details. He continues : 

"When the time arrived for execution, you know well what occurred. In 
spite of opposition and prediction of failure, Johnston firmly and decidedly 
ordered and led the attack in the execution of his general plan, and, notwith- 
standing the faulty arrangement of troops, was eminently successful up to the 
moment of his fall. The victory was tcon. How it was lost the official reports 
win show, and history has already recorded. 

Independent of General Beauregard's explicit statement, and Gen- 
eral Bragg's recollection, nothing could be more natural than that Gen- 
eral Johnston should confide the elaboration of the plan of advance and 
the orders for the movements of troops to General Beauregard. When 
that officer reported to him he was assigned to command at Columbus, 
with special reference to his distinction as a soldier and an engineer. 
He had now been five or six weeks in the neighborhood of Corinth 
studying this precise problem. What were the best arrangements for 



554 CONCENTRATION AT CORINTH. 

an advance against Grant was dependent on an acquaintance with the 
roads and the nature of the ground to be contested. This was presuma- 
bly within General Beauregard's knowledge, though his adjutant-general 
says he had no topographical information, " which hitherto the Confed- 
erate generals had been unable to acquire of that region, and of which 
indeed they could learn nothing definite." ' Governor Harris informs 
the writer that General Johnston seemed to understand the topography 
of the battle-field thoroughly, principally through information from Ma- 
jor Waddell, now of St. Louis, who showed peculiar talents as a scout. 

General Johnston has also been censured for " miscalculating " the 
time it would take his troops to march from Corinth to the battle-field. 
General Beauregard had arranged all these details with great particu- 
larity ; and though there were some mistakes and inherent defects in 
the order of march which led to confusion and delay, the great obstacles 
to the rapid movement of the troops were their own rawness and the 
rain and mud — obstacles which neither foresight nor skill could avert 
or remedy. 

The Comte de Paris advances, in the following paragraph, a better- 
grounded charge : 

"We are also of the opinion that they committed a grave mistake in deploying 
the different corps in successive lines along the whole front of the army, instead 
of intrusting a part of that front to each corps, itself formed in several lines. 

It will be seen by examining the orders issued, and the details of 
the advance given in the course of this narrative, that the Confederate 
army attacked the Federal position in three lines parallel to its sup- 
posed front. The Comte de Paris claims substantially that the three 
corps should have attacked by lines perpendicular, instead of parallel, to 
that front. There is force in the objection ; and that such was General 
Johnston's original intention is clearly evinced by the following telegram : 

CoRiNTU, April 3, 1862. 

General Buell in motion 30,000 strong, rapidly from Columbia by Clifton to 
Savannah. Mitchell behind him with 10,000. Confederate forces— 40,000— 
ordered forward to offer battle near Pittsburg. Division from Bethel, main 
body from Corinth, reserve from Burnsville, converging to-morrow near Mon- 
terey on Pittsburg. Beauregard second in command, Polk the left, Bragg the 
centre, Hardee the right wing, Breckinridge the reserve. Mope engagement be- 
fore Buell can form junction. 
To the President, Eichmond. 

The words italicized are in General Johnston's own handwriting in 
the original dispatch. 

Why this plan was changed in the orders issued the writer cannot 
tell. Doubtless General Johnston assented to the change in deference 
* Jordan's " Life of Forrest," p. 110. 



ORDERS AS TO MOVEMENTS. 555 

to General Beauregard's opinions in the matter, and for reasons wliicli 
seemed sufficient at the time. It seems apparent now that much of the 
confusion, entanglement, and delay, that occurred on the march between 
Monterey and Mickey's, and of the subsequent intermingling of com- 
mands, might have been avoided by adhering to the original plan. At 
the same time it may be said in extenuation that the entire organiza- 
tion of the army was so recent and temporary in its character, that the 
breaking up of the corps did not greatly affect either the morale of the 
troops or the result. 

But important as were the preliminaries — the maps, the roads, the 
methods of putting his army face to face with the enemy, which General 
Johnston had to take on trust — he knew that the chief strategy of the 
battle was in the decision to fight. Once in the presence of the enemy, 
he knew that the result would depend on the way in which his troops 
were handled. This was his part of the work, and he felt full confidence 
in his own ability to carry it out successfully. 

APPENDIX. 

Headquaktees, Aemt of thb Mississippi, ) 
CoKLNTH, Mississippi, April 8, 1S62. > 
Special Orders, No. 8. 

I. — In the impending movement the corps of this army will march, assemble, 
and take order of battle in the following manner, it being assumed that the 
enemy is in position about a mile in advance of Shiloh church, with its right 
resting on Owl Creek, and its left on Lick Creek : 

1. The Third Corps, under Major-General Hardee, will advance as soon as 
practicable on the Ridge road from Corinth to what is known as the "Bark" 
road, passing about half a mile northward of the Workhouse. The head of the 
column will bivouac if possible to-night, at Mickey's house, at the intersection of 
the road from Monterey to Savannah. The cavalry, thrown well forward dur- 
ing the march to reconnoitre and prevent surprise, will halt in front of the 
Mickey house on the Bark road. 

2. Major Waddell, aide-de-camp to General Beauregard, with two good guides, 
will report for service to Major-General Hardee. 

3. At 3 A. M. to-morrow the Third Corps with the left in front Avill continue 
to advance by the Bark road, until within sight of the enemy's outposts or ad- 
vanced positions, when it will be deployed in line of battle according to the 
nature of the ground, its left resting on Owl Creek, its right toward Lick Creek 
supported on that flank by half of its cavalry ; the left flank being supported by 
the other half. The interval between the extreme right of this corps and Lick 
Creek will be filled by a brigade or division — according to the extent of the 
ground — from the Second Corps. These troops, during the battle, will also be 
under the command of Major-General Hardee. 

He will make the proper disposition of the artillery along the line of battle, 
remembering that the rifled guns are of long range, and should be placed on any 
commanding positions in rear of his infantry to fire mainly on the reserves and 



556 CONCENTRATION AT CORINTH. 

second line of the enemy, but occasionally will be directed on bis batteries and 
heads of columns. 

II. — The Second Corps, under Major-General Braxton Bragg, will assemble 
on Monterey, and move thence as early as practicable ; the right wing with 
left in front by the road from Monterey to Savannah, the head of column to 
reach the immediate vicinity of Mickey's house, at the intersection with the Bark 
road, before sunset. 

The cavalry with this wing will take position on the road to Savannah be- 
yond Mickey's as far as Owl Creek, having advanced guards and pickets well to 
the front. The left wing of this corps will advance at the same time, also, left 
in front, by the road from Monterey to Purdy — the head of the column to reach, 
by night, the intersection of that road with the Bark road. This wing will con- 
tinue the movement in the morning as soon as the rear of the Third Corps shall 
have passed the Purdy road, and which it will then follow. 

The Second Corps will form the second line of battle, about one thousand 
yards in rear of the first line ; it will be formed, if practicable, with regiments in 
double columns at half distance, disposed as advantageously as the nature of the 
ground will admit ; and, with a view to facility of deployment, the artillery 
placed as may seem best to Major-General Bragg. 

III. — The First Corps, under Major-General Polk, with the exception of the 
detached division at Bethel, wiU take up its line of march by the Eidge road, 
hence to Pittsburg, half an hour after the Third Corps shall have passed Corinth, 
and will bivouac to-night in rear of that corps, and on to-morrow will follow 
the movements of said corps, with the same interval of time as to-day. When 
its head of column shall reach the vicinity of the Mickey house, it will be halted 
in column or massed on the line of the Bark road, according to the nature of 
the ground, as a reserve. Meanwhile, one regiment of its cavalry will be placed 
in observation on the road from Johnston's house to Stanton ville, with advanced 
guards and pickets thrown out well in advance toward Stantonville. Another 
regiment or battalion of cavalry will be posted in the same manner on the road 
from Monterey to Purdy, with its rear resting on or about the intersection of 
that road with the Bark road, having advanced guards and pickets in the direc- 
tion of Purdy. 

The forces at Bethel and Purdy will defend their positions as already in- 
structed, if attacked; otherwise they will assemble on Purdy, and thence advance 
with advanced guards, flankers, and all other prescribed military precautions, 
forming a junction with the rest of the First Corps at the intersection of that 
road with the Bark road, leading from Corinth. 

IV. — The Eeserve of the forces will be concentrated by the shortest and best 
route at Monterey, as soon as the rear of the Second Corps shall have moved out 
of that place. Its commander will take up the best position, whence to ad- 
vance, either in the direction of Mickey's or Pratt's house, on the direct road to 
Pittsburg — if that road is found practicable — or in the direction of the Eidge 
road to Hamburg, throwing all its cavalry on the latter road as far as its inter- 
section with the one to Pittsburg, passing through Grier's Ford, on Lick Creek. 

This cavalry will throw well forward advanced guards and videttes toward 
Grier's Ford, and in the direction of Hamburg, and, during the impending battle, 
when called to the field of combat, will move by the Grier's Ford road. 

A regiment of the infantry reserve will be thrown forward to the intersec- 



ORDERS AS TO MOVEMENTS. 557 

tion of the Gravel Hill road with the Eidge road to Hamburg, as a support to 
the cavalry. 

The Reserve will be formed of Breckinridge's, Bowen's, and Statham's bri- 
gades, as now organized, the whole under the command of Brigadier-General 
Breckinridge. 

V. — General Bragg will detach the Fifty-first and Fifty-second Eegiments, 
Tennessee Volunteers, Blount's Alabama, and Desha's Arkansas Battalions, and 
Bain's battery, from his corps, which, with two of Carroll's regiments, now e?i 
route for these headquarters, will form a garrison for the post and depot of Cor- 
inth. 

VI. — Strong guards will be left at the railroad-bridges between luka and 
Corinth, to be furnished in due proportions from the commands at luka, Burns- 
ville, and Corinth. 

VII. — Proper guards will be left at the camps of the several regiments of the 
forces in the field ; corps commanders will determine the strength of these guards. 

VIII. — Wharton's regiment of Texas Cavalry will be ordered forward at once, 
to scout on the road from Monterey to Savannah, between Mickey's and its in- 
tersection with the Pittsburg-Purdy road. It will annoy and harass any force 
of the enemy moving by the latter way to assail Cheatham's division at Purdy. 

IX. — The chief-engineer of the forces will take all due measures and pre- 
cautions, and give all requisite orders for the repairs of the bridges, causeways, 
and roads, on which our troops may move in the execution of these orders. 

X. — The troops, so individually intelligent, and with such great interests in- 
volved in the issue, are urgently enjoined to bo observant of the orders of their 
superiors in the hour of battle. Their ofilcers must constantly endeavor to hold 
them in hand, and prevent the waste of ammunition by heedless, aimless firing 
— the fire should be slow — always at a distinct mark. It is expected that much 
and effective work will be done by the bayonet. 

By command of General A. S. Joiinston : 

Thomas Jordan, Assistant Adjutant- General. 

For General A. S. Johnston, commanding Army of Mississippi. 



Headquakters. Army op the Mississippi, I 
CoBiNTH, April 3, 1862. I 

Memorandum for the Commanders of the Corps and of the Reserve. 

I. — As soon as the reserve shall have taken position at Monterey, a strong 
working-party will be sent to repair the bridges, causeway, and road across 
Lick Creek, on the direct road from Monterey to Pittsburg, so that it may be 
used in any forward movement of tlie reserve. 

II. — In the approaching battle every eflfort should be made to turn the left 
flank of the enemy so as to cut off his line of retreat to the Tennessee River, and 
throw him back on Owl Creek, where he will be obliged to surrender. Every 
precaution must also be taken on our part to prevent unnecessary exposure of 
our men to the enemy's gunboats. 

By command of General A. S. Johnston : 

Thomas Jordan, Assistant Adjutant- General. 

For the commander of the forces, Army of Mississippi, Corinth, Mississippi. 



558 BEFORE THE BATTLE. 

CHAPTER XXXIII. 

BEFORE THE BATTLE. 

On Thursday morning, April 3d, at about one o'clock, preb'minary 
orders were issued to hold the troops in readiness to move at a mo- 
ment's notice, with five days' provisions and 100 rounds of ammunition. 
The orders for the march and battle were issued later in the day — in the 
afternoon, as it seems — after they had been elaborated by General 
Beauregard. 

When it became apparent that the orders meant an advance and 
an attack upon tlie enemy — meant battle — the soldiers, full of ardor, 
were aroused to the utmost enthusiasm. With somewhat hasty prepa- 
ration — for time was precious — the movement began. Hardee led the 
advance, the Third Corps, that afternoon. He marched from Corinth, 
by the northernmost route, known as the Ridge road, which, near Shiloh, 
led into another, known as the Bark road. Bivouacking that night 
on the way, he arrived next morning at Mickey's, a house seventeen 
or eighteen miles, by that route, from Corinth, and four or five miles 
from Pittsburg. 

The Second Corps, under Bragg, marched by the direct road to 
Pittsburg, through Monterey. This road proved so narrow and bad 
that the head of Bragg's column did not reach Monterey until 11 a. m. 
on the 4th, but bivouacked that night near Mickey's, in rear of Hardee's 
corps, with a proper interval. 

The First Corps, commanded by Polk, consisted of two divisions, 
under Cheatham and Clark. Clark's division was ordered to follow 
Hardee on the Ridge road, at an interval of half an hour, and to halt 
near Mickey's. This halt was to allow Bragg's corps, whose route from 
Monterey crossed the Ridge or Bark road at that point, to fall in behind 
Hardee, at 1,000 yards' interval, and form a second line of battle. Polk's 
corps was to form the left wing of the third line of battle ; and Breck- 
inridge's reserve the right wing. 

Polk's other division, under Cheatham, was on outpost duty, at and 
near Bethel on the Mobile & Ohio Railroad, and was about as far 
from Mickej-'s, the point of concentration, as Corinth was. Cheatham's 
orders were to defend himself if attacked ; otherwise, to assemble his 
forces at Purdy, and pursue the route to Monterey, with proper mili- 
tary precautions. Acting on these instructions, Cheatham did not 
advance until the morning of the 5th ; but he effected his junction at 
four o'clock that afternoon, and took position, as the left wing of Polk's 



KESERVE CORPS. 



559 




corps, as early as some other divisions whose presence was necessary to 
the attack. These movements were construed by General Lew Wal- 
lace as a reconnaissance in force against his own division at Crump's 
Landing, and held him in check during the 5th and the 6th, the first 
day of the battle. 

Breckinridge's three brigades — a division, in fact, but by courtesy a 
reserve corps — having received their orders on the afternoon of April 
3d,' moved from Burnsville on April 4th, at 3 A. m,, by way of Farm- 
ington, toward Monterey, fourteen miles distant. " Some Enfield rifles, 
with accoutrements and ammunition, just received, were distributed 
about nightfall " to supply deficiencies, and rations were prepared dur- 
ing the night." 

The road was even worse than those from Corinth. The corps 
struggled painfully on, with poor progress. After a hard day's march, 
it bivouacked on the road. Part of the artillery was late at night reach- 
ing its position, owing to the diflBculty of the road. Breckinridge had 
ridden forward to Monterey, and had met Generals Johnston and Bragg 
in consultation. He hoped, then, to be up in time, and received orders 
to join in the attack next morning. 



> E. P. Thompson's " History of the First Kentucky Brigade," p. 87. ' Ibid. 
37 



560 BEFORE THE BATTLE. 

At midnight he sent a dispatch, saying his artillery was stuck in 
the mud, and had stopped his train. Major Hayden says General 
Johnston sent him word, " Cut a new road for your column." It did 
not, however, effect its junction with the other corps until late Saturday 
afternoon, the 5th, owing to the rains on Friday and Saturday, the 
storm of Friday night, and other causes that delayed all the corps. 

The Confederate cavalry, thrown well to the front and flanks, en- 
countered the pickets of the enemy. In some sharp skirmishes they 
took a few prisoners, a major, two lieutenants, and eight privates, and 
wounded eight more. They lost some men, captured. Sherman says he 
took ten prisoners.* A Federal reconnaissance had been sent out under 
Colonel Buckland, and encountered Cleburne's brigade of Hardee's 
corps, but retired without ascertaining anything important, or surmising 
that General Johnston's army was approaching. 

Bragg says " that, where this duty had not been previously per- 
formed, " the commanders of divisions and brigades were assembled 
that night, the order was read to them, and the topography of the 
enemy's position was explained as far as understood by us," which was 
imperfectly enough. They knew that in the recesses of that forest, 
between those creeks, 50,000 invaders were posted ; but where, or how, 
and with what preparation, no man could tell. Many of these soldiers, 
familiar with the dangerous sports of their native South, must have 
felt as when hunting in the dense canebrake, and, following the trail, 
they drew near the den of some great bear, hidden in the thicket, with 
whom momently they expected encounter and mortal struggle. 

The order was to march at three o'clock in the morning, so as to 
attack the enemy early on the 5 th. So far as human knowledge can 
reach, if this order could have been carried out. Grant and his army 
would have been destroyed. But man proposes, and God disposes. 
The same elements that had opened watery pathways up the rivers to 
the Federal fleet, against all expectation, by unprecedented floods, were 
again on the side of the strongest battalions. It may not be amiss here 
to remark that those people who think that " whatever is, is right," in 
human afi"airs as well as in the order of Nature, have drawn exceedingly 
strong and unwarrantable inferences from these and other providential 
dispensations as to the justice of the Federal cause. 

This is no place for such argument ; but the wise Preacher, the son 
of David, king in Jerusalem, has answered this superstition when he 
said : 

There is a vanity which is done upon the earth ; that there be just men, unto 
whom it happeneth according to the work of the wicked ; again, there be wicked 
men, to whom it happeneth according to the work of the righteous.* 

J Sherman's " Memoirs," vol. i., p. 235. ' Report of the battle. * Ecclesiastes yiii. 14. 



A PROVIDEx\TIAL STORM. 5(^1 



Again 



All things come alike to all : there is one event to the righteous, and to the 
wicked. 

And again : 

I have seen servants upon horses, and princes walking as servants upon the 
earth.2 

And a greater Son of David answered the painful and perplexing 
question by a reply that reaches beyond the judgments of this world : 

There were present at that season some that told him of the Galileans, whose 
blood Pilate had mingled with their sacrifices. And Jesus answering said unto 
them. Suppose ye that these Galileans were sinners above all the Galileans, 
because they suffered such things? I tell you, Nay: but, except ye repent, ye 
shall all likewise perish.' 

The clouds had been sending down their showers on the 4th, to the 
great annoyance and detention of the moving columns. But, after 
midnight, they gathered for a great outburst upon the unsheltered 
soldiers. The leafy covert of the forest gave slight protection to the 
troops in bivouac. The storm broke upon them about 2 A. m. ; and 
the drenching rain poured in torrents as they lay, without tents, ex- 
posed to its fury. The men were anxious most of all, but often in vain, 
" to keep their powder dry." Nevertheless, at three o'clock, the ap- 
pointed hour, the whole army was put under arms, to be ready to ad- 
vance. There they stood, anxious to go forward ; but it was impossible 
to move in the pitch-darkness, over flooded roads and swollen streams, 
with the cold, driving rain beating upon them. 

With almost criminal recklessness, many of the soldiers discharged 
their small-arms, to find out the condition of the cartridges. General 
Johnston, as he rode along the lines on the 5th, tried to prevent the 
recurrence of this. Bragg alludes to it with great severity. Colonel E. 
L. Drake, of Fayetteville, Tennessee, who was at that time serving in 
Bate's Second Tennessee Regiment, of which he has furnished a valu- 
able memoir to the writer, gives the following statement. His regi- 
ment was in Cleburne's brigade, and on the extreme left of Hardee's 
line. He says : 

The wishes of General Johnston to move quietly were not generally regarded ; 
and, at one point on the march, the presence of a wild deer, which ran along 
the lines, evoked a yell among Hardee's men which could have been heard for 
miles. Hard showers fell. There was great uneasiness among the men lest 
their guns should fail fire ; and many pieces were discharged on the route, and 
on Sunday morning as the lines were forming for the attack. It seems to be 

' Ecclesiastes ix. 2. ' Ibid., x. 7. ^ Luke xiii. 1. 



562 BEFORE THE BATTLE. 

certain that our presence was disregarded by the enemy up to a late Lour Sat- 
urday night. Their bands were serenading at different headquarters until 
after midnight. This I have since learned from a Federal officer who was pres- 
ent. At the time, the object of the music was misunderstood by the Confeder- 
ates, being attributed to the arrival of reinforcements to take up positions for 
the morrow's battle. This idea was strengthened by an occasional cheer, which 
rang out in that direction. 

It was supposed at the time that the fusillade might have aroused 
the enemy to a sense of their peril ; and it convinced General Beaure- 
gard that a surprise was impossible. It was sufficiently distinct at the 
Confederate rear to keep it continually on the alert with the apprehen- 
sion of an attack in front. But, whether from the direction of the wind, 
the noise and pelting of the tempest, the neglect and drowsiness of the 
Federal outpost, or their disregard of the firing in front — a prevalent 
practice among the pickets — no heed was taken of these hostile warn- 
ings by the Northern army. If, as has been alleged, the enemy's pickets 
were only half a mile out, Hardee's line Avas still perhaps two miles off, 
which might account for the failure to hear their random shots. 

At daylight, on Saturday, the 5th of April, Hardee advanced, and by 
seven o'clock was sufficiently out of the way to allow Bragg to move his 
command. Before ten o'clock Hardee's corps had reached the outposts, 
and developed the lines of the enemy. The Confederate advance imme- 
diately deployed in line of battle, about a mile and a half west of Shiloh 
church, where Lick Creek and Owl Creek approach most nearly, a space 
of about three miles. Hardee's corps not being sufficiently strong, it 
had been provided that Gladden's brigade, of Bragg's corps, should 
occupy his right. This line extended from Owl Creek to Lick Creek. 
General Johnston had reached Bragg's headquarters early, and before 
seven o'clock his column was also put in motion; and Gladden's and 
"Withers's other brigades were placed in line of battle, in due time, the 
latter about 800 yards in rear of Hardee's line, Ruggles's division did 
not come up promptl}', and Polk's corps was held motionless by its 
delay. 

Having recounted thus far the events of these days, let us recur 
briefly to General Johnston's personal movements. He left Corinth on 
the morning of the 4th, and arrived at Monterey at 1 P. M. Soon 
after, Clanton's Alabama Cavalry brought in some Federal prisoners ; 
and it was manifest from their surprise and their conversation with the 
staff that the Confederate attack was wholly unexpected. 

During the afternoon. General Johnston conferred with Bragg, 
Breckinridge, and other officers. He halted that night at Monterey, 
He handed to Munford and some others of his staff a small roll of pa- 
pers, containing his maps and the plan of battle, with the intended 
positions of the different commands, and requested them to become 



DELAY. 563 

familiar with the contents, that he might be able to use their services 
to the best advantage on the day of battle. Munford says : 

"We were to attack his army in their encampments between these creeks and 
that river. The mihtary problem was so to distribute an army of a little over 
30,000 men as eflFectually to cover our front. Its solution, involving the much- 
talked-of plan, was exceedingly simple. It was assumed as a postulate that no 
force the enemy could oppose could cut through three lines of Confederates. 
The army was therefore deployed into three lines. 

General Johnston slept but little on the night of the 4th. He was 
too old a soldier not to know that the storm would delay the movement 
of his army. It abated about five o'clock ; and, by half-past five, he 
was on horseback, on his way to the front, with his staff. Being joined 
by General Beauregard, he rode to Bragg's position ; and, under his 
orders, by seven o'clock, Withers's division was put in motion, as has 
been stated. General Johnston meanwhile rode forward to Hardee's 
line, where some slight skirmishing seemed to be going on, which was 
really, however, the random firing already mentioned. 

Munford tells as follows of how the morning passed: 

Everything had been calculated with the utmost precision — the hour for 
breaking camp, the order and stages of march, and the exact time at which each 
separate command was to deploy into line on the field. AU this was to be done 
by 7 A. M. on the 5th, and the battle to begin at eight. General Johnston and 
staff arrived on the field a little after six o'clock. Hardee's line was already 
formed, and the general-in-chief took position a little way in its rear. In 
a little while Bragg's right wing, under Withers, deployed into line, but eight, 
nine o'clock came, and the division on his left was nowhere to be seen. About 
half-past nine. General Johnston sent me to General Bragg to know " why 
the column on his left was not in position." Bragg replied: "Tell General 
Johnston the head of that column has not made its appearance. I have sent 
to the rear for information, and as soon as I learn the cause of its detention he 
shall be informed." Ten, eleven, half-past eleven o'clock came, and General 
Johnston began to show signs of impatience. I was again sent back to know of 
Bragg "w% the column on his left was not yet in position." I received iden- 
tically the same answer he had given earlier in the morning. At last half-past 
twelve o'clock came, and no appearance of the missing column, nor any report 
from Bragg. General Johnston, looking first at his watch, then glancing at the 
position of the sun, exclaimed, " This is perfectly puerile ! This is not icar ! — 
Let us have our horses." He, Major Albert Smith, Captain Kithaniel Wickliffe, 
and myself, rode to the rear until we found the missing column standing stock- 
still, with its head some distance out in an open field. General Polk's reserves 
were ahead of it, with their wagons and artillery blocking up the road. General 
Johnston ordered them to clear the road, and the missing column to move for- 
ward. There was much chaffering among those implicated as to who should 
bear the blame. It was charged on General Polk ; but the plucky old bishop 
unhorsed his accusers right on the spot. I believe their commander, General 



564 BEFORE THE BATTLE. 

Ruggles, was finally blamed. ... It was about four o'clock when the lines 
were completely formed ; too late, of course, to begin the battle then. 

There was sharp controversy then and afterward as to where the 
fault lay. Polk's answer was sufficient — that Clark's division was ready 
to move at 3 a. m. His orders were to wait for the passage of Bragg's 
corps, and to move and form his line in rear of Ruggles's division, 
which composed Bragg's left wing. He could not advance or establish 
his line until this had passed. The road was not clear until 2 p. m. ; yet 
he got Clark's division into line of battle by four o'clock, and Cheatham, 
who had come up on the left, soon after. Breckinridge's line was 
formed on Polk's right about the same time. Thus was the army ar- 
rayed in three lines of battle late Saturday afternoon. 

The detention was unexpected; and, perhaps, will never be fully ex- 
plained. The rain and storm, the mud, the passage through an unknown 
forest tract, over narrow dirt-roads, and the rawness of the advancing 
army, sufficiently account for the delay. There was, doubtless, some 
confusion or mistake of orders in Ruggles's division ; but what woiild 
have been gross misconduct at a later period was very pardonable in a 
militia as uninstructed as the troops who marched out against Shiloh. 
Field and staff officers, fresh from the counting-house or plantation, with 
unaccustomed duties, ignorant of the country, must sometimes have 
signally failed in the performance of the most obvious duties. It is 
certain that one of Ruggles's brigade commanders, who was on out- 
post duty at Monterey, received no orders at all, and was left to surmise 
the meaning of the whole movement, as regiment after regiment filed 
by. Under the circumstances it is useless to attach censure to particu- 
lar individuals or commands. 

One real source of the entanglement and confusion of commands 
arose from the order of march and the routes by which the troops were 
brought upon the field. One ground of General Bragg's censure of 
these arrangements was probably this : After Hardee, every column 
was so conducted to the field that it was compelled to halt at a fork 
of a road until some other corps had passed by and deployed, before it 
could establish its own line of battle. A trained staff and better topo- 
graphical information would have prevented this. 

There is a letter from General Bragg, written at 10 A. m,, April 4th, 
addressed to " General Johnston or General Beauregard," from Mon- 
terey, which has never been alluded to, and which may also throw some 
light on the subject of the detention. General Bragg says : 

Mt dear General: I reached here at half -past eight o'clock, ahead of my 
rear division. Bad roads, inefficient transportation badly managed, and the 
usual delays of a first move of new troops, have caused the delay. My first 
division is at Mickey's ; and the ignorance of the guide for the second, as well 



CHANGE OF ORDERS. 565 

as the reports I receive from people here, induces me to order my second division 
to move on the same road as the first, I am also influenced to do this from the 
information I have of General Hardee's advance. . . . 

I will send a courier to notify General Polk of my change. . . . 

By the first division General Bragg means Withers's ; by the second, 
Ruggles's. 

The " special orders as to movement of troops " directed Bragg to 
move from Monterey to Mickey's with Withers's division, while Rug- 
gles's division was to move from Monterey on the road to Purdy, which 
crossed the Bark road more than two miles in rear of Mickey's. Had 
Ruggles pursued this route, he could have passed to the left of Mickey's, 
and deployed without interference or obstruction from Hardee s or 
Withers's division. But Bragg's order changing Ruggles's line of 
march, and bringing him in rear of these commands, delayed any move- 
ment until they had cleared the way. To this cause of delay was added 
the confusion arising from any change of orders with raw troops as to 
routes in the labyrinth of roads in that vicinity. 

Hardee's corps, moving on the Ridge road under its methodical 
commander, assisted by the ardor and energy of Hindman and Cleburne, 
moved with greater celerity than the other troops. But something of 
this was due to their apprenticeship in war, under General Johnston's 
own eye and inspiration, on outpost duty in Kentucky and in the long 
and toilsome march from Bowling Green to Corinth, which had inured 
them to the hardships and difficulties of this kind of service. Polk's 
corps was at this time superior to the others in its transportation and 
in its experience under fire, and Bragg's in drill and order. Each had 
its own excellence ; but all were soon to be welded to a common tem- 
per in the white heat of sectional war. But at this time the whole 
army was new, and not yet moulded into a consistent whole. 

In describing his own corps, Bragg correctly portrays the whole 
army. He says : 

But few regiments of my command had ever made a day's march. A very 
large proportion of the rank and file had never performed a day's labor. Our 
organization had been most hasty, with great deficiency in commanders, and 
was, therefore, very imperfect. The equipment was lamentably defective for 
field-service ; and our transportation, hastily impressed in the country, was de- 
ficient in quantity and very inferior in quality. "With all these drawbacks, the 
troops marched late on the afternoon of the 3d, a day later than intended, in 
high spirits, and eager for the combat. 

A very dear friend, who commanded a brigade in the battle, wrote 
as follows, in 1872, to the author: 

You know I was as ignorant of the military art at that time as it was pos- 
sible for a civihan to be. I had never seen a wan fire a musket. I had never 



566 BEFORE THE BATTLE. 

heard a lecture or read a line on the subject. We were all tyros — all, the raw- 
est and greenest recruits — generals, colonels, captains, soldiers. One thing I 
recollect, and that was the majestic presence of General Johnston. He looked 
like a hero of the antique type, and his very appearance on the field was a tower 
of more than kingly strength. I saw him as our lines were forming, and talked 
and shook hands with him for the last time. 

While waiting for the appearance of the various commands, detained 
by the storm, the mire, and the other causes already assigned — Breck- 
inridge's, Ruggles's, and Cheatham's — General Johnston, followed by 
his staff, passed from one body of troops to another, encouraging the 
men both by his words and his presence. Major Hayden, his volunteer 
aidef says : 

"When they began to cheer his approach, he checked them, because it would 
call the attention of the enemy to their position. His advice to the men was 
brief and characteristic. He told them, "Look along your guns, and fire low." 

During the intervals of the march on the 4th and 5th of April, 
while the men stood on their arms, the following address of the com- 
manding general was read at the head of each regiment. It was re- 
ceived with exhibitions of deep feeling, and the soldiers were stirred to 
a still sterner resolution, which proved itself in the succeeding conflict. 

Hkadquarteks, Aemy of thb Mississippi, ( 
CoKiNTH, Mississippi, April 3, 1862. f 

SoLDiEES OF THE Aemt OF THE MISSISSIPPI : I have put you in motion to ofier 
battle to the invaders of your country. With the resolution and discipline and 
valor becoming men fighting, as you are, for all worth living or dying for, you 
can but march to a decisive victory over the agrarian mercenaries sent to sub- 
jugate you and to despoil you of your liberties, your property, and your honor. 
Kemember the precious stake involved ; remember the dependence of your 
mothers, your wives, your sisters, and your children, on the result ; remember 
the fair, broad, abounding land, and the happy homes that would be desolated 
by your defeat. 

The eyes and hopes of eight millions of people rest upon you ; you are ex- 
pected to show yourselves worthy of your lineage, worthy of the women of the 
South, whose noble devotion in this war has never been exceeded in any time. 
With such incentives to brave deeds, and with the trust that God is with us, 
your generals will lead you confidently to the combat — assured of success. 

A. S. Johnston, General commanding. 

Between four and five o'clock on Saturday afternoon was held that 
famous " council of war," on the issue of which turned the question 
whether the battle of Shiloh should be fought at all. It has been de- 
scribed, with more or less picturesque effect, but under the most vari- 
ous forms. Some of these accounts are altogether spurious, the coinage 
of a lively fancy. Dismissing these romances, we shall find that the 
eye and ear witnesses, though differing in details, agree in all essential 



THE COUNCIL OF WAR. ' 567 

facts. The council was held at the cross-roads, a few hundred yards 
from the headquarters of the night before. Colonel Jordan's account is 
as follows, and is presumably to be received as General Beauregard's 
own statement of the matter.' Mentioning in a note that it occurred 
about four o'clock in the open air, on foot, in the road, between the 
generals, surrounded at a short distance by a number of staff officials, 
and was of short duration, he names Generals Johnston, Beauregard, 
Polk, Bragg, Hardee (Hardee was not present, but Gilmer was), and 
Breckinridge, as taking part in it, and then furnishes this narrative : 

At least one division, if not the whole of Bragg's corps, was likewise inex- 
plicably tardy in movement on Saturday, though General Johnston, through his 
staff, had made every effort to get his troops in position for an attack that day. 
Supremely chagrined that he had been balked in his just expectation, it was 
evidently now too late for a decisive engagement that afternoon ; so General 
Johnston called his corps and reserve commanders together, and a council was 
held within less than two miles of Shiloh Chapel, the headquarters of the Fed- 
eral General Sherman. 

It was now learned that many of the troops had improvidently thrown away 
or consumed their provisions, and at the end of three days were out of subsist- 
ence. General Bragg promised, however, to remedy this from his alleged well- 
stocked commissariat. But General Beauregard earnestly advised the idea of 
attacking the enemy should be abandoned, and that the whole force should re- 
turn to Corinth, inasmuch as it was scarcely possible they would be able to take 
the Federals unawares, after such delay and the noisy demonstrations which had 
been made meanwhile. He urged the enemy would b*e now found formidably 
intrenched and ready for the attack ; that success had depended on the power 
to assail them unexpectedly, for they were superior in number, and in large 
part had been under fire. On the other hand, few comparatively of the Con- 
federates had that advantage, while a large part were too raw and recently en- 
rolled to make it proper to venture them in an assault upon breastworks which 
would now be thrown up. And this unquestionably was the view of almost all 
present. 

General Johnston, having listened with grave attention to the views and 
opinions advanced, then remarked, in substance, that he recognized the weight 
of the objections to an attack under the circumstances involved by the unfortu- 
nate loss of time on the road. But, nevertheless, he still hoped the enemy was 
not looking for offensive operations, and that he would yet be able to surprise 
them ; and that, having put his array in motion for a battle, he would venture 
the hazard. 

This decision being announced, the officers rapidly dispersed to their respec- 
tive posts in high and hopeful spirits, notwithstanding the probabilities that all 
previous expectations of a surprise would fail of accomplishment. 

General Polk, in his report of the battle, gives the following ac- 
count of the occasion and circumstances of the meeting, which, in the 

' " Life of Forrest," p. 113. 



608 BEFORE THE BATTLE. 

opinion of most of General Johnston's staff, was accidental so far as he 
was concerned. Polk says : 

I had not advanced far before I came upon General Ruggles, who commanded 
General Bragg's left, deploying his troops. Having ascertained the direction of 
the line, I did not wait for him to complete it, but returned to the head of my 
column to give the necessary orders. By this time it was near four o'clock, and, 
on arriving, I was informed that General Beauregard desired to see me immedi- 
ately. I rode forward to his headquarters at once, where I found General Bragg 
and himself in conversation. He said, with some feeling, " I am very much dis- 
appointed at the delay which has occurred in getting the troops into position." 
I replied : " So am I, sir ; but, so far as I am concerned, my orders are to form on 
another line, and that line must first be established before I can form upon it." 
I continued : " I reached Mickey's at nightfall yesterday, whence I could not 
move, because of the troops which were before me, until 2 p. m. to-day. I then 
promptly followed the column in front of me, and have been in position to form 
upon it so soon as its line was established." He said he regretted the delay 
exceedingly, as it would make it necessary to forego the attack altogether ; that 
our success depended upon our surprising the enemy ; that this was now im- 
possible, and we must fall hack to Corinth. 

Here General Johnston came up and asked what was the matter. General 
Beauregard repeated what he had said to me. General Johnston remarked that 
this would never do, and proceeded to assign reasons for that opinion. He 
then asked what I thought of it. I replied that my troops were in as good 
condition as they had ever been ; that they were eager for battle ; that to re- 
tire now would operate injuriously upon them ; and I thought we ought to at- 
tack. General Breckimldge, whose troops were in the rear, and by this time had 
arrived upon the ground, here joined us ; and, after some discussion, it was de- 
cided to postpone further movement until the following day, and to make the 
attack at daybreak. 

General Bragg, in a monograph on the battle of Sbiloh, prepared 
for the use of the writer of this memoir, says : 

During the afternoon of the 5th, as the last of our troops were taking posi- 
tion, a casual and partly-accidental meeting of general officers occurred just in 
rear of our second line, near the bivouac of General Bragg. The commander- 
in-chief. General Beauregard, General Polk, General Bragg, and General Breck- 
inridge, are remembered as present, and General Hardee may have been. In a 
discussion of the causes of the delay and its incidents, it was mentioned that 
some of the troops, now in their third day only, were entirely out of food, 
though having marched with five days' rations. General Beauregard, confident 
our movement had been discovered by the enemy, urged its abandonment, a 
return to our camps for supplies, and a general change of programme. In this 
opinion no other seemed fully to concur; and when it was suggested that "the 
enemy's supplies were much nearer, and could be had for the taking," General 
Johnston quietly remarked, " Gentlemen, we shall attack at daylight to-morrow." 
The meeting then dispersed upon an invitation of the commanding general to 
meet at his tent that evening. At that meeting a further discussion elicited the 
same views, and the same firm, decided determination. 



GENERAL JOHNSTON'S DECISION. 5G9 

Tlio next morning, about dawn of day, the 6tli, as the troops were being put 
in motion, several generals again met at the camp-fire of the general-in-chief. 
The discussion was renewed, General Beauregard again expressing his dissent; 
when, rapid firing in the front indicating that the attack had commenced. Gen- 
eral Johnston closed the discussion by r^narking : "The battle has opened, gen- 
tlemen ; it is too late to change our dis^fitions." lie proposed to move to the 
front, and his subordinates promptly joined their respective commands, inspired 
by his coolness, confidence, and determination. Few men have equaled him in 
the possession and display at the proper time of these great qualities of the 
soldier. 

As far as the ■writer can ascertain, the meeting was, as stated bj 
Bragg, casual. Beauregard sent for Polk. The discussion between 
them was conducted with some warmth. General Johnston joined the 
group, but not by preconcert, and Breckinridge came up afterward. 
General Preston says in his letter of April 18, 1862 : 

General Johnston was within two miles of the chapel, and anxious to attack 
that evening, for fear the enemy would discover his presence, and be on the 
alert to receive him ; but, considering the condition of the men, determined to 
rest them and attack in the morning. It was, moreover, discovered that some 
of the regiments had not brought provisions sufficient A conference was held 
between Generals Johnston, Beauregard, Bragg, and Polk, at 5 p. m. ; Major 
Gilmer being near. Some thought the long delay in the movement, of thirty-six 
hours, would put the enemy on the alert, and the want of provisions would en- 
danger a failure, and that the attack was too late to be successful. I was or- 
dered to go for General Breckinridge, to see the state of his command ; but he 
appearing at the moment, and reporting the provisions ample. General Johnston 
then ordered the attack for next morning, and we bivouacked in silence for the 
night. 

General Preston informs the writer that General Johnston said lit- 
tle, but closed the discussion with great decision of manner. As he 
moved off, he said to Preston : 

I would fight them if they were a million. They can present no greater front 
between these two creeks than we can ; and the more men they crowd in there, 
the worse we can make it for them. . . . Polk is a true soldier and a friend. 

Governor Harris mentions the follow'ing incident, which is signifi- 
cant of General Johnston's train of thought during that day, and confirm- 
atory of the above : 

I was riding with him along the line of battle, which was being formed about 
12 M.' on Saturday, when one of our scouts intercepted us, and made a report to 
the general which indicated the presence of a much larger Federal force than 
previous information had induced us to expect. For a moment after receiving 
this report, he appeared to be in profound thought, when he turned to me, say- 
ing : " I will fight them if there is a million of them I I have as many men as can 

' Colonel Munford thinks the hour was earlier. 



570 BEFORE THE BATTLE. 

be ■R'ell handled on this field, and I can handle as many men as they can." He 
then proceeded with the inspection of his line. 

The Hon. Jacob Thompson, Secretary of the Interior under Mr. 
Buchanan, who was present on the staff of General Beauregard, fur- 
nishes the writer with the following notes of an interview which he 
held with General Johnston on the way to this conference, as he thinks, 
but which more probably occurred soon after it : 

General Johnston took my arm, and remarked, "I perceive that General 
Beauregard is averse to bringing on the attack on the enemy in the morning, 
on the ground that we have lost an opportunity by delay." I replied that I 
knew that such was the feeling of General Beauregard, and he seemed wonder- 
fully depressed in spirits. ' "But," says General Johnston, "don't you think it is 
better to fight, and run the chances of defeat rather than retreat? Our troops 
are in high spirits, eager for the trial of arms, and confident of victory ; and the 
effect of an order to retreat will not only disappoint them but depress their 
spirits, and I fear it would have the same effect as a defeat." I replied that if 
Buell should come up in time the odds would be greatly against us. Then Gen- 
eral Johnston, as if wishing to draw out my opinion, said : " Don't you think we 
had better try and fight the two armies in detail ? The junction is not yet made, 
and it is probable will not be made to-morrow." My reply to that was, " There 
are great diflSoulties and embarrassments, take either horn of the dilemma, and 
those who have the responsibility must decide it." The result of the council 
was an order to attack early, and General Johnston determined to lead the 
attack in person, and leave General Beauregard to direct the movements of 
troops in the rear. 

General Gilmer says that Beauregard's proposition to retire with- 
out making an attack was not opposed, so far as he can remember. He 
adds : 

General Johnston appeared much surprised at the suggestion, and held that 
a failure to attack would demoralize his command, which had come on the field 
in good spirits, expecting to give battle. I ventured to suggest that a withdrawal 
would certainly destroy the morale of the troops. General Johnston said, " We 
will attack the enemy in the morning." All dispositions were accordingly made, 
and special instructions given to the corps commanders for the engagement in 
the morning. 

Colonel Munford, in his address at Memphis, has supplied the fol- 
lowing interesting particulars of a conversation held with General John- 
ston immediately after the " council of war." He says : 

The leading general officers were called together, and a short colloquy held, 
which General Johnston seemed to terminate a little abruptly. He turned, saw 
me, and, pointing to a large oak, motioned me to meet him there. It was his 
habit not to betray emotion. Despite this exterior calm, I saw he was deeply 
moved. His first words were : " I want to tell you something which I desire 
remembered. I shall tell nobody but you and Preston, but I do not wish what 



CONFIDEXCE IN THE RESULT. 571 

I say to be forgotten, as it may become very important some day." I told hira 
his wishes should be complied with. He then said : " They wish me to with- 
draw the army without a battle; what is your opinion ? " My surprised reply 
was : " General, a defeat is preferable. This army cannot be withdrawn with- 
out a fight, and kept together. They will become disheartened and melt away. 
They are very raw, but are eager to meet the enemy. I have been around their 
camp-fires, mingled freely with them, and know, if you can ever do anything 
with such a number of undisciplined men, now is your time. They are ready 
for the fighty The general said with a glowing countenance, " / have ordered 
a tattle for to-morrow at daylight, and I intend to ' hammer 'em ! ' " I then said 
to him : " There is a matter well worthy of consideration. "We have lost a day. 
"We know Buell is marching an army as large as your own to this point. If he 
has not been inactive, he can get here to-morrow, and may be here to-night. 
The army you propose attacking is already much larger than your own, is better 
armed, and in all respects better appointed. Suppose, in the morning, instead 
of sixty or seventy thousand, you find yourself confronting ninety or one hun- 
dred thousand, what think you of your chances for success?" He replied: 
" There is Lick Creek on my right, and Owl Creek on my left. These creeks 
effectually protect my flanks. I have men enough to cover the front, and the 
more men they crowd into this small space between me and the river, the better 
for me and the worse for them. I think we will hammer them leyond douhty 
I have transcribed as much of this conversation as it is proper should now be 
written down — enough to shed a clear light upon this portion of the history of 
the battle of Shiloh. It is remarkable both for the facts it discloses and the 
peculiar circumstances under which it took place. 

These varied presentations, in the words of the witnesses themselves, 
leave on the mind a vivid picture of this striking scene. The seeming 
disagreements in minor circumstances in the foregoing statements are 
easily reconcilable. They arise from the different points of view of 
the narrators, and are not only consistent with the strictest veracity, 
but are a very strong attestation of the principal facts. The substantive 
facts are that, on Saturday afternoon late, when the Confederate army 
was drawn up in battle array, within two miles of Shiloh Church, Gen- 
eral Beauregard earnestly urged the necessity of a retreat. General 
Johnston, against his emphatic advice, decided to fight the battle of 
Shiloh. General Beauregard's counsel in this conference freed him 
from responsibility in case of a repulse, and compelled General John- 
ston to take the hazard of a doubtful and perilous contest weighted 
with such opposition. Success was absolutely necessary to the vindi- 
cation of his military character. He was not unwilling to accept the 
test. 

As to the soundness of General Johnston's judgment in deciding to 
fight contrary to the auguries of his distinguished subordinate, the 
writer does not pretend to offer an unbiased opinion. He rests the 
wisdom of General Johnston's course upon the results of the battle up 
to the time of his death. But, whatever may have been the weight of 



572 BEFOEE THE BATTLE. 

the reasons for and against attacking, those assigned for retreating by 
General Beauregard most certainly proved invalid. Contrary to his 
opinion of its possibility, the Federals were surprised, and they were 
not intrenched ; and whatever disparity of military experience in the 
two armies existed on the evening of the 5th had also existed on the 
morning of the 3d, before they left Corinth. Indeed, it was a mere as- 
sumption that the enemy were on their guard and intrenched, as there 
was not the slightest evidence to that effect, and all the indications were 
to the contrary. To conclude that they were prepared because they 
ought to be, was a reason which applied with greater force against an 
advance from Corinth than against an attack on Sunday morning. The 
Confederate army, deployed in three lines of battle on the Federal front, 
ready and eager for the onset, was stronger for aggression than when 
it lay at Corinth. The position was almost more than its generals could 
have hoped for. Though the attack was not without its difficulties and 
dangers, every omen seemed auspicious. General Johnston, as a trained 
soldier, put discipline at its fullest value ; but he knew what a power 
enthusiasm was also, and that his army was wrought up to the highest 
pitch. In such a state of mind, with those new levies, the demoraliza- 
tion of another retreat would have been worse than defeat. 

Without disparagement to General Beauregard's ability, his willing- 
ness, his urgency, to retire from that field, when in the face of the 
enemy, evinces conclusively how little he was in sympathy with the 
leading idea in General Johnston's mind, that he must crush Grant be- 
fore Buell joined him. This was the purpose, this was the plan of the 
battle of Shiloh. 

When night fell, on the eve of battle, the following was the Con- 
federate array : The front line, composed of the Third Corps and Glad- 
den's brigade, was under Hardee, and extended from Owl Creek to Lick 
Creek, a distance of somewhat over three miles. Cleburne's brigade 
was on the left, with its flank resting near Owl Creek. Hindman was 
intrusted with a division, composed of Wood's brigade, and his own un- 
der Colonel Shaver. These occupied the centre. The interval, on his 
right, to Lick Creek, was occupied by Gladden's brigade, detached from 
Bragg, and put under Hardee's command for the battle. Hardee's 
three brigades numbered 6,789 effectives, and Gladden added 2,235 
more — an effective total in the front line of 9,024. 

Bragg commanded the second line. Withers's division formed his 
right wing. Jackson's brigade, 2,208 strong, was drawn up three 
hundred yards in rear of Gladden, its left on the Bark road. Chal- 
mers's brigade was on Jackson's right, en echelon to Gladden's brigade, 
with its right on a fork of Lick Creek. Clanton's cavalry was in rear 
of Chalmers's, with pickets to the right and front. In this order the 
division bivouacked. 



THE CONFEDERATE ARRAY. 573 

General Bragg's left wing was made up of three brigades, under 
General D. Ruggles. Colonel R. L. Gibson commanded the riglit bri- 
gade, resting with his right on the Bark road. Colonel Preston Pond 
commanded the left brigade, near Owl Creek, with an interval between 
him and Gibson. About three hundred yards in the rear of these two 
brigades, opposite the interval, with his right and left flanks masked by 
Gibson and Pond, Patton Anderson's brigade, 1,634 strong, was posted. 
Bragg's corps was 10,731 strong, and was drawn up in line of battle, 
or with the regiments in double column at half distance, according to 
the nature of the ground. 

The third line or reserve was composed of the First Corps, under 
Polk, and three brigades under Breckinridge. Polk's command was 
massed in columns of brigades on the Bark road, near Mickey's; and 
Breckinridge's on the road from Monterey toward the same point. 
Polk was to advance on the left of the Bark road, at an interval of 
about eight hundred paces from Bragg's line ; and Breckinridge, to the 
right of that road, was to give support, wherever it should become 
necessary. 

Polk's corps, 9,13G strong in infantry and artiller}^, was composed 
of two divisions, Cheatham's on the left, made up of B. R. Johnson's and 
Stephens's brigades, and Clark's on his right, formed of A. P. Stewart's 
and Russell's brigades. It followed Bragg's line at about eight hundred 
yards' distance. 

Breckinridge's reserve was composed of Trabue's, Bowen's, and 
Statham's brigades, with a total infantry and artillery of 6,439. 

The cavalry, about 4,300 strong, guarded the flanks, or was de- 
tached on outpost duty ; but, both from the newness and imperfec- 
tions of their organization, equipment, and drill, and from the rough 
and wooded character of the ground, they did little service that day. 
The part taken by Morgan's, Forrest's, and Wharton's (Eighth Texas), 
will be given in its proper place. 

The army, exclusive of its cavalry, was between 35,000 and 36,000 
strong. Jordan, in an oflBcial report, made in July, 1862, to the writer, 
then on inspection-duty, gave the effective total of all arms at 38,773, 
who marched April 3d. In his " Life of Forrest " he makes it 39,630. 
Hodge, in his sketch of the First Kentucky Brigade, with a different 
distribution of troops, puts the total at 39,695, which he says he made 
up from the returns at the time. Beauregard's report of the battle 
gives the field return at 40,335, of which 4,382 was cavalry. This last 
return includes Colonel Hill's Forty-seventh Tennessee Regiment, which 
came up on the 7th. There are apparently some errors in the return of 
July, 1862, The writer believes that the figures in Jordan's " Life of 
Forrest" approach the truth most nearly. 

It now behooves us to consider the emplojTnent of the Federal 



574 BEFORE THE BATTLE. 

army during those fateful first days of April, when the Confederates 
were gathering in its front. Premising that General Grant kept his 
headquarters at Savannah, nine miles from Pittsburg by water and six 
or seven by land, and left a large discretion in the hands of General 
Sherman, as his friend and most experienced ofScer, we must turn to 
the "Memoirs" of General Sherman to arrive at his theory of the 
battle, and his account of the events preceding it. He is entitled to 
this consideration, since, by his position in the advance, and by the 
special confidence reposed in him by Grant, he shared with his chief 
the responsibility for whatever was done or left undone at Shiloh. We 
have already seen his opinion on the natural strength of the position, 
and the reasons he gives for not adding to it. The following is his 
account of the transactions ushering in the battle ("Memoirs," vol. 
i., p. 229) : 

From about the 1st of April we were conscious that the rebel cavalry in our 
front was getting bolder and more saucy ; and on Friday, the 4th of April, it 
dashed down and carried oif one of our picket-guards, composed of an officer 
and seven men, posted a couple of miles out on the Corinth road. Colonel 
Buckland sent a company to its relief, then followed himself with a regiment, 
and, fearing lest he might be worsted, I called out his whole brigade and fol- 
lowed some four or five miles, when the cavalry in advance encountered artil- 
lery. I then, after dark, drew back to our lines, and reported the fact by letter 
to General Grant, at Savannah ; but thus far we had not positively detected the 
presence of infantry, for cavalry regiments generally had a couple of guns along, 
and I supposed the guns that opened on us on the evening of Friday, April 4th, 
belonged to the cavalry that was hovering along our whole front. Saturday 
passed in our camps without any unusual event, the weather being wet and 
mild, and the roads back to the steamboat-landing being heavy with mud. 

It may be remarked on the foregoing, that General Sherman's re- 
connaissance did not advance so far as he thinks, as four or five miles, 
the distance named by him, did not intervene between Shiloh Church 
and Mickey's, in front of which Hardee's corps was deploying. Indeed, 
Colonel Buckland, who made the reconnaissance, says that he advanced 
three, not four or five miles.' Hardee was, in fact, within two miles. 
It will be observed that Sherman supposed the artillery belonged to 
the Confederate cavalry. 

In his letter to Grant, dated April 5th (page 235), Sherman reports 
that he lost eleven men, officers and privates, taken prisoners, and eight 
privates wounded. He says he took ten prisoners. He continues : 

I infer that the enemy is in some considerable force at Pea Ridge (Monterey), 
that yesterday morning they crossed a brigade of two regiments of infantry, 
one regiment of cavalry, and one battery of field-artillery, to the ridges on which 

' "Sherman's Historical Raid," Boynton, p. 81. 



SHERMAN'S FALSE SECURITY. 575 

the Corinth road lies. They halted the infantry at a point about five miles in 
my front, sent a detachment to the lane of General Meaka, on the north of 
Owl Creek, and the cavalry down toward our camp. 

Though he did not suspect the fact, it was the whole Confederate 
army which was unfolding along his front. 

In his report of the battle of Shiloh (" Memoirs," vol. i., p. 235), 
Sherman says : 

On Saturday the enemy's cavalry was again very bold, coming well down to 
our front ; yet I did not ielieve they designed anything but a strong demonstra- 
tion. 

General Sherman seems to deny with derision that his command 
was surprised on the morning of April 6th. He says (" Memoirs," 
vol. i., p. 244) : 

Probably no single battle of the war gave rise to such wild and damaging 
reports. It was publicly asserted at the North that our army was taken com- 
pletely by surprise, etc. 

His denial is not categorical, but by inference ; but Moulton's " Criti- 
cism of Boynton's Review of Sherman" (page 11), which is virtually 
General Sherman's own utterance, denies any purpose or necessity " of 
contradicting the foolish stories about our forces being surprised by 
the enemy at its beginning." Moulton continues : 

No matter what were the reasons for starting them originally in the news- 
papers or elsewhere, there is not the slightest excuse for reiterating them at this 
time. 

He rests his defense on the ground that Sherman's lohole line was 
not overthrown in the first onset, but that part of it on favorable ground 
formed a line of battle and fought well ; that the officers on picket — 

were in a constant state of watchfulness ; that the pickets were not less than 
two and a half miles out, and were strengthened as occasion required ; that re- 
connaissances in force were made from time to time, and that both these and the 
pickets reported the presence of cavalry and infantry to the division commanders, 
who were on the qui vive in consequence, and that their troops were in line of 
battle on the morning of the attack. 

He alleges also that they (the Confederate generals) " did not defi- 
nitely fix the date of the attack until late in the evening of the Sth^^'' 
but this is a mere quibble, for General Johnston marched from Corinth 
with an unalterable resolution to attack, which nothing, not even the 
remonstrances of his second in command, could shake, and intended to 
attack on the morning of the 5th. 

It is not necessary to consider Moulton's statements seriatim, ; for, 

though all of them have some color of fact, they are not relevant to the 
38 



576 BEFORE THE BATTLE. 

issue. A narrative of the facts will leave a clearer impression on the 
reader's mind than any word-mongering or technical disputations. 
Whether Grant and Sherman used all requisite vigilance or not, they 
believed that the Confederate army was at Corinth, twenty miles away, 
and only a brigade at Mickey's, when that army was unfolding for an 
assault upon them. Whether they were " surprised " or not, the at- 
tack upon them was unexpected, and their own words show that a 
thunderbolt from a clear sky could not have astonished them more than 
the boom of artillery on Sunday morning. 

In Badeau's " Life of Grant " (page 600) occurs the following cor- 
respondence. The first communication is a telegram from General 
Grant to General Halleck, his commanding officer : 

Savannah, April 5, 1862. 

The main force of the enemy is at Corinth^ with troops at different points 
east. Small garrisons are also at Bethel, Jackson, and Humboldt. The number 
at these places seems constantly to change. The number of the enemy at 
Corinth, and in supporting distance of it, cannot be far from 80,000 men. In- 
formation, obtained through deserters, places their force west at 200,000. One 
division of Buell's column arrived yesterday. General Buell will be here himself 
to-day. Some skirmishing took place between our out-guards and the enemy's 

yesterday and the day before. 

U. S. Geant, Major- General. 

Major-General H. W. Halleck, St. Louis, Missouri. 

In a subsequent dispatch to Halleck, on the same day, he says that 
he had received notes, stating that — 

our outposts had been attacked by the enemy, apparently in considerable force, 
I immediately went up, but found all quiet. . . . They had with them three 
pieces of artillery, and cavalry and infantry. How much, cannot of course be 
estimated. / have scarcely the faintest idea of an attack {general one) ieing 
made upon us, but will be prepared should such a thing take place. 

General Sherman's dispatch to Grant, sent with the above to Hal- 
leck, is as follows : 

PiTTSBiTBO Landing, April 5, 1862. 

Sie: All is quiet along my lines now. We are in the act of exchanging 

cavalry, according to your orders. The enemy has cavalry in our front, and I 

think there are two regiments of infantry and one battery of artillery about six 

miles out. I will send you in ten prisoners of war and a report of last night's 

affair in a few minutes. 

W. T. Sherman, Brigadier- General. 

Your note is just received. I have no doubt that nothing will occur to-day 
more than some picket-firing. The enemy is saucy, but got the worst of it yes- 
terday, and will not press our pickets far. I will not be drawn out far, unless 
with certainty of advantage ; and I do not apprehend anything like an attach 
upon our position. Sherman. 

To General Geant. 



SPECIAL PLEADING. 577 

In view of these quotations from Badeau's book, argument would 
seem entirely unnecessary in order to show that there was " scarcely 
the faintest idea of an attack being made," or that there was any 
knowledge of the Confederate movement in force. Grant and Sherman 
evidently expected some skirmishing on outposts, but nothing more. 
General Badeau's commentaries on his own text are really amusing. 
He dwells on Grant's letters, quoted above, which, however, speak for 
themselves, and adds (page 96) : 

It has been repeatedly asserted that Grant was surprised at Shiloh, but the 
evidence to the contrary is incontrovertible. The preliminary fighting of the 
3d and 4th of April necessarily put division and army commanders on the alert. 

The evidence he cites for this is as follows : 

Prentiss had doubled his pickets the day before (the 5th), and had a recon- 
naissance of a regiment out at three o'clock on the morning of the 6th ; he re- 
ceived the earliest assault outside of his camps. W. H. L. "Wallace also break- 
fasted early, and had his horses saddled, " to be ready in case of an attack." 
These are not the indications of a camp that is surprised. 

Badeau indulges somewhat oracularly in a piece of special pleading, 
very wonderful in view of the facts. He says: 

Private soldiers and inferior officers very probably could not read the signs 
that told so plainly to their commanders the necessity of readiness ; such may 
very likely have been surprised at what occurred ; but Grant and his division 
generals, although of course they could not know at what hour or place the 
rebels might choose to assault, nor indeed that they certainly would assault at 
all, although they did not really expect an attaclc^ yet knew the propinquity of a 
great army, and, so far as could be, were prepared to receive it — except in the 
matter of defensive intrenchments. 

The translation of which into English is, that General Grant thought 
the Confederates were at Corinth — not two, but twenty-two miles away. 
The readiness for the attack consisted in what ? Some colonels strength- 
ened their pickets, one general sent a regiment on reconnaissance, and 
another had his horse saddled before breakfast. 

Instead of the commanders having a peculiar and occult insight into 
the situation, unrevealed to their less-gifted subordinates, the exact re- 
verse occurred. In the reconnaissances and cavalry-skirmishes of out- 
posts, the ready apprehension of raw troops saw the shadow of coming 
danger. Like the startled stag which scents afar the perilous approach 
of a foe, and watches for the rustle of the leaves, and hearkens for the 
distant bay of hounds, these undisciplined men were touched by a 
vague apprehension of coming danger. They saw, in the dash of the 
Southern troopers at their pickets, the cloud no bigger than a man's 
hand that precedes the tempest. Their quick imaginations suggested 



578 BEFORE THE BATTLE. 

the fear that it was the vanguard of a great army threading the swamps 
and thickets of the unknown forest in their front. It may even be true, 
as is alleged, that the experienced eye of some veteran caught here or 
there the gleam of a bayonet in the background, or detected by other 
signs the massing of infantry. It is certain that a feeling of uneasiness 
and mistrust pervaded the whole front line, and gradually spread from 
soldiers to officers, reaching higher and higher. Every soldier knows 
that " camp-rumor " has a certain undefined value, that there is some- 
thing in the Greek idea of the " Pheme," the voice that addresses the 
general consciousness, the voice that heralded across the ^gean the 
victory of Plataea to the combatants of Mycale. Known facts, inference 
and imagination, often construct in an army an hypothesis not to be 
neglected. Possibly upon some such basis General Prentiss acted in 
throwing to the front ten companies, under Colonel Moore, to watch the 
approaches to his position. 

But it is perfectly evident that Grant and Sherman considered them- 
selves above such idle fears. The vulgar apprehension did not touch 
the victor of Donelson. It never reached either Grant or Sherman. 
Indeed, the latter, with bitter innuendo, points to it as proof of coward- 
ice in certain officers with whom he was at variance. Pie swears in his 
evidence on Worthington's trial.' 

Therefore, on Friday, two days before the battle, when Colonel "Worthington 
was so apprehensive, / hnew there was no hostile party in six miles,^ though 
there was reason to expect an attack. I suppose Colonel McDowell and myself 
had become tired of his constant prognostications, and paid no attention to him, 
especially when we were positively informed by men like Buckland, Kilby Smith, 
and Major Eicker, who went to the front to look for enemies, instead of going 
to the landing. . . . 

On Friday, the 4th, nor officer, nor soldier, looked for an attack, as I can 
prove. . . . For weeks and months we had heard all sorts of reports, just as we 
do now. For weeks old women had reported that Beauregard was coming, 
sometimes with 100,000, sometimes with 300,000, when, in fact, he did not leave 
Corinth until after even Colonel Worthington had been alarmed for safety. 

Sherman says, further on, that, after the reconnaissance on Friday 
afternoon — 

"We knew that we had the elements of an army in our front, but did not 
know its strength or destination. The guard was strengthened, and, as night 
came on, we returned to camp, and not a man in camp but knew we had an 
enemy to the front, before we slept that night. But even I had to guess its pur- 
pose. 

Colonel Buckland, who made the reconnaissance, states that he dis- 
covered a large force of infantry and artillery, and that, when he re- 

1 " Sherman's Historical Raid," by Boynton, p. 29. 
'■' Hardee was not more than two miles distant. 



A SURPRISE. ^ 579 

ported -with his prisoners to Sherman, his manner indicated he was not 
pleased. He made a written report of the skirmish that night. Buck- 
land says : 

Tho next day, Saturday, April 5th, I visited the picket-line several times, and 
found the woods were swarming with rebel cavalry along the entire front of 
my line, and the pickets claimed to have discovered infantry and artillery. 
Several times during the day I reported these facts to General Sherman. Colonel 
Ilildebrand, of the Third Brigade, and other officers, visited the picket-hne with 
me during the day. It was well understood all that day and night, throughout 
Sherman's division, that there was a large rebel force immediately in our front. 

Buckland strengthened his pickets, and adds, " Every officer in my 
brigade was fully aware of the danger, and such precautions were taken 
that a surprise was impossible." * 

Concerning the same reconnaissance, Major Ricker wrote as follows: * 

"When we got back to the gicket-lines we found General Sherman there with 
infantry and artillery, caused by the heavy tiring of the enemy on us. General 
Sherman asked me what was up, I told him I had met and fought the advance 
of Beauregard's army, that he was advancing on us. General Sherman said it 
could not le possible^ Beauregard was not such a fool as to leave his base of 
operations and attack us in ours — mere reconnaissance in force. 

General Buell says that, " so far as preparation for battle is con- 
cerned, no army could well have been taken more by surprise than was 
the Army of the Tennessee on the 6th of April." ^ 

Van Home's " Army of the Cumberland," to which General Sher- 
man's special advocate, Mr. Moulton, refers the reader, " for a fair and 
full history of this battle," has the following (page 105) : 

While the national army was unprepared for battle, and unexpectant of such 
an event, and was passing the night of the 5th in fancied security, Johnston's 
army of 40,000 men was in close proximity, and ready for the bloody revelation 
of its presence and purpose on the following morning. General Johnston was 
already a day later in attaining position for attack than he had anticipated, and 
this loss of a day had brought the Army of the Ohio one day's march nearer to 
the conjunction with General Grant, to prevent which was the object of his ad- 
vance. Usually, the indications of approaching battle are so palpable that the 
men in the ranks, as well as the officers of all grades, foresee the deadly struggle, 
and nerve themselves to meet it. But in this case the nearness of the enemy in 
force was not known in the national army, and there was no special preparation 
for the conflict. 

In " Sherman and his Campaigns," by Colonels Bowman and Irwin, 
it is stated (page 50), " There was nothing to indicate a general attack 

* " Sherman's Historical Raid," pp. 31, 32. ' Ibid. 

3 Buell's letter, dated January 19, 1865, to United States Service Magazine, republished 
in the New York World, February 29, 1865. 



580 BEFORE THE BATTLE. 

until seven o'clock on Sundaj morning, when the advance-guard of 
Sherman's front was forced in on his main line." 

" Grant and his Campaigns," a book compiled by Prof. Coppee, 
avowedly from Grant's " Reports," and very prejudiced in its conclu- 
sions in favor of that general, says, " At the outset our troops were 
shamefully surprised and easily overpowered." 

It is but a poor compliment to the generalship of either Grant or 
Sherman to believe them aware of the presence of the Confederate 
army in their front on the 5th. Else why was General Lew Wallace 
with 7,500 men kept at Crump's Landing, and Nelson and Critten- 
den's divisions — 14,000 men — left at Savannah ? Why the calm of Sat- 
urday and the confusion of Sunday ? For the events of the battle, let 
the eulogists of Generals Grant and Sherman rather plead, than deny, 
the " surprise " that befell them on Sunday morning. 

Boynton says (page 34) : 

The oflScers of General Thomas's army, who had charge of the pickets a few 
(lays after the battle, rode over the line from which the rebels moved to the 
attack. Everywhere were signs of the deliberation wdth which the enemy 
formed his forces. The routes, by which each corps and division of the first 
line was to march to its position in the woods, were blazed upon the trees, and 
the entire force of the enemy went into line for the attack wholly undisturbed, 
and with, as much order and precision as if forming upon mavTcers for a grand 
review. And the time that the enemy was thus forming his lines, scarcely out 
of rifled-cannon range, passed in our camps, says General Sherman, without any 
unusual event." 

Such is a fair view of the situation and transactions of the Federal 
army before Shiloh, as taken from their own writers. 

According to the general tenor of their official reports, the Federal 
army was disposed as follows on the night of April 5th : Sherman 
commanded the advance, consisting of the Fifth Division, and had his 
headquarters at Shiloh Church, a little wooden meeting-house, two 
miles and a half or more from Pittsburg Landing, on the Corinth road. 
The road to Purdy crosses the Corinth road, somewhat in rear of this 
chapel, almost at right angles, and, passing to the right and front, fol- 
lows a ridge to Owl Creek, which it crosses by two bridges. This ridge 
was thickly set with trees and undergrowth, and fell away by a sharp 
declivity to a deep ravine, boggy and flooded with the storms of the 
past month. Sherman's First Brigade, under Colonel McDowell, was on 
his right, on the Purdy road as a guard to the bridges over Owl Creek. 
His Fourth Brigade, under Colonel Buckland, came next in his line, with 
its left resting on the Corinth road at Shiloh. The Third Brigade, under 
Colonel Hildebrand, stood with its right on the same point. His Sec- 
ond Brigade, under Colonel Stuart, was detached in position on the ex- 
treme left, guarding the ford over Lick Creek. Each brigade had three 



FEDERAL ARRAY. 581 

regiments and a battery ; and eight companies of the Fourth Illinois 
Cavalry were posted in an open field to the left and rear of Shiloh. 

Among the multitude of roads and cross-roads, running in every 
direction over the broken surface of the Shiloh plateau, one principal 
road diverged to the left in rear of Shiloh Church from the direct Pitts- 
burg and Corinth road, and following the ridge led into both the Bark 
road and the Corinth road by numerous approaches. Across this to 
Sherman's left, with an interval between them, Prentiss's division (the 
Sixth) was posted. Covering this interval, but some distance back, lay 
McClernand's division (the First), with its right partially masked by 
Sherman's left. Some two miles in rear of the front line, and about 
three-quarters of a mile in advance of Pittsburg, were encamped to 
the left, Hurlbut's (the Fourth), and to the right, Smith's (the Second) 
division, the latter under General W. H. L. Wallace. The Federal 
front was an arc or very obtuse angle extending from where the Purdy 
road crossed Owl Creek to the ford near the mouth of Lick Creek, 
which was guarded by Stuart's brigade. General Lew Wallace's divi- 
sion was five or six miles distant, with one brigade at Crump's Land- 
ing, and the other two on the Adamsville road, with intervals of some 
two miles, in observation of Cheatham's division, which he believed to 
be still at Purdy. The advance of Buell's army. Nelson's division, had 
passed through Savannah on Saturday morning, April 5th, and was dis- 
tant from Pittsburg about five miles on the north bank of the river, 
Crittenden's division arrived there on the morning of the 6th, and the 
other divisions of Buell's army followed at intervals of about six miles. 

The arrangement of Grant's army at Shiloh has been subjected to 
very severe and probably just criticism, by Federal writers, because he 
did not so place his troops as to make the most of his position. This 
may be true ; but such were the natural advantages of the ground that 
the attack was nevertheless almost equivalent to an assault on a strong- 
ly intrenched place. No Confederate who fought at Shiloh has ever 
said that he found any point on that bloody field easy to assail. 

But while the Federal army, strong in the natural advantages of its 
position, its prestige, and its stubborn and self-reliant courage, lay un- 
aware of its mighty peril, the Confederate army had set itself down 
opposite to the Federal camps, in battle array, with its flanks protected 
by natural barriers, rejidy for the onset. It had reached its positions, 
it is true, more slowly than could have been foreseen, but, according 
to all testimony, with almost the regularity of a drill or parade. More 
could not have been expected. More could not have been achieved 
under the circumstances. Thus the two armies lay face to face : the 
Federal host, like a wild-boar in his lair, stirred but not aroused by 
monitions of an unseen danger ; its foe, like a panther, hidden in the 
jungle, in wait to spring, tense for the deadly combat. 



582 BATTLE OF SHILOH. 



CHAPTER XXXIV. 

BATTLE OP SHILOH. — SXTNDAT. 

I.— MOENING. 

Saturday afternoon, April 5th, the sun, breaking through the mists 
which drifted away, set in a cloudless sky. The night was clear, calm, 
and beautiful. General Johnston, tired out with the vigils of the night 
before, slept quietly in an ambulance-wagon, his staff bivouacking by 
the camp-fires around him. Some of Hardee's troops having wasted 
their rations, he and Bragg spent a large part of the night getting up 
provisions for them. Before the faintest glimmer of dawn, the wide 
forest was alive with preparations for the mighty contest of the coming 
day. No bugle-note sounded, and no drum beat the reveille ; but men 
took their hasty morning meal, and looked with sharp attention to the 
arms that were to decide the fortunes of the fight. The cool, gray 
dawn found them in motion. Morning opened with all the delicate 
fragrance and beauty of the season, enhanced by the contrast of the 
day before. The sky was serene, the air was bracing, the dew lay 
heavy on the tender green of leaf and herb, and the freshness of early 
spring was on all around. When the sun rose it was with unclouded 
brilliancy ; and, as it shed its glories over the coverts of the oak-woods, 
the advancing host, stirred by the splendor of the scene and the enthu- 
siasm of the hour, passed the omen from lip to lip, and welcomed its 
rising as another " sun of Austerlitz." 

The native buoyancy of General Johnston's self-repressed temper 
broke its barriers at the prospect of that struggle which should settle 
for all time by the arbitrament of arms the dispute as to his own mili- 
tary ability and skill and the fate of the Confederate cause in the West. 
He knew the hazard ; but he knew, too, that he had done all that fore- 
sight, fortitude, energy, and strategy, could accomplish to secure a vic- 
tory, and he welcomed with exultant joy the day that was about to 
decide not only these great questions, but for him all questions, solving 
the mysteries of life and death. Men who came within his influence on 
the battle-field felt and confessed the inspiration of his presence, his 
manner, and his words. As he gave his orders in terse sentences, every 
word seemed to ring with a presage of victory. 

Turning to hia staff, as he mounted, he exclaimed, *' To-night we 
will water our horses in the Tennessee River." It was thus that be 
formulated his plan of battle. It must not stop short of entire victory. 



S^3 -^H 



CONFEDERATE VALOR AND ENTHUSIASM. 585 

as those of blood. He looked upon them with the tenderness of a patri- 
archal regard — of an Abraham or a Jephthah. In the dread holocaust 
of war, in which perish the bravest and best, he was ready to make his 
offering, as a sacrifice for his people and for constitutional liberty. In 
this spirit he sent, in this spirit he led, the sons of the South to the 
field of death and victory, on which he himself was to fall a victim. 

Every one who witnessed the battle of Shiloh testifies to the splen- 
did valor of the Confederate army there, rarely equaled, never sur- 
passed, on any field of any war. It must be remembered, even by the 
heroes of the Army of Northern Virginia, who repulsed the multitudi- 
nous battalions of Grant in the Wilderness, and struck such blows at 
Chancellorsville and the Second Manassas, that these were the men 
who drove Grant and Sherman from an almost impregnable stronghold, 
and crushed one of the best armies the United States ever put in the 
field into a shapeless mass. 

Duke, in his " Life of Morgan " (page 143), says : 

Every one who witnessed that scene — the marshaling of the Confederate 
army for attack upon the morning of the 6th of April — must remember, more 
distinctly than anything else, the glowing enthusiasm of the men, their buoyancy 
and spirited impatience to close with the enemy. . . . When the lines began to 
advance, the wild cheers which arose made the woods stir as if with the rush of 
a mighty wind. Nowhere was there any thought of fear — everywhere were tho 
evidences of impetuous and determined valor. 

Friend and foe alike testify to the enthusiastic courage and un- 
quenchable ardor of the soldiers that day. Bragg and many others 
have said that they caught their martial glow from the spirit of their 
commander. If it is not so, let it be denied now, while soldiers who 
fought there with the sword or musket yet live to tell of what they 
know. Would to God that every one of these might have spoken out 
or made his inarticulate sign of what he saw or felt that day ! It would 
make a record of heroism in officers and men for the ages to read with 
admiration. 

Colonel Munford gives the following animated description of day- 
break at headquarters : 

Just as day was dawning I was awakened by General Johnston asking for 
me. I found hira and the staff taking a breakfast of coffee and cold biscuit at a 
little fire. He told me I bad better eat something, as he would move upon the 
enemy in a few moments. Just as I was draining my tin cup of coffee, bang — 
bang — bang went some muskets near the right wing of Hardee's line, and in a 
moment more boom went a cannon. " There," said Preston, " the first gun of 
the battle! " General Johnston turned to him and me, to whom he had before 
given blank books to note the incidents of the battle, and said, "Note che hour, 
if you please, gentlemen." It was precisely fourteen minutes after five o'clock. 
We mounted, galloped to the front, found the enemy in retreat, and our line 
just starting in pursuit. 



586 BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

Haydon says that General Johnston had ordered his horse at five 
o'clock. " We all got off in fine spirits, . . . The generals separated, 
and the general commanding made his way to where the firing was 
heaviest." 

General Beauregard's official report of the military operations on 
Sunday is so brief that it is inserted here as a summary of the battle 
on that day : 

At 5 A.M., on the 6th instant, a reconnoitring party of the enemy having 
become engaged with our advanced pickets, the commander of the forces gave 
orders to begin the movement and attack as determined upon, except that Tra- 
bue's brigade of Breckinridge's division was detached and advanced to support 
the left of Bragg's corps and line of battle when menaced by the enemy, and 
the other two brigades were directed to advance by the road to Hamburg, to 
support Bragg's right ; and at the same time Maney's regiment, of Polk's corps, 
was advanced by the same road to reiinforce the regiment of cavalry and bat- 
tery of four pieces, already thrown forward to watch and guard Grier's, Tan- 
ner's, and Borland's Fords of Lick Creek. 

Thirty minutes after 5 a. m., our lines and columns were in motion, all 
animated evidently by a promising spirit. The front line was engaged at once, 
but advanced steadily, followed in due order, with equal resolution and steadi- 
ness, by the other lines, which were brought successively into action with rare 
skill, judgment, and gallantry, by the several corps commanders as the enemy 
made a stand, with his masses rallied for the struggle for his encampments. 
Like an Alpine avalanche, our troops moved forward, despite the determined 
resistance of the enemy, until after 6 p. m., when we were in possession of all 
his encampments between Owl and Lick Creeks but one. Nearly all of his 
field-artillery, about thirty (30) flags, colors, and standards, over 3,000 pris- 
oners, including a division commander (General Prentiss), and several brigade 
commanders, thousands of small-arms, an immense supply of subsistence, forage, 
and munitions of war, and a large amount of means of transportation — all the 
substantial fruits of a complete victory, such, indeed, as rarely have followed 
the most successful battles, for never was an army so well provided as that of 
our enemy. 

The remnant of his army bad been driven in utter disorder to the immediate 
vicinity of Pittsburg, under the shelter of the heavy guns of his iron-clad gun- 
boats, and we remained undisputed masters of bis well-selected, admirably-pro- 
vided cantonments, after our twelve hours of obstinate conflict with his forces, 
who had been beaten from them and the contiguous covert, but only by a sus- 
tained onset of all the men we could bring into action. 

How all this was done may now be told with more detail. But it 
must be premised that the writer, in spite of much diligent work among 
a confused tangle of obscure and contradictory reports, does not claim 
that his account is absolutely accurate or complete. As no artist can 
truly paint a skirmish even, where all is motion, so no writer can re- 
produce all the varying features of a great battle, where a hundred 
thousand combatants strove for mastery. It must be remembered that 



THE FIRST BLOOD. 587 

each narrator looks from a narrow point of view upon a scene which he 
reads in the light of every terrible passion which stirs the human 
breast. He has small chance to rectify errors, and many motives to 
perpetuate them. The easy, but unfortunate, method of the ordinary 
historian is to strike an average, irrespective of the credibility of wit- 
nesses or the probabilities of the conflicting testimony. But what 
should be sought is the absolute truth, and this he must tell without 
fear or favor. I have tried to tell it as I have found it. 

The skirmishing began at break of day. General Prentiss, appre- 
hensive at the near approach to his front of what he believed to be an 
audacious cavalry reconnaissance, had on Saturday evening sent ten 
companies of infantry, under Colonel David Moore, of the Twenty-first 
Missouri Regiment, out on the Corinth road for observation and repri- 
sal, and had also subsequently doubled and extended his grand guards. 
But for these precautions the Federal army would have been taken 
entirely unawares. Colonel Moore advanced about three o'clock on the 
morning of the 6th, and cautiously feeling his way along a road that led 
obliquely to the right, toward Sherman's front, at early dawn encoun- 
tered Hardee's skirmish-line under Major Hardcastle. The Missourians 
assailed it vigorously; and thus, unexpectedly to both parties, the 
battle was begun by the Federals. They had hoped to surprise an out- 
post — they found an army. The struggle was brief but spirited. The 
Twenty-first Missouri made a bold attack, but was held in check by 
Hardcastle's little battalion until relieved by the Eighth and Ninth 
Arkansas, when, after a sharp contest, Colonel Moore fell severely 
wounded, and the Federals retreated. Shaver's brigade pursued. In 
the horror of the recoil the Federal vanguard was swept away by the 
rapid onset of the Confederate skirmishers. As it fled surprised, the 
men caught a vision, through the dusky shadows of the forest, of a dark 
line of troops moving steadily upon them. 

Thus it happened that, though the first collision between the two 
armies was with Prentiss's outpost, it occurred nearer to Sherman's 
camp than his own ; and, as his line was more retired than Sherman's, 
the first blow fell upon the left brigade of the latter, under Hildebrand. 
This lay in the pathway of the impetuous Hindman; and General 
Johnston was already with him urging him to the assault. The swiftest 
of the fugitives, scattering through the Federal camps, gave the alarm; 
and the rattle of musketry also gave sharper notice that it was no com- 
mon peril that threatened. 

The long roll was beaten, the bugles sounded, and brisk volleys gave 
still sterner warning. There was rallying in hot haste, a sudden sum- 
moning to arms, and Sherman's division woke to find the foe pressing 
right upon them. Hindman, leading Wood's brigades along the direct 
road to Shiloh, had the advantage of a ridge and of the most favorable 



588 BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

ground upon the field for an advance. The ardor of his troops kept 
pace with his own ; and, under the immediate eye of the commander- 
in-chief, they rushed through the woods, driving before them the Fed- 
eral advance, almost without a halt, until they reached the main line 
where Hildebrand was posted. Sherman's advance-guards had made 
what resistance they could, but it was brief and fruitless. 

In the mean time, Sherman and Hildebrand had hurriedly formed a 
line of battle in front of the camp. It was good ground for defense — 
a low, timbered ridge, with an open valley traversed by a small stream 
in front. But there was cover on the opposite hill, in which Hindman's 
skirmishers swarmed ; and soon his main line appeared. Sherman and 
Hildebrand rode to and fro encouraging the men who were firing brisk 
volleys. To attack them, the Southern brigades had to cross the stream 
and open field. Just then. General Johnston rode to the front. At 
that moment, he and Sherman were confronted almost within pistol- 
shot; the one virging the attack, the other trying in vain to hold his 
line. Hardee says briefly in his report : " My command advanced. 
Hindman's brigade engaged the enemy with great vigor in the edge of 
a wood, and drove him rapidly back on the field toward Pittsburg." 

But the Confederate line, which had hung for a few minutes only 
on the crest of the hill, like a storm-cloud on the mountain's brow, 
now burst with a sudden impulse upon Hildebrand's camps. The 
*' rebel yell," so inspiring to friends, so terrific to foes, rose sharp and 
shrill from the rushing line of Southern soldiery. Their volleys came 
pouring in, and the bayonet even was used on some whose heavy slum- 
bers were broken only by the oncoming of their foes. Sherman's order- 
ly was shot dead by his side, and he himself rode away to the right, out 
of the wreck. Sherman had ordered Colonel Appier, with the Fifty- 
third Ohio, to hold his ground at all hazards ; but it could not stand 
the charge, and, after firing two rounds, fled, scattered, and was seen 
no more. Hildebrand says: "This regiment became separated from 
my command, and its movements throughout the day were general^ 
The Fifty-seventh Ohio soon followed, and, a little later, Hildebrand's 
own regiment, the Seventy-seventh Ohio. Sherman, though in error as 
to the hour, says, "Hildebrand's brigade had substantially disappeared 
from the field, though he himself bravely remained." It is due to 
Hildebrand to say that his discomfiture does not seem to have been due 
to his personal conduct on the field, which commended itself to his 
superiors. 

While this struggle was going on, Hindman's right brigade, under 
Colonel Shaver, and Gladden's brigade, burst in upon Prentiss's division. 
Peabody's brigade, which lay upon the Bark road, was got into posi- 
tion. The Twenty-fifth Missouri, the Sixteenth Wisconsin, and the 
Twelfth Michigan, were hurriedly pushed forward into line of battle, 



niXDMAN .VND GLADDEN. 589 

and the remainder of the division formed in front of their camps ; but 
they were unprepared, confused, and startled. It was not eight o'clock 
when Shaver's and Gladden's strong line fell fiercely upon them. Here 
were enacted, though in less measure, the same scenes that had oc- 
curred in Hildebrand's camps. Nevertheless, Peabody's brigade made 
a determined and sanguinary resistance, driving back in confusion some 
of the advanced regiments, which General Johnston assisted in rallying. 
General Preston says : 

nindman's brigade was suflfering under a heavy fire. Some of the men were 
breaking ranks, and there were many dead and wounded. General Johnston 
in person rallied the stragglers, and I rode forward, where I found General 
Hindman animating and leading on his men. He informed me that he desired 
support, and, having reported this to the general, I was requested by him to 
order General Bragg to advance. 

Bragg had already given the order. Haydon says ; 

Colonel Preston then carried the order to Hindman's brigade, who made a 
splendid and victorious charge. ... It was while under this fire that Captain 
Brewster expostulated with General Johnston against his exposing his person. 
I was not near enough to hear his reply, but it had no effect, for he smilingly 
rode to the brow of the hill where we could distinctly see the enemy retreating. 

There was a gap between Hildebrand and Prentiss's right, and into 
this poured Hindman's men. His left, too, was assailed by Chalmers's 
brigade, which was on Gladden's right. Here the Eighteenth Wiscon- 
sin, 1,000 strong, was attacked by the Tenth Mississippi, 360 strong, 
followed by the Ninth and Seventh Mississippi, which dashed at it 
with the bayonet, and drove it back half a mile. Chalmers was about 
to charge again, when General Johnston, coming up, ordered him still 
farther to the right, restoring his order of battle, and brought up Jack- 
son's brigade into the interval. The conflict was severe, but not pro- 
tracted. Crowded in front, to the right, to the left, by eager antago- 
nists, Prentiss's whole division gave way, and fell back in confusion on 
its supports. It was not routed, but broken and very badly hammered. 

In the first assault upon Prentiss's division. General Gladden, who 
led the attacking brigade, fell mortally wounded. He was a New 
Orleans merchant, who had seen service in the war with Mexico, and 
brought valor, experience, and enthusiasm, to the cause. He was a 
South Carolinian by birth, and his varied talents were applied to trade, 
politics, and war. His common-sense and humor were both evinced in 
his reply to an inquirer, who, struck by their costume, asked him " if 
he did not prefer Zouaves as soldiers." " It is very easy to make 
one," he replied ; " you only want an Irishman and two yards of red 
flannel." Gladden's death was a serious loss. 

It has been claimed that there was no " surprise " at ShUoh. The 



590 BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

subject of the preparation of the Federal army for an attack has already 
been discussed. The following is General Sherman's own account of 
the opening of the battle. After mentioning the death of his orderly 
in front of Hildebrand's line, soon after seven o'clock, he says : 

About 8 A. M. I saw the glistening bayonets of heavy masses of infantry to 
our left front, in the woods beyond the small stream alluded to, and became 
satisfied for the first time that the enemy designed a determined attach on our 
whole camp. All the regiments of my division were then in line of battle, at 
their proper posts. 

The attack was made before sunrise, and by eight o'clock Hilde- 
brand had been driven from the field. Sherman's right brigades, how- 
ever, did succeed in forming and holding their ground for some time. 
The troops he saw were the columns moving against Prentiss. It is 
difficult to reconcile his admission that this was the first time he became 
satisfied that a general attack was intended, with bis constant denial 
that he was surprised. 

To appreciate the suddenness and violence of the blow that appalled 
and overthrew the Federal front, one must read the testimony of eye- 
witnesses. General Bragg says, in a sketch of " Shiloh," made for the 
writer : 

Contrary to the views of such as urged an abandonment of the attack, the 
enemy was found utterly unprepared, many being surprised and captured in 
their tents, and others, though on the outside, in costumes better fitted to the 
bedchamber than to the battle-field. 

Jordan says : ' 

Officers and men were killed or wounded in their beds, and large numbers 
had not time to clutch up arms or accoutrements. Nevertheless, few prisoners 
were taken, nor were many either killed or wounded in the first stage of the 
battle. 

This is true, comparatively speaking ; but the loss in Hildebrand's 
brigade shows severe sufi'ering, the greater part of it in this single 
onslaught. Three hundred killed and wounded, and ninety-four missing, 
are reported in that command. 

General Preston, in his letter heretofore quoted, says : 

General Johnston then went to the camp assailed, which was carried be- 
tween seven and eight o'clock. The enemy were evidently surprised. The 
breakfasts were on the mess-tables; the baggage unpacked; the knapsacks, 
arms, stores, colors, and ammunition, abandoned. I took one stand of colors 
from the colonel's tent, which was sent by me, next morning, through Colonel 
Gilmer, to General Beauregard. 

This, however, was one of Prentiss's camps. 

J " Life of Forrest," p. 121. 



THE suRrmsE. 591 

The correspondent of the Cincinnati Gazette, in a letter of April 
9, 1862/ says : 

Almost at dawn, Prentiss's pickets were driven in ; a very little later, Ililde- 
brand's (in Sherman's division) were ; and the enemy were in the camps almost 
as soon as were the pickets themselves. 

Here began scenes which, let us hope, will have no parallel in our remaining 
annals of the war. Some, particularly among our officers, were not yet out of 
bod ; others were dressing, others washing, others cooking, a few eating tlieir 
breakfasts. Many guns were unloaded, accoutrements lying pell-mell, ammu- 
nition was ill-supplied — in short, the camps were virtually surprised — disgrace- 
fully, it might be added, unless some one can hereafter give some yet undiscov- 
ered reason to the contrary — and were taken at almost every possible disad- 
vantage. . . . 

Into the just-aroused camps thronged the rebel regiments, firing sharp vol- 
leys as they came, and springing toward our laggards with the bayonet. Some 
were shot down as they were running, without weapons, hatless, coatless, 
toward the river. The searching bullets found other poor unfortunates in their 
tents, and there, all unheeding now, they still slumbered, while the unseen foe 
rushed on. 

At the first alarm, Sherman sent back to McClernand, Hurlbut, and 
"W. H. L.Wallace, for help. McClernand hurried three Illinois regiments 
— the Eleventh, Twentieth, and another — to the front, which, arriving 
just as Hildebrand was routed, were unable long to withstand the vig- 
orous attack of Hindman's brigades, as they pushed on in their vic- 
torious career, part of Shaver's brigade coming to Wood's assistance, 
breaking in on the left flank of the Illinois regiments. Assailed, beset, 
shivered, these gallant Northwestern troops too gave way. In their 
demolition, Waterhouse's battery fell into the hands of Wood's brigade. 
It was charged and taken by the Sixteenth Alabama and Twenty-seventh 
Tennessee. Colonel Williams, of the Twenty-seventh Tennessee, was 
killed, and Lieutenant-Colonel Brown severely wounded. Major Love 
was killed next day, so that this regiment lost all its field-officers. The 
Eighth and Ninth Arkansas, supporting, also suffered heavily, and were, 
moreover, fired on by the second line of advancing Confederates. What 
was left of Hindman's command then joined in the general assault on 
Sherman's heavy lines, as will be narrated hereafter. Colonel Ransom, 
of the Eleventh Illinois, in his report, says of the three Illinois regi- 
ments: 

The enemy were immediately in front of us, in greatly superior numbers, 
advancing, in four ranks and in three columns, steadily upon us. "When in good 
range we opened our fire upon them, which was responded to by a terrific fire 
from their lines. This fire was kept up on both sides, and told with fearful 
effect upon ray line. My loss here in ten minutes was very heavy. 

' " Rebellion Kccord," vol. iv., p. 383. 
39 ' . 1 



592 BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

Among the wounded were the colonel, major, two captains, and two 
lieutenants, of the Eleventh Illinois. They rallied on the line which 
McClernand had formed. 

In the mean time, Wallace had sent McArthur's brigade to support 
Colonel Stuart on the extreme left, and Wright's Thirteenth Missouri, 
450 strong, to Sherman's aid ; and Hurlbut had sent him Veatch's 
brigade. McClernand had also brought up Hare's brigade on his left, 
with Raith's next to it on the left of Sherman's line. All this time, 
Sherman had been maintaining well his strong position on the right. 
With these reenforcements interlocked with and lapping over his left, 
and with six batteries belching thunders upon the Confederates, Sher- 
man made a good defense that morning. To whatever other criticism 
this officer may be amenable, his quickness and resource shone out 
conspicuously on this trying occasion. Rapid and undismayed, he 
rode from point to point, carrying encouragement to his volunteers, and 
holding hard to the vantage-ground he was on. 

When Hardee's first line of battle was formed, it chanced to be at 
the narrowest part of the peninsula between Owl and Lick Creeks. As 
it advanced, gaps were left on the flanks. Chalmers occupied that on 
the right, near Lick Creek. Cleburne, on the extreme left, leading his 
brigade against Sherman's right, found such an interval between his 
left and Owl Creek. Nevertheless, he went at his work, sending back 
to Bragg for reenforcements. Sherman's strong position has already 
been described. The ravine that fronted it descended rapidly to Owl 
Creek, spreading into a marsh filled with undergrowth and tangled 
vines. The assailants had to cross this, under fire, and charge up a 
steep acclivity; though more to the right the ground was less difficult. 
Cleburne's gallant brigade, supported by the Second Tennessee drawn 
from the third line, attempted to take the heights by assault. As these 
bold soldiers struggled across the narrow, boggy valley, and in the 
jungle, and climbed the hill-side, they were exposed to the withering 
fire of Sherman's division and its supports, lying under cover of the 
crest, and of logs and trees and some extemporized defenses. Many a 
brave man died there disputing that ground. 

Hardee thus describes the operations under Cleburne : 

At the same titne, Cleburne's brigade, with the Fifteenth Arkansas de- 
ployed as skirmishers, and the Second Tennessee,* era echelon, on the left, moved 
quickly through the fields, and, though far outflanked by the enemy on our left, 
rushed forward under a terrific fire from the serried ranks drawn up in front of 
the camp. A morass covered his front, and, being difficult to pass, caused a 
break in this brigade. Deadly volleys were poured upon the men from bebiud 
bales of hay and other defenses, as they advanced ; and, after a series of desper- 

' Of B. R. Jolmson's brigade, Polk's corps. 



CLEBURNE AGAINST SHERMAN. 593 

ate charges, thoy were compelled to fall back. In tliis charge, the Sixth Mis- 
sissippi, under Colonel Thornton, lost more than 300 killed and wounded out 
of an effective force of 425 men. It was at this point that Colonel (now 
Brigadier-General) Bate fell, severely wounded, while bravely leading his regi- 
ment.' 

Supported by the arrival of the second line, Cleburne, with the remainder 
of his troops, again advanced, and entered the enemy's encampment, which had 
been forced on the centre and right by the dashing charges of Gladden's, 
Wood's, and Hind man's brigades. 

The centre of the morass was impassable, and the brigade split into 
two parts: the Fifth Tennessee, under Colonel Hill, the Twenty-fourth 
Tennessee, under Colonel Peebles, and the Second Tennessee, under 
Colonel Bate, passing to the left ; and the Sixth Mississippi, Colonel 
Thornton, and the Twenty-third Tennessee, Lieutenant-Colonel Neil, 
attacking on the right, with the Fifteenth Arkansas, Lieutenant-Colonel 
Patton, which was deployed as skirmishers, and fell back on its sup- 
ports. Never was there a more gallant attack or a more stubborn 
resistance. Cleburne's horse bogged down and threw him, so that he 
got out with great difficulty. He was on the right, and Trigg's battery 
tried in vain there to maintain its fire against several Federal batteries 
opposing. Under the terrible fire from Sherman's impregnable line, 
the Sixth Mississippi and Twenty-third Tennessee suffered a quick and 
bloody repulse, though the Sixth Mississippi made charge after charge. 
Its two field-officers. Colonel Thornton and Major Lowry, were both 
wounded. The impetuous courage and tenacity of this magnificent 
regiment deserved a better fate. The fighting had been murderous on 
the left also. The Fifteenth Arkansas had lost its major, J. T. Harris, 
and many good men. The Twenty-fourth Tennessee had borne itself 
with steady valor, and the Second Tennessee had been terribly cut up 
by the iron storm from the hill-top. 

Just as Cleburne's line first went forward with loud cheers, General 
Johnston came up from where he had been urging Hindman's attack. 
General Preston says: 

General Johnston then passed to the left at a point in front of the camps, 
near two cabins, subsequently used as a hospital. A field of a hundred acres 
fringed with forest extended to the northeast. Through this General Cleburne's 
brigade moved in beautiful order, and with loud and inspiring cheers in the 
direction of the advanced camp. Heavy firing was heard as they neared it. 

Finding all apparently going well in that quarter, General Johnston 
again pursued the track of Hindman's advance, and from there still 
farther to the right. He did not know the hot work Cleburne was to 
have, but he nevertheless sent to General Beauregard for two brigades 

* The Second Tennessee. 



594 BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

to be moved to his aid. Beauregard hearing, however, that Sherman 
was giving way, after beginning the movement, countermanded it, and 
moved the brigades to the right. General Johnston naturally felt a 
greater security as to Cleburne, because General Beauregard was in 
this part of the field. 

Colonel Drake, describing the charge of the Second Tennessee on 
the extreme left of Cleburne and the army, says : 

With loud cheers it rose the hill and advanced on the level a short distance. 
. . , The fire there encountered was the worst the regiment suffered during the 
war, except at Richmond, Kentucky, where over two-thirds of its numbers fell 
killed and wounded in less than ten minutes. The enemy, hidden behind logs 
and trees, delivered three volleys ; when the Second Tennessee broke and re- 
treated. They were rallied on'Bragg's line on the opposite hill. 

Drake continues : 

The mortification of a repulse in our first regular engagement was extreme : 
some wept, some cursed, and others lamented the death of some of our bravest 
ofiicers and men, and not a few drifted to the rear. 

The major, W. R. Doak, and Captains Tyree and Bate, and two 
lieutenants, were killed in the assault, besides four more officers and 
and nearly a hundred men wounded out of 365 men on the field. But 
the regiment reformed, and the gallant Bate led them again to the 
charge. As he was crossing the creek at the bottom of the valley, a 
Minie-ball crushed his leg-bone and wounded his horse. He pressed 
on until he became too weak, when he retired. The regiment, discour- 
aged, fell back under a heavy fire. Some of the men ran forward to the 
right and joined the Twenty-fourth Tennessee, which, on more favor- 
able ground, clung to the advanced position it had won. It, too, suf- 
fered heavily, losing over 200 in killed and wounded. 

Pond's brigatle, of Bragg's corps, came up in support, but did not 
attempt to cross this valley of death. The Confederate artillery was 
said not to have been brought to bear with sufficient effect here ; and, 
though the musketry-fire was kept up, no impression was made. The 
Comte de Paris thinks this ought to have been the chief point assailed 
by the Confederate army en masse / but, as it was the strongest point 
on the line and virtually impregnable to a direct attack, the course 
pursued of turning it on the right seems incomparably more judicious. 
At all events, being then near that point, General Beauregard ordered 
to the right the two brigades sent by General Johnston to Cleburne's 
aid; and he acted with all the lights before him. Cleburne's right 
aided in this, though with heavy loss. When that was accomplished, 
the position was no longer tenable. 

While Sherman was standing up so stubbornly, McClernand, on his 



ROUT OF FRONT LINE. 595 

left, had to meet the shock of Hindman's victorious troops, with Polk 
on their left, and Jackson's fresh brigade on their right. Gladden's 
brigade, which had suffered severely in its attack on Prentiss, paused 
after the death of its leader to gather itself up for another contest, and 
these brigades passed to its front. General Johnston, coming upon 
Gladden's brigade at this time, ordered it to charge ; but, when he 
learned that it had just lost its leader, he countermanded the order. 

General Johnston in person directed the movement of Jackson's 
brigade, which belonged to the second line, and was now brought up. 
He gave Colonel Wheeler, of the Nineteenth Alabama, afterward dis- 
tinguished as a cavalry-general, his orders to charge. He also found 
here the Second Texas, in which were many of his friends. He threw 
it against the enemy, and it executed its difficult task with great dash 
and persistence, under his eye. 

Major Haydon makes this note : 

As soon as General Johnston discovered we were under the fire of the enemy, 
he ordered a Texas regiment to charge the camp on the opposite side of the 
hollow. In descending the hollow the nature of the ground somewhat disor- 
dered their lines, but they again formed at the base of the hill, and routed the 
camp in fine style. I was then sent for General Chalmers, who received orders 
to push up the road and sweep down the river, to where we heard a heavy firing, 
supported by Wirt Adams's regiment. 

While Jackson's brigade was attacking McClernand's left flank, and 
Hindman his right, Anderson's brigade had got in on Hindman's left, 
and Gibson's brigade was trailing at his heels, adding to the momentum 
of the column. Indeed, Bragg's whole corps was now virtually with 
the front line, though not yet all actually engaged. The contest with 
McClernand and Sherman now grew strenuous and deadly ; but so im- 
petuous and resolute was the attack, that Hare's and Raith's brigades, 
sorely pressed in front and on the left flank, gave way, and fell back 
fighting confusedly, until they found safety in Hurlbut's and Wallace's 
lines. Captain Behr was shot from his horse, and his battery taken at 
the point of the bayonet, his gunners barely escaping. 

Prentiss's division and Sherman's left were gone ; and the Confed- 
erates were crowding in where they had stood. While McClernand's 
command was caving in under the stunning blows delivered against it, 
Polk led Russell's and B. R. Johnson's brigades upon Sherman's flank. 
As Polk's corps was advancing, Cheatham was detached, and now 
General A. S. Johnston himself led A. P. Stewart's brigade farther to 
the right, and put it into the fight. Stewart, then acting under Bragg's 
orders, advanced the Fourth Tennessee to take a battery. Stewart 
asked the gallant Lieutenant-Colonel Strahl if they could take it. " We 
can try," answered Strahl, and led the Fourth Tennessee to the charge 



696 BATTLE or SHILOH. 

at a double-quick. Giving one round at thirty paces, they ritshed on 
with a yell, and took the battery, driving off the supports. But they 
lost 31 men killed and 160 wounded in this charge. The Twelfth Ten- 
nessee, Lieutenant-Colonel T. H. Bell commanding, coming up, they 
were able to repulse a resolute counter-charge. 

In the mean time Clark, who was with Russell's brigade, received an 
order from Bragg to take an enfilading battery to his left. He at once 
led forward Marks's Eleventh Louisiana at a double-quick. The assault 
was gallantly made, but was repulsed with severe loss from shot and 
canister and the musketry-fire of a heavy infantry support. Clark and 
Russell then led forward the whole brigade, which charged at a double- 
quick, and helped to drive the enemy some five hundred yards, when 
pursuit was checked by the supports, and Clark fell, severely wounded 
in the shoulder. This was part of the simultaneous advance which 
drove Sherman from his first position, and in which Cleburne's, B. R. 
Johnson's, and Stewart's brigades joined. B. R. Johnson's brigade 
moved to the left of Russell's on the main road ; his right wing aiding 
in this attack, his left helping Cleburne to get in. The}' fought well ; 
Polk's battery, pushed to the front, was nearly disabled, and its com- 
mander wounded; Johnson was himself finally wounded. Preston Smith 
then took command of the brigade. His regiment, the One Hundred 
and Fifty-fourth Senior Tennessee, and Blythe's Mississippi, had already 
captured six guns. 

The whole Federal front, which had been broken here and there, 
and was getting ragged, gave way under this hammering process on 
front and flank, and fell back across a ravine to another strong position 
behind the Hamburg and Purdy road in rear of Shiloh. But they were 
not allowed to get away unmolested. The blood of their assailants was 
up, and they were pursued, driven, and slaughtered, as they fell back. 
Sherman's route of retreat was marked by the thick-strewn corpses of 
his soldiers. 

Sherman was not allowed to remain in his new position. Polk at- 
tacked him with his two brigades, which were soon warmly engaged. 
Polk, summing up his work, says, "The resistance at this point was as 
stubborn as at any other point on the field." The Federals " fought 
with determined courage, and contested every inch of ground." The 
division commander, Brigadier-General Clark, and Brigadier-General 
B. R. Johnson, were severely wounded. The gallant Colonel Blythe, of 
Mississippi, was shot through the heart, charging a battery. The loss 
was severe. But the enemy was dislodged and two batteries captured. 

In these attacks Anderson's and Pond's brigades joined with great 
vigor and severe loss, but with unequal fortune. The former blazoned 
its blood-stained record with one success after another ; the latter suf- 
fered a series of disasters. The blue uniforms of some of the regiments 



SHERMAN DRIVEN BACK. 597 

twice caused other Confederates to fire upon them, with serious effect ; 
and the commander complained that one of Beauregard's staff, acting 
in Hardee's name, put the brigade into action in such a way as to sub- 
ject it to a raking fire and unnecessary loss. Doubtless, however, it 
contributed its full share to the general result. Sherman, beaten and 
driven, had to go back again, with McDowell's and Veatch's brigades 
crushed to pieces, and to be heard of no more in the battle. But Sher- 
man did not finally give way until General Johnston's movement had 
crushed in and routed the whole front line on the Federal left and was 
pressing back Hurlbut and Stuart. 

While these furious combats, succeeding each other like well-deliv- 
ered blows from the iron flail of war, were raging along the whole line, 
General Johnston was carrying forward the movement by which his 
entire right wing was swung around on the centre, Hindman's brigade, 
as a pivot, so that every command of the Federals was taken succes- 
sively, in front and flank, and a crumbling process ensued by which the 
whole line went to pieces. 

At last, pressed back toward both Owl Creek and the River, these 
broken commands found safety by the interposition on their left flank 
of W. H. L. Wallace's fresh division, ready to meet the thronging bat- 
talions of the South. 

Colonel Drake, who was in the pursuit over this hotly-contested 
field with one of Cleburne's Tennessee Regiments, says : 

The enemy's dead began to appear in considerable numbers on the parade- 
ground, in rear of General Sherman's headquarters, called by him " Shiloh 
Chapel." . . . From this point on, the enemy's dead lay thick, and numbers seem 
to have fallen in retreat. 

He picked up General Sherman's order-book, which he afterward 
deposited with General Cleburne. He says it contained no intimation 
of the Confederate approach. 

General Preston gives the following account of the movements on 
the Confederate right : 

General Hardee reported his men still advancing at this carap about nine 
o'clock, and conferred with General Johnston, who was reconnoitring a second 
line of camps near the river, where tlie enemy were posted in force. They then 
commenced shelling the first camp, apparently attracted by the presence of the 
statf and escort, the distance being, I should think, six or eight hundred yards, 
and shells from the gunboats of large size were thrown. General Johnston re- 
ceived a report and rough draft at this time from Captain Lockett, stating that 
the enemy were strongly posted on the left in front of our right. Heavy mus- 
ketry-firing and cannonades indicated that Bragg and Hardee were successfully 
advancing on our left. General Johnston rode down the hill to escape the shelli=, 
and his escort back toward the woods. This was about half-past nine. After 
pondering a little while, he determined to bring forward Breckinridge's reserve, 
and, feehng his way to the river, to turn the enemy's left. 



598 BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

The Hon, Jacob Thompson says, in a letter to the writer : 

Sunday, 6th of April, between eight and nine o'clock, General Beauregard 
directed me to seek General Johnston, who was in the front, learn from him the 
condition of things there, and know of him what order he had to give as to the 
disposition of the reserves commanded by General Breckinridge. I did so, and 
rode with speed to the front, -where I found General Johnston just as the enemy 
was making his last stand at the Gin-house ' before retreating beyond their 
camps. The battle was then raging furiously. General Johnston was sitting on 
his horse where the bullets were flying like hail-stones. I galloped up to him 
amid the fire, and found him cool, collected, self-possessed, but still animated 
and in fine spirits. 

After making known my errand, he said to me : " Say to General Beauregard, 
we are sweeping the field before us, and in less than half an hour we shall be in 
possession of their camps, and I think we shall press them to the river. Say, 
also, I have just learned from a scout, or messenger, that the enemy is moving 
up in force on our left, and that General Breckinridge had better move to our 
left to meet him." I turned my horse to leave, but he called me back, and said : 
" Do not say to General Beauregard that this is an order, but he must act on 
what additional information he may receive. The reports to him are more to 
be relied on than to me." When I returned, General Breckinridge, with his 
troops, was started to our left, but soon it was seen that the pressure was upon 
our right, and his direction was immediately changed, and it was fortunate that 
it was so ordered. 

The movement to which Mr. Thompson refers was most probably that 
in which Trabue's brigade was detached to the left, and the remainder 
of the brigade was finally moved to the support of the extreme right. 

General Johnston had pushed Chalmers to the right and front, with 
Clanton's cavalry on his right flank, and thus they swept down the left 
bank of Lick Creek, driving in pickets, until they encountered Stuart's 
brigade on the Pittsburg and Hamburg road, supported by McArthur's 
brigade. Stuart was strongly posted on a steep hill near the river, cov- 
ered with thick undergrowth, and with an open field in front. McArthur 
was to his right and rear in the woods. Jackson attacked McArthur, 
who fell back ; and Chalmers went at Stuart's brigade. This command 
reserved its fire until Chalmers's men were within forty yards, and then 
delivered a heavy and destructive volley ; but, after a hard fight, they 
were driven back down the river. Chalmers's right now rested on the 
Tennessee River bottom-lands, and he fought down the bank toward 
Pittsburg Landing. The enemy's left was completely turned, and the 
Federal army was now crowded on a shorter line, a mile or more to the 
rear of its first position. The new line of battle was established before 
ten o'clock. Thus far all had been successful ; and, although there was 
at no time an absolute cessation of fighting on the line, it may be con- 
sidered that the first engagement of the day had ended. 

1 A cotton-sin house. 



u 



THE SECOND ENGAGEMENT. 601 

by the Twenty-third Missouri Regiment, just landed, and the Eighth 
Iowa. The remainder of McArthur's brigade was also in this part of 
the field — but probably farther to the right. Wallace had brought up 
Tuttle's brigade, of four veteran regiments, on his left, and Sweeney's 
brigade next, of three regiments. Then, to the right of Wallace, were 
McClernand's and Sherman's confused but unsubdued commands, which 
rallied and reformed as they reached their supports. The second line 
formed by the Federals was shorter, stronger, compacter, and more con- 
tinuous, than the first. It had seized a line of wooded heights, ap- 
proached only across ravines and difficult ground, and in this formidable 
position awaited the Confederate attack. Their line was torn, man- 
gled, and in parts utterly routed ; but, among the fresh troops and those 
who stood to their colors, there was an obdurate spirit of defiance that 
held hard to every point of timber and broken ground. 

As the first engagement was closing on the Confederate left, about 
ten o'clock, in desultory combats with the retreating enemy, a second 
engagement began on the centre and right with extreme violence. All 
the troops of both armies, except two of Breckinridge's brigades, were 
now in the front line. As the Southern army swung round to the left, 
by the more rapid advance of the right wing, it broke into gaps between 
the brigades, which were promptly occupied by the troops of the second 
and third lines. 

General Polk says in his report : 

The first order received by me was from General Johnston, who had ridden 
to the front to watch the opening operations, and who, as commander-in-chief, 
seemed deeply impressed with the responsibilities of his position. It was ob- 
served that he entered upon his work with the ardor and energy of a true sol- 
dier; and the vigor with which he pressed forward his troops gave assurance 
that his persistent determination would close the day with a glorious victory. 

General Johnston asked Polk for a brigade, and, receiving Stewart's, 
led it in person and put it in position on Hindman's right. Polk sent 
General Cheatham with his second brigade, under Colonel William H. 
Stephens, to the left ; but it was soon after ordered by Beauregard to 
the right. Polk himself advanced with Johnson's, Rjissell's, and 
Trabue's brigades down the main road toward Pittsburg. He thus had 
the left centre, with Pond's and Cleburne's brigades on his left, and 
Stewart's to his right, acting under Bragg's orders. Patton Anderson 
adjoined Stewart on the right, and Gibson came next, fighting in con- 
cert with Hindman's two brigades ; a little later Cheatham brought in 
Stephens's brigade to Gibson's right; the next was Gladden's, and then 
Jackson's brigade. When Breckinridge's two brigades came up, under 
Bowen and Statham, they occupied the ground between Jackson's and 
Chalmers's, which was on the extreme right. But in the 'rushing for- 



602 BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

ward of regiments to fill the gaps in the front line or to replace others 
that hesitated or came limping out of the fight crippled and disheart- 
ened, the brigade organization was much broken, and, to some extent, 
lost. Battles, especially of raw troops, do not present many of the 
features of a parade. At Shiloh there was much dislocation of com- 
mands, but there was little loss of effective force. There was no fancy- 
manoeuvring ; but command after command of desperate men was hurled 
with overwhelming power and success against strongholds that looked 
impregnable. Everybody seems to have assumed authority to command 
a junior officer, whether a subordinate or not ; and as the order was 
*' Help me ! " or " Forward ! " it was almost always obeyed with alacrity. 
A common enthusiasm fired all hearts ; a common impulse moved officers 
and men alike. There was not much etiquette, but there was terrible 
fighting at Shiloh. 

Grant spent Saturday night at Savannah. His purpose was to meet 
and confer with Buell. But the sound of hostile cannon hurried his 
breakfast ; and he Avent on board a transport, leaving a note for Buell,' 
and an order for Nelson to march to the river opposite Pittsburg. 
Grant sent this order to Nelson.'* 

Grant stojaped at Crump's Landing, to order Lew Wallace to hold 
himself in readiness to march on Pittsburg or defend himself, according 
to circumstances. He subsequently condemned Wallace for not coming 
up until night, but it does not appear that he conveyed him any orders 
to that effect. Wallace took the direct road to Shiloh ; but, learning 
that Sherman had lost the Owl Creek crossing, he retraced his steps to 
Crump's Landing, and advanced by the river road toward the Snake 
Creek crossing. 

Grant says he himself got to Pittsburg Landing about eight o'clock, 
and was with Sherman about ten o'clock. Sherman was then in the 
confusion of defeat. Commending his stubborn defense, Grant betook 
himself to rallying the fugitives who were streaming to the rear. Grant 
seems to have been somewhat stunned by the shock ; his subordinates 
make little mention of his presence on the field, and Buell found him 
soon after mid-day on a steamboat with his staff. But he seems to 
have retained the stolid resolution that distinguishes him. If he showed 
little activity, it is certain that he had no thought of yielding. 

During the morning Grant ordered General Wood, one of Buell's 

1 Badeau, in Ms " Life of Grant," vol. i., p. 15, gives this note thus : " Heavy firing is 
heard up the river, indicating plainly that an attack has been made upon our most ad- 
vanced positions. I have been looking for tliis, but did not believe the attack would be 
made before Monday or Tuesday. This necessitates my joining my forces up the river, 
instead of meeting you to-day as I had contemplated. I have directed General Nelson to 
move to the river with his division. He can march to opposite Pittsburg." 

^ Badeau's ■" Life of Grant," vol. i., p. 75. 



/ 



GRANT AND BUELL. 603 

division commanders, to hasten to Pittsburg', and later sent the follow- 
ing significant dispatch : 

CoMMANDixG Officee, AdvaDce Forces, Buell's Army, near Pittsburg: 

The attack on my forces has been very spirited from early this morning. 
The appearance of fresh troops in the field now -would have a powerful effect, 
both by inspiring our men and disheartening the enemy. If you will get upon 
the field, leaving all your baggage on the east bank of the river, it will be more 
to our advantage and possibly sate the day to us. The rebel forces are estimated 
at over one hundred thousand men. My headquarters will be in the log-building 
on the top of the hill, where you will be furnished with a staff officer to conduct 
you to your place on the field. 

General Buell had arrived at Savannah on Saturday evening, the 
5th, having telegraphed General Grant to meet him there. This Grant 
failed to do, intending to see him next day. On Sunday morning, no- 
tified by the cannonade of hot work in front, Buell went to Grant's 
quarters to concert measures for bringing up the troops, but Grant had 
just gone. Without advices, and in some perplexity, he remained until 
the distant din of arms made it manifest that a pitched battle was in 
progress. He then ordered his divisions to push forward by forced 
marches, while he himself hastened to Pittsburg, where he found Grant 
between noon and one o'clock. 

While these generals were in conference on the boat, the division 
commanders were engaged in one of the most terrible conflicts of the 
war. It is difficult to give clearly the details of this gigantic contest. It 
commenced about the middle of the right wing, and soon raged along 
the whole line, lasting, with a short intermission, for six hours. It 
began a mile from Pittsburg. When it ended, the landing was barely 
covered by one flank ; the other was crowded about the crossing of 
Snake Creek. 

The battle was renewed by Gladden's gallant brigade, now com- 
manded by Colonel Daniel W. Adams. Adams took it in with his 
usual mettle. There was a fierce wrestle ; but it was the beating of 
the wave against the rock. The Confederates wilted under the scath- 
ing sheet of flame, faltered, and fell back. Jackson, too, was hammer- 
ing upon this part of the line ; and Chalmers, joining in the onset, 
turned their flank. At this critical moment, Adams seized the colors 
of the First Louisiana, and led his men in a desperate and successful 
charge. The enemy, whose flank had been turned farther to their left, 
fell back, but in good order. Adaras, according to his wont, was 
wounded ; and Colonel Deas took command of the brigade. 

And now both armies were in the tumult of mortal endeavor. The 
Confederate assaults were made by rapid and often unconnected 
charges along the line. They were repeatedly checked, and often re- 
pulsed, by the stubborn resistance of the assailed. Sometimes counter- 



604 BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

charges drove tliem back for short distances ; but, whether in assault or 
recoil, both sides saw their bravest soldiers fall in frightful numbers. 
Over the blue-clad lines of the Federal troops floated the " Stars and 
Stripes," endeared to them by the traditions of three-quarters of a cen- 
tury. The Confederates came on in motley garb, varying from the fa- 
vorite gray and domestic " butternut " to the blue of certain Louisiana 
regiments, which paid so dearly the penalty of doubtful colors. Over 
them were flags and pennons as various as their uniforms. Each Con- 
federate regiment had a corps battle-flag. That of Polk's corps was a 
white cross on a blue field ; of Bragg's, a blue cross on a red field ; of 
Hardee's, a white medallion on a blue field. Besides these, or in lieu 
of them, many of the regiments bore their State flags; and the "Lone 
Star " of Texas and the " Pelican flag " of Louisiana are mentioned as 
conspicuous among the emblems of the advancing host. On they came, 
their banners brightly glinting through the pale green of the foliage, 
but soon to be riddled, and torn, and stained with the blood of the 
color-bearers. At each charge there went up a wild, appalling yell, 
heard high above the roar of artillery ; only, the Kentuckians, advan- 
cing with measured step, poured out in martial chorus the deep, full 
notes of their war-song : " Cheer, boys, cheer ; we'll march away to 
battle." 

Polk and Bragg, meeting about half -past ten o'clock, agreed that 
Polk should direct the left centre, where part of his corps was grouped, 
and that Bragg should take command to his right. Bragg says : 

Here we met the most obstinate resistance of the day, the enemy being 
strongly posted with infantry and artillery on an eminence behind a dense 
thicket. Ilindnian's command was gallantly led to the attack, but recoiled 
under a murderous fire. 

Hindman himself was severely wounded by the explosion of a shell, 
and borne from the field. A. P. Stewart then took command of Hind- 
man's brigade, with his own. 

This position of the Federals was occupied by Wallace's division, 
and perhaps by the remains of Prentiss's and other commands. Here, 
behind a dense thicket on the crest of a hill, was posted a strong force 
of as hardy troops as ever fought, almost perfectly protected by the 
conformation of the ground, and by logs and other rude and hastily- 
prepared defenses. To assail it an open field had to be passed, enfiladed 
by the fire of its batteries. It was nicknamed by the Confederates, by 
a very mild metaphor, " The Hornets' Nest." No figure of speech 
would be too strong to express the deadly peril of assault upon this 
natural fortress, whose inaccessible barriers blazed for six hours with 
sheets of flame, and whose infernal gates poured forth a murderous 
storm of shot and shell and musket-fire which no living thing could 



"THE HORNETS' NEST." 605 

quell or even withstand. Brigade after brigade was led against it. But 
valor was of no avail. Hindman's brilliant brigades, which had swept 
everything before them from the field, were shivered into fragments in 
the shock of the assault, and paralyzed for the remainder of the day. 
A. P. Stewart's regiments made fruitless assaults, but only to retire 
mangled and disheartened. 

Bragg now ordered up Gibson's splendid brigade, composed of the 
First Arkansas, Fourth, Thirteenth, and Nineteenth Louisiana, which 
moved forward with alacrity. Gibson himself, a knightly soldier, as 
gentle and courteous as he was unflinching, was aided by colonels 
three of whom afterward became generals. The brigade made a gallant 
charge, but, like the others, recoiled from the fire it encountered. A 
blaze of musketry swept through it from front and flank ; powerful 
batteries also opening upon its left. Under this cross-fire it at last fell 
back with very heavy loss. Allen's Fourth Louisiana was dreadfully 
cut up in this charge, and suffered some confusion from a misappre- 
hension that it was fired upon by friends. Gibson asked for artillery to 
be sent him; but it was not at hand,, and Bragg sent orders to charge 
again. The colonels thought it hopeless ; but Gibson led them again 
to the attack, and they again suffered a bloody repulse. 

Gibson, who, assisted by Allen and Avegno, had been leading the 
Fourth and Thirteenth Louisiana in the first two assaults, learning from 
the adjutant of Fagan that the regiments on the right had suffered 
equal disaster, turned over the command of his left wing to Colonel 
Allen, with directions to execute the orders received from General 
Bragg. He then proceeded to the right, and helped Fagan to lead the 
magnificent First Arkansas again to the assault. 

" Four times the position was charged ; four times the assault 
proved unavailing." The brigade was repulsed ; but maintained its 
ground steadily, until Wallace's position was turned, when, again re- 
newing its forward movement in conjunction with Cheatham's com- 
mand, it helped to drive back its stout opponents. Lieutenant-Colonel 
Thompson, of the First Arkansas, fell pierced with seven balls. Two 
of its captains were killed ; the major, a captain, and many officers, 
wounded. In the Fourth Louisiana, Colonel Allen was wounded, and 
three captains and tliree lieutenants killed or wounded. Gibson's en- 
tire staff was disabled, and his assistant adjutant-general, Lieutenant 
Ben King, killed. "When Gibson went to Fagan, Allen, a very fearless 
soldier, wrung at his unavailing loss, rode back to General Bragg to 
repeat the need of artillery, and to ask him if he must charge again. 
Bragg, impatient at the check, hastily replied, " Colonel Allen, I want 
no faltering now." Allen, stung by the reply, said not a word, but, 
going back to his command, and waving his sword for his men to fol- 
low, charged once more — but again in vain. He never forgave Bragg, 



606 BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

and the brigade thought they got hard measure in Bragg's orders and 
in his report. 

Patton Anderson's brigade, with the Crescent Regiment, of Pond's 
brigade, and aided by a regiment, two battalions, and a battery from 
Trabue's brigade, was eventually more successful farther to the left. 
His ground also was very difficult, but he caught the enemy more on 
the flank, and clung to it, rattling them with musketry and artillery, 
until the movement of the Confederate right broke into this citadel, 
when he carried his point. But this was not until after hours of 
manoeuvring and heavy skirmishing, with great loss, and after the 
enemy's left was turned. The Twentieth Louisiana was badly cut up 
in the underbrush, and in other regiments many companies lost all 
their officers. Anderson probably confronted Prentiss. The loss suf- 
fered by Pond's brigade has already been mentioned. 

General Polk, with Russell's brigade, and with Johnson's under 
Preston Smith, and during a portion of the time with Stewart's bri- 
gade, was engaged in the same sort of heavy work, driving the enemy, 
and, in turn, losing the ground he had won, until it had been three 
times fought over. This was with McClernand's troops, and Buck- 
land's brigade of Sherman's division. 

Cheatham's division had been formed in the morning on either side 
of the Pittsburg road, immediately in rear of Clark's division. He 
was first ordered to the left, with his Second Brigade, under Colonel 
Stevens, by Polk, to support Bragg, and was ordered thence by Beau- 
regard to the extreme right, to ascertain the point where the firing was 
heaviest, and there engage the enemy at once. 

About 10 A. M. he came upon the enemy, strongly posted on the 
right, and engaged him in an artillery duel for an hour, when Breckin- 
ridge came up and formed on his right. At eleven o'clock. Colonel 
Jordan ordered Cheatham to charge, which he did across an open field. 
The enemy occupied an abandoned road, behind a fence, a strong posi- 
tion, and met the attack with a heavy fire. When Cheatham's gallant 
division reached the middle of the field, a murderous cross-fire from 
the left arrested their progress. The command fell back in good order. 
Cheatham, with the Second Brigade, now under Colonel Maney, again, 
later in the day, attacked on Breckinridge's left in Prentiss's front, 
when that Federal general was captured. 

On the left Hardee was in charge. Here, Colonel Trabue, com- 
manding the Kentucky Brigade, with four of his regiments, assailed 
part of Sherman's command, which they identified from the prisoners 
as McDowell's and the Thirteenth Missouri. Duke, who was with 
Morgan's cavalry, marching in their rear, says that as they went in, 
horse and foot, they struck up their battle-song, as mentioned, and 
that " the eflFect was animating beyond description." They fought for 



HARDEE AND SHERMAN. (JOT 

an hour and a quarter, never losing ground, and several times forcing 
McDowell back. Finally, bringing up the Thirtj'-first Alabama, which 
had been held in reserve, they charged at a double-quick, routing the 
enemy, and driving them, at a run, from the field. This defeat of the 
enemy was shared in by Polk's corps and Patton Anderson's brigade. 
Morgan's cavalry and Wharton's Eighth Texas Cavalry also pursued 
the routed Federals, but were checked, with loss, in the thick under- 
growth. Hardee had assisted in again routing Sherman, by leading 
four regiments up a ravine on the extreme left, and turning the posi- 
tion. He also put the cavalry in pursuit of him. 

After the rout of Sherman, there seems to have been not much 
heavy fighting on that flank. His division drifted out of the battle, 
clinging to the banks of Owl Creek, keeping up, however, a desultory 
resistance to the disconnected and indecisive skirmishing directed 
against it. Cleburne's brigade had lost so heavily in the morning 
that only a part of it remained in line. One-third of his men were 
killed or wounded, as his " butcher's bill " in the Appendix will show. 
In an assault this is one of the surest signs of honest, hard fighting. 
With the remnant, however, he continued to press on Sherman's right, 
which it kept moving, without absolutely crushing it. McCIernand's 
line still maintained itself, and the force of the Confederate attack at 
the left was turned against it. General Beauregard's headquarters 
were about this time at Shiloh Church. The situation there seems hard 
to understand. An extract from Colonel Drake's sketch may throw 
some light on the condition of things on the left. Drake says : 

It was at this juncture that the lines at this point were halted, and a lull in 
the battle ensued for a considerable length of time. Many supposed the fight- 
ing was ended, and scattered over the field on various errands. Entire regi- 
ments were seen marching to the rear, and then began on a large scale the 
pillage of the captured camps, for which our army was so harshly blamed ; but 
the object, so far as my observation went, was not so much to gather the booty 
as to gratify curiosity, and pick up articles as mementos. Greenbacks were 
no object then, and the pockets of the dead were not rifled. Shoes, boots, 
and underclothes, seemed to be in more request than anything else. 

Naming many other articles — patriotic envelopes, cheap pictures, 
caricatures, song-books, etc., he adds : 

And yet the Confederate soldiers, who sought after trash, and pillaged sutler- 
stores, were not so much to blame as the inexperience of the times, as illustrated 
in field and general officers. No battle of the war — no event in Confederate 
history — has such a long list of "ifs" and "might have beens" as this battle of 
Shiloh ; it is the saddest story of them all. 

Colonel Munford gives the following account, which is a very good 
summary of the situation on the centre and right ; 
40 



608 BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

General Bragg was ordered to attack them at once, and here occurred the 
most obstinate contest of the whole day. It was full four hours of the severest 
fighting before the enemy gave way, and then not until General Johnston with 
the remainder of the active troops had driven all opposition from the entire right 
and centre of the field far back toward the river. Soon after our left had become 
so hotly engaged, other scouts brought intelligence that large bodies of the enemy 
were moving in the direction of Pittsburg Landing on the river. Others reported 
heavy masses assembled there; and, lastly, that the head of a column had started 
from that point up the road which turned our right in the direction of Lick Creek. 
When this information was received, the general looked at his watch, and con- 
tinued conversing with the members of the staff for twenty or thirty minutes, 
when, again glancing at his watch, he remarked, "It is now time to move for- 
ward." He gave orders for the formations he desired. The troops in marching 
order were so arranged that, while all were compactly in hand, every man, horse, 
and gun-carriage, had necessary room. The beauty of the manoeuvre did not 
escape attention even under the circumstances, and in a small way showed how 
justly the general had been celebrated for the ease with which he handled troops. 
Just then I was ordered to see that a brigade "went promptly" to the support 
of Brigadier-General Clark in Bragg's fight, and, in doing so, had an opportunity 
of witnessing a portion of the hardest fighting I have ever seen. "When I over- 
took General Johnston, he had taken position with his right across the road, np 
which it was reported the enemy had begun to march, on the very verge of the 
ridges overlooking Pittsburg Landing. He was in the act of swinging his troops 
round on his left as a pivot. A brigade under Colonel (afterward Major-General) 
Chalmers, flanked by a battalion of Wirt Adams's cavalry, constituted the ex- 
treme right. We sat on our horses, side by side, watching that brigade as it 
swept over the ridge; and, as the colors dipped out of sight, the general said to 
me, " That checkmates them." I told him I was glad to hear him announce 
"checkmate," but that "he must excuse so poor a player for saying he could 
not see it." He laughed, and said, "Yes, sir, that mates them." The comple- 
tion of this movement faced the troops at an angle of about 45° toward the 
left, when the forward movement became uniform. We had advanced but a 
few hundred yards, when we came upon a line of the enemy, strongly posted 
with their right in a flat covered by a dense growth of shrubs, almost a chapar- 
ral, and their centre and left along the hollow through which this flat and the 
hill-sides were drained. Their bodies were almost entirely protected, but their 
position enabled them to see the entire persons of our troops, who, when th'ey 
came in sight, were within easy musket-range and wholly unprotected. They 
opened upon us a murderous fire. General Johnston moved forward with his 
staflt" to a depression about thirty yards behind our front line, where the bullets 
passed over our heads ; but he could see more than half of his line, and, if an 
emergency arose, could meet it promptly. He fought that entire battle on the 
true philosophic principle which it involved. He was in command of fresh 
Southern volunteers. He therefore let them stand and fire, only till what is 
known as the "shoulder-to-shoulder" courage was developed, leaving the im- 
petuous fire of Southern pluck unchilled. His charges were uniformly success- 
ful. I saw our line beginning to stagger, not give back, but waver along its 
whole length like small grain when struck by a breeze. The general passed his 
eye from the right of the line to his extreme point of vision in the direction of 
the left, and slowly back again, when he remarked to Governor Harris who was 



THE FEDERAL KEY. 609 

by his side : " Those fellows are making a stubborn stand here. I'll have to put 
the bayonet to them." Just then a shell from one of our batteries on the ex- 
treme right came flying over the heads of the men in line, passed just in front 
of us, struck and exploded a little to our left between us and our reserve or 
second line. The general asked me to correct the position of that battery. 
When I returned from the discharge of this duty a charge was being executed 
along the whole line, and the general was gone from the place where I had left 
him. 

The front on which General Johnston was now moving was almost 
at right angles to his original lines and approaching a perpendicular to 
the river. Chalmers's brigade, on the extreme right, next the river, was 
somewhat advanced, so that it continually pressed upon and turned the 
enemy's left flank. Eight hundred yards to his left and rear, Bowen's 
brigade came up ; and, with a like interval to the left and rear of Bow- 
en's, Statham's strong brigade. These troops advanced en echelon of 
brigades. The batteries were in full play ; the resistance was vigor- 
ous ; the contest fierce. Chalmers pushed forward with considerable 
success ; General Johnston had Bowen's brigade deployed, and it ad- 
vanced with energy. Statham's brigade impinged upon what was an 
angle in the Federal line, where the Northerners were collected in 
heavy masses. The locality was probably that held by Hurlbut's bri- 
gades, and they opposed a desperate defense to every forward move- 
ment. The severe pressure on their left had called the Northern troops 
to this point, and we find acting Brigadier-General Cruft, after having 
repulsed four assaults farther to the right, strengthening it. Sweeney 
also reenforced Hurlbut with three regiments. 

There had been four hours of heavy fighting, during which the Fed- 
eral centre had not been moved. The right had been broken ; its left 
was forced back and doubled up on itself; and Hurlbut had more than 
once fallen back, retiring his left, in order to correct his alignment. 
But there his command stood, dealing slaughter on every attempt at 
advance. His position was evidently the key ; and it was necessary to 
break down the stubborn defense that maintained it. It was for this 
that Breckinridge's reserves, the only brigades which had not been 
engaged, were brought forward. General Johnston's purpose was to 
destroy Grant's army that day. The afternoon was upon him. The 
final blow must be struck. Statham's brigade was sent in about noon. 
It was made up of six fine regiments : two of them were raw, four of 
them knew nothing of war, except the miserable defeat at Mill Spring. 
The brigade now found itself welcomed by a fearful blaze of musketry 
and artillery ; and, in getting into line, suffered enough to fall into 
some confusion. 

The Federals were posted in a double line of battle, protected by 
the crest of a wooded hill, and the men seemed to be lying down and 



610 BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

firing. Opposite this strong position, one or two hundred yards distant, 
was another ridge, swept by the Federal fire. Behind it, Stathani's 
troops were comparatively secure ; but, to assail the enemy, they had 
to cross this exposed ridge, descend one slope, and ascend another, com- 
manded and raked by this deadly ambuscade. They stood, therefore, de- 
livering and receiving a fire which, Governor Harris says, was as heavy 
as any he saw in the war ; but they could not drive the enemy from 
his stronghold by their fire, nor without a charge that meant death for 
man}'. Statham's brigade and even particular regiments have to some 
extent been held responsible for General Johnston's death. It has been 
held to account, as if it were the only command which on that day 
failed to carry a position promptly at the point of the bayonet, without 
first measuring its strength Math the foe. But those who have read 
this narrative must have seen how often good and gallant troops re- 
coiled from positions which they could not take. The measure of resist- 
ance is an element of the greatest importance, too often ignored, in 
estimating the value and courage of an attack. 

Major (afterward General) Hodge, who was Breckinridge's adjutant- 
general, and on the spot, gives the following clear description of the 
attack : 

The long slope of the ridge was here abruptly broken by a succession of 
small hills or undulations of about fifty feet in height, dividing the rolling 
country from the river-bottom, and behind the crest of the last of these the 
enemy was concealed; opposite them, at the distance of seventy -five yards, was 
another long swell or hillock, the summit of which it was necessary to attain in 
order to open fire ; and to this elevation the reserve moved, in order of battle, 
at a double-quick. In an instant, the opposing height was one sheet of flame. 
Battle's Tennessee regiment, on the extreme right, gallantly maintained itself, 
pushing forward under a withering fire and establishing itself well in advance. 
Lytle's Tennessee regiment, next to it, delivered its fire at random and inefii- 
ciently, became disordered, and retired in confusion down the slope. Three 
times it was rallied by its lieutenant-colonel, assisted by Colonel T. T. Haw- 
kins, and by the adjutant-general, and carried up the slope, only to be as often 
repulsed and driven back — the regiment of the enemy opposed to it, in the inter- 
vals, directing an oblique fire upon Battle's regiment, now contending against 
overwhelming odds. The crisis of the contest had come ; there were no more 
reserves, and General Breckinridge determined to charge. 

The Forty-fifth Tennessee was behind the crest of the hill, and 
thus protected. The men would advance to a rail-fence, individually, 
or in squads, deliver an irregular fire, and fall back ; but they would 
not come up to their alignment, nor exhibit the purpose required for a 
desperate charge. They were not stampeded, but irresolute, and their 
conduct probably did not fall below the average of the brigade, or be- 
low what might be expected from raw troops under like circumstances. 
But more was required of them and of all. 



A MEMORABLE CHARGE. 611 

The following is Governor Harris's account of the circumstances pre- 
ceding' the charge : 

Just as (lay was dawning, on Sunday morning, he (General Johnston) made 
the attack. For some time our ad\^ance was steady and without any serious or 
obstinate resistance. About one o'clock, p. m., being informed that our extreme 
right had encountered such resistance as prevented further advance, he repaired 
to it at once. 

We found our right wing posted upon a ridge, while upon a parallel ridge in 
easy musket-range the enemy was in great force. Here the firing was kept up 
with great energy by both armies for, perhaps, an hour, during the whole of 
which time the general remained upon the line, more exposed to the fire of the 
enemy than any soldier in the line. 

After the firing had been thus continued for near an hour, the general said 
to me: "They are offering stubborn resistance here. I shall have to put the 
bayonet to them." 

It was in this condition of things that Breckinridge rode up to Gen- 
eral Johnston, and, in his preoccupation, not observing Governor Harris, 
said, "General, I have a Tennessee regiment that won't fight." Har- 
ris broke in energetically, " General Breckinridge, show me that regi- 
ment ! " Breckinridge, courteously and apologetically, indicated the 
command, and General Johnston said, " Let the Governor go to them." 
Governor Harris went, and with some difficulty put the regiment in line 
of battle on the hill, whence they could engage in the combat efi'ectively. 

After some delay, the wavering of the line still increasing. General 
Johnston directed that the line be got ready for a charge. Breckin- 
ridge soon returned and said he feared that he could not get the bri- 
gade to make the charge. General Johnston replied to him cheerfully : 
" Oh, yes, general ; I think you can." Breckinridge, with an emotion 
unusual to his controlled and equable temper, told him he had tried and 
failed. " Then, I will help you," said General Johnston. " We can get 
them to make the charge." Turning to Governor Harris, who had 
come back to report that the Tennessee regiment was in line, he re- 
quested him to return to and encourage this regiment, then some dis- 
tance to his right, but under his eye, and to aid in getting them to 
charge. Harris galloped to the right, and, breaking in among the sol- 
diers with a sharp harangue, dismounted and led them on foot, pistol 
in hand, up to their alignment, and in the charge when it was made. 

In the mean time Breckinridge, with his fine voice and manly bear- 
ing, was appealing to the soldiers, aided by his son Cabell and a very 
gallant staff. It was a goodly company ; and, in the charge, Breckin- 
ridge, leading and towering above them all, was the only one who 
escaped unscathed. Major Hodge and Cabell Breckinridge had their 
horses shot under them ; Major Hawkins was wounded in the face, and 
Captain Allen had his leg torn by a shell. Man}' eye-witnesses have 



612 BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

remarked to the writer on the beautiful composure and serene fidelity 
with which Cabell Breckinridge, then a mere hoy, rode close by his 
father during all this stirring scene. 

General Johnston rode out in front, and slowly down the line. His 
hat was off. His sword rested in its scabbard. In his right hand he 
held a little tin cup, the memorial of an incident that had occurred 
earlier in the day. As they were passing through a captured camp, an 
officer had brought from a tent a number of valuable articles, calling 
General Johnston's attention to them. He answered, with some stern- 
ness : "None of that, sir ; we are not here for plunder!" And then, as 
if regretting the sharpness of the rebuke, for the anger of the just cuts 
deep, he added, taking this little tin cup, " Let this be my share of 
the spoils to-day." It was this plaything, which, holding it between 
two fingers, he employed more efi"ectively in his natural and simple 
gesticulation than most men could have used a sword. His presence 
was full of inspiration. Many men of rank have told the writer that 
they never saw General Johnston's equal in battle in this respect. He 
sat his beautiful thorough-bred bay, " Fire-eater," with easy command 
— like a statue of Victory. His voice was persuasive, encouraging, aiid 
compelling. It was inviting men to death, but they obeyed it. But, 
most of all, it was the light in his gray eye, and his splendid presence, 
full of the joy of combat, that wrought upon them. His words were 
few. He touched their bayonets with significant gesture. " These 
must do the work," he said. " Men ! they are stubborn ; we must use 
the bayonet." When he reached the centre of the line, he turned. "I 
will lead you ! " he cried, and moved toward the enemy. The line was 
already thrilling and trembling with that tremendous and irresistible 
ardor which in battle decides the day. Those nearest to him, as if 
drawn to him by some overmastering magnetic force, rushed forward 
around him with a mighty shout. The rest of the line took it up and 
echoed it with a wild yell of defiance and desperate purpose, and moved 
forward at a charge with rapid and resistless step. A sheet of flame 
burst from the Federal stronghold, and blazed along the crest of the 
ridge. There was a roar of cannon and musketry ; a storm of leaden 
and iron hail. The Confederate line withered, and the dead and dying 
strewed the dark valley. But there was not an instant's pause. Eight 
up the steep they went. The crest was gained. The enemy were in 
flight — a few scattering shots replying to the ringing cheers of the vic- 
torious Confederates. 

General Johnston had passed through the ordeal seemingly unhurt. 
His noble horse was shot infour places ; his clothes were pierced by 
missiles, his boot-sole was cut and torn by a Minie ; but if he himself 
had received any severe wound he did not know it. At this moment 
Governor Harris rode up from the right, elated with his own success 



DEATH OF GENERAL JOIIXSTOX. 613 

and with the vindication of his Tennessceans. After a few words, 
General Johnston sent him with an order to Colonel Statham, which, 
havino" delivered, he speedily returned. In the mean time knots and 
groups of Federal soldiers kept up an angry discharge of fire-arms as 
they retreated upon their supports, and their last line, now yielding, 
delivered volley after volley as they sullenly retired. By the chance 
of war, a Minie-ball from one of these did its fatal work. As General 
Johnston, on horseback, sat there, knowing that he had crushed in 
the arch which had so long resisted the pressure of his forces, and 
waiting until they should collect sufficiently to give the final stroke, 
he received a mortal wound. It came in the moment of victory and 
triumph from a flying foe. It smote him at the very instant when he 
felt the full conviction that the day was won ; that his own conduct 
and wisdom were justified by results, and that he held in his hand the 
fortunes of war and the success of the Confederate cause. If this was 
not to be, he fell as he would have wished to fall, and with a happier 
fate than those who lived to witness the overthrow and ruin of their 
great cause. He had often expressed to the writer a preference for 
this death of the soldier. It came sudden and painless. But he had 
so lived as neither to fear nor shun it. It came to him like an incident 
of an immortal life — its necessary part, but not its close. 

The writer will be pardoned for adding the narrative of Governor 
Harris, the faithful comrade who was with him at the last. He writes 
as follows : 

Soon thereafter our line slightly wavered with a backward tendency, when 
the general said, "I will go to the front, order, and lead the charge." Just as 
he was in the act of passing through the line to the front, he said to me, " Go 
to the extreme right, and lead the Tennessee regiment stationed there." I gal- 
loped to the regiment named ; and when the charge was ordered, which was 
only a few moments after, I repeated the order on the extreme right, and moved 
forward with it. 

The charge was successful ; the Federal line gave way, and we advanced 
from a half to three-fourths of a mile without opposition, when we encountered 
the reserve line of the enemy strongly posted upon a ridge. 

The general immediately established his hne upon a parallel ridge in easy 
musket range of the line of the enemy, and a galling fire was opened upon both 
sides. 

Just as the line of our extreme right (with which I had moved forward) was 
established, casting my eye up the hne to the left I saw General Johnston sitting 
upon his horse a few feet in rear, and about the centre of his line. He was 
alone. I immediately galloped to him, to ascertain if, in his new position, he 
wished to send orders. 

I had never, in- my life, seen him looking more bright, joyous, and happy, 
than he looked at the moment that I approached him. 

The charge he had led was heroic. It had been successful, and his face 
expressed a soldier's joy and a patriot's hope. 



gl4 BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

As I approached him, he said "Governor, they came very near putting me 
hors de combat in that charge," holding out and pointing to his foot. Looking 
at it, I discovered that a musket-ball had struck the edge of the sole of his boot, 
cutting the sole clear across, and ripping it off to the toe. I asked eagerly : 
"Are you wounded? Did the ball touch your foot?" He said, '-No;" and 
was proceeding to make other remarks, when a Federal battery opened fire from 
a position wliich enfiladed our line just established. He paused in the middle 
of a sentence to say, " Order Colonel Statham to wheel his regiment to the left, 
charge, and take that battery." I galloped to Colonel Statham, only about two 
hundred yards distant, gave the order, galloped back to the general where a 
moment before I had left him, rode up to his riglit side, and said, " General, 
your order is delivered, and Colonel Statham is in motion ; " but, as I was utter- 
ing this sentence, the general reeled from me in a manner that indicated he was 
falling from his horse. I put my left arm around his neck, grasping the collar 
of his coat, and righted him up in the saddle, bending forward as I did so, and, 
looking him in the face, said, " General, are you wounded? " In a very deliber- 
ate and emphatic tone he answered, " Yes, and I fear seriously." At that mo- 
ment I requested Captain Wickham to go with all possible speed for a surgeon, 
to send the first one he could find, but to proceed until he could find Dr. Yan- 
dell, the medical director, and bring him. The general's hold upon his rein re- 
laxed, and it dropped from his hand. Supporting him with my left hand, I 
gathered his rein with my right, in which I held my own, and guided both 
horses to a valley about 150 yards in rear of our line, where I halted, dropped 
myself between the two horses, pulling the general over upon me, and eased 
him to the ground as gently as I could. When laid upon the ground, with eager 
anxiety I asked many questions about his wounds, to which he gave no answer, 
not even a look of intelligence. 

Supporting his head with one hand, I untied his cravat, unbuttoned his col- 
lar and vest, and tore his shirts open with the other, for the purpose of finding 
the wound, feeling confident from his condition that he had a more serious 
wound than the one which I knew was bleeding profusely in the right leg; but I 
found no other, and, as I afterward ascertained, he had no other. Raising his 
head, I poured a little brandy into his mouth, which he swallowed, and in a few 
moments I repeated the brandy, but he made no effort to swallow ; it gurgled 
in his throat in his effort to breathe, and I turned his head so as to relieve him. 

In a few moments he ceased to breathe. I did not consult my watch, but 
my impression is that he did not live more than thirty or forty minutes from 
the time he received the wound. 

He died calmly, and, to all appearances, free from pain— indeed, so calmly, 
that the only evidence I had that he had passed from Hfe was the fact that he 
ceased to breathe, and the heart ceased. to throb. There was not the slightest 
struggle, nor the contortion of a muscle ; his features were as calm and as natural 
as at any time in life and health. 

Just as he expired, General William Preston arrived, and it was agreed that 
he should remain with and accompany the remains of General Johnston to 
headquarters, and that I should proceed at once to report the fact of General 
Johnston's death to General Beauregard. 

My own horse having run off when I dismounted, I mounted " Fire-eater," 
General Johnston's horse, but found him so badly crippled that I dismounted 



INCIDENTS OF HIS DEATH. 615 

and examined bim, and found upon examination that ho was wounded in three 
legs by musket-balls. I rode him to the rear, where we had left General John- 
ston's orderly with two fresh horses ; left Fire-eater with the orderly, and 
mounted one of the fresh horses and proceeded to report to General Beauregard. 

Other members of the staff confirm all this, with the following 
slight variations : 

Captain Wickham assisted Governor Harris in lifting General John- 
ston from his horse, and then went for a surgeon. General Preston 
came up before General Johnston's death. Kneeling by him, he cried 
passionately, " Johnston, do you know me ? " General Johnston smiled 
faintly, but gave no other sign of recognition. They then tried to ad- 
minister the brandy, but he could not swallow it. General Johnston 
soon became utterly unconscious, and quietly passed away. Colonel 
O'Hara, Major Haydon, and others of the staflF, joined the group soon 
after. 

Wrapping his body in a mantle to conceal his death from the army, 
some of the staff took charge of it and left the field. The others 
separated to inform General Beauregard and the corps commanders. 
Colonel Munford says : 

Besides the wound which killed him, he was hit three other times : once by 
a spent ball on the outside and about midway of the right thigh ; once by a 
fragment of shell just above and to the rear of the right hip; and once by a 
Mini6-ball cutting the left boot-sole entirely in two, at which he kicked up his 
foot, and said, gayly, " They didn't trip me up that time." But one bullet broke 
the skin — and that, alas! was fatal. 

The mortal wound was from a Mini6-ball, which tore the popliteal 
artery of the right leg, where it divides into the tibial arteries, as Dr. 
Yandell informs the writer. He did not live more than ten or fifteen 
minutes after receiving it. It was not necessarily fatal. General 
Johnston's own knowledge of military surgery was adequate for its 
control by an extemporized tourniquet, had he been aware or regardful 
of its nature. 

Dr. D. W. Yandell, his surgeon, had attended his person during 
most of the morning ; but, finding a large number of wounded men, 
including many Federals, at one point. General Johnston ordered Yan- 
dell to stop there, establish a hospital, and give them his services. 
He said to Yandell : " These men were our enemies a moment ago, they 
are prisoners now ; take care of them." Yandell remonstrated against 
leaving him, but he was peremptory, and the doctor began his work. 
He saw General Johnston no more. Had Yandell remained with him, 
he would have had little difficulty with the wound. It was this act of 
unselfish charity which cost him his life. 

General Beauregard had told General Johnston that morning as he 



QIQ BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

rode off, that, if it should be necessary to communicate with him or for 
him to do anything, he would be found in his ambulance in bed. Gov- 
ernor Harris, knowing this, and how feeble General Beauregard's 
health was, went first to his headquarters — just in the rear of where 
the army had deployed into line the evening before. Beauregard and 
his staff were gone on horseback in the direction of Shiloh Church. 
He found them there. The Governor told General Beauregard that 
General Johnston had been killed. Beauregard expressed regret, and 
then remarked, "Everything else seems to be going on well on the 
right." Governor Harris assented. " Then," said Beauregard, " the 
battle may as well go on." The Governor replied that he certainly 
thought it ought. He offered his services to Beauregard, and they 
were courteously accepted. General Beauregard then remained where 
he was, waiting the issue of events. 



III.— AFTEKNOON. 

Up to the moment of the death of the commander-in-chief, the bat- 
tle presented two features, at first sight incongruous and almost incom- 
patible. The first of these was the dislocation of commands by the 
pushing forward of the second and third lines into the intervals of the 
first, and, by the shifting fortunes of the field, resulting in an effect 
like the shuffling of cards. The other was the most perfect regularity 
in the development of the plan of battle. In all the seeming confusion, 
there was the predominance of intelligent design ; a master-mind, 
keeping in clear view its purpose, sought the weak point in the de- 
fense, and, finding it on the enemy's left, kept turning that flank. 
With the disadvantage of inferior numbers, General Johnston brought 
to bear a superior force on each particular point, and, by a series of 
consecutive blows, repeated with great rapidity and strength, broke 
the Federal army to pieces. 

General Duke makes the following intelligent comments on the bat- 
tle. He says : 

The corps of Hardee, Bragg, and Polk, were now striving abreast, or mingled 
with each other. In reading the reports of the Confederate generals, frequent 
allusion will be found to regiments and brigades fighting without "head or 
orders." One commander would sometimes direct the movements of troops 
belonging to another. At this phase of the struggle, the narrative should dwell 
more upon " the biographies of the regiments than the history of the battle." 
But the wise arrangement of the lines and the instructions given subordinate 
commanders insured harmonious action and the desired result. 

Each brigade commander was ordered, when he became disengaged, to seek 
and attack the nearest enemy ; to pass the flank of every "stubborn hostile force 



A LULL AND CRUSHING ASSAULT. 619 

insertion. The Federal reports show that, among the troops who fought 
here, the Twenty -fifth Kentucky (Federal), Lieutenant-Colonel Bristow, 
had but sixty-five men left, and Colonel JMcHenry reported that his regi- 
ment (the Seventeenth Kentucky) was reduced to one-half its numbers. 

Now was the time for the Confederates to push their advantage, 
and, closing in on the rear of Prentiss and Wallace, to finish the bat- 
tle. But, on the contrary, there came a lull in the conflict on the right, 
lasting more than an hour from half-past two, the time at which General 
Johnston fell. It is true that the Federals fell back and left the field, 
and the Confederates went forward deliberately, occupying their posi- 
tions, and thus helping to envelop the Federal centre. But there was 
no further general direction nor concerted movements. The spring and 
alertness of the onset flagged ; the determinate purpose to capture 
Grant that day was lost sight of; the strong arm was withdrawn, and 
the bow remained unbent. The troops who had fought under General 
Jolinstpn's eye were carried forward by the impulse imparted to them, 
and the momentum of their own success ; but with no visible or defi- 
nite object. Elsewhere, there were bloody desultory combats, but tend- 
ing to nothing. Indeed, it may be truly said that General Johnston's 
death ended the second engagement of the day. 

About half-past three o'clock, the struggle at the centre, which had 
been going on for five hours with fitful violence, was renewed with the 
utmost fuiy. Polk's and Bragg's corps, intermingled, were engaged in 
a death-grapple with the sturdy commands of Wallace and Prentiss. 
The Federal generals had consulted, and had resolved to stand and 
hold their ground at all hazards, hoping thus to save the rest of the 
army from destruction ; and there is little doubt that their manful re- 
sistance, which cost one his life and the other his liberty, so checked the 
Southern troops as to gain time, and prevent the capture of Grant's army. 

While an ineffectual struggle was going on at the centre. General 
Ruggles judiciously collected all the artillery he could find, some eleven 
batteries in all, which he massed against Prentiss's right flank, the cen- 
tre of what remained. The opening of so heavy a fire, and the simul- 
taneous though unconcerted advance of the whole Confederate line, re- 
sulted at first in the confusion of the enemy and then in the defeat of 
Wallace and the surrender of Prentiss. Patton Anderson's brigade and 
Marshall J. Smith's Crescent Regiment were especially conspicuous in 
these closing scenes, the latter being so fortunate as to receive the sur- 
render of a large number of prisoners. But, while the artillery massed 
by Ruggles, and his division, were so effectual in achieving this result, 
by hammering down the Federal front, they were not alone in the crush- 
ing coil which caught Prentiss in its folds. Polk and Hardee burst 
through and destroyed the troops occupying the right of Wallace's po- 
sition, who were thoroughly beaten and driven from the field or capt- 



620 BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

ured, with the commander killed in the rout. They thus got in on 
Prentiss's right flank. Bragg, who had gone to the Confederate right, 
with Breckinridge, pushed in on Prentiss's left flank ; and Chalmers on 
his rear — and thus intercepted his retreat. 

While these movements were being executed, Prentiss determined 
on a bold course, afterward condemned by his more fortunate superiors, 
because it failed ; but, in the writer's opinion, it saved both Grant and 
Sherman from capture. He formed his men to make an attack ; but 
the Confederates closed in around him, and he found himself, after a 
struggle, cut off, encompassed, and at the mercy of his adversaries. 
With Hurlbut gone and Wallace gone, Prentiss was left isolated. 
Struck in front, in rear, and on either flank, cut off in every attempt to 
escape, about half-past four o'clock what was left of Prentiss's division 
surrendered with the Eighth, Twelfth, and Fourteenth Iowa, and the 
Fifty-eighth Illinois Regiments, of Wallace's division. More than 3,000 
prisoners were taken, Prentiss and many officers among them. This 
division had received the first blow in the morning, and made the last 
organized resistance in the afternoon. 

Each Confederate commander — division, brigade, and regimental — 
as his command pounced upon the prey^ believed it entitled to the credit 
of the capture. Breckinridge's, Withers's, Ruggles's, Cheatham's, and 
other divisions, which helped to encircle and subdue these stubborn 
fighters, each imagined its own the hardest part of the work — possibly 
the whole of it. The capture was, in truth, due almost as much to one as 
to another, as it was the result of the annihilation of Grant's whole line. 

A similar instance of self-deception occurs in many — indeed, most — 
of the Federal reports of this battle. According to these, no com- 
mand ever gives way until its neighbors, on both flanks, have left the 
field. This, of course, is in the nature of things impossible. It was, as 
a rule, true of one flank ; and the gaps made in the line by casualties 
and flight left it so ragged on the other flank as to favor, if not to 
create, the illusion. So many human motives concur to fortify these 
prejudices that we have no occasion to be astonished at them. 

The following particulars of this momentous contest will not be 
thought out of place. In describing his share in the combat, General 
Polk says : 

The enemy in our front was gradually and successively driven from his 
positions, and forced from the field back on the river-bank. About 5 p. m. my 
line attacked the enemy's troops — the last that were left upon the field — in an 
encampment on my right. The attack was made in front and flank. The resist- 
ance was sharp but short. The enemy, perceiving he was flanked and his posi- 
tion completely turned, hoisted the white flag and surrendered. 

Commending the conduct of Bragg's troops cooperating with him, 
and especially of the Crescent Regiment, General Polk says : 



PRENTISS'S SURRENDER. 621 

General Prentiss delivered his sword with his command to Colonel Russell, 
one of my brigade commanders, who turned him over to me. The prisoners 
turned over were about 2,000. They were placed in charge of Lieutenant Rich- 
mond, my aide-de-camp, and, with a detachment of cavalry, sent to the rear. 

Immediately after the surrender, General Polk ordered such cavalry 
as he had in hand to charge the fleeing enemy. A detachment under 
Lieutenant-Colonel Miller " dashed forward and intercepted a battery, 
within 150 yards of the river, the Second Michigan, and captured it 
before it could unlimber and open fire. It was a six-gun battery, com- 
plete in all its equipments, and was captured, men, horses, and guns. 
A portion of this cavalry rode to the river and watered their horses." 

In this final struggle, Trabue's brigade, which was now on the left 
next to Cleburne's, supported by Stewart's brigade, and some fragments 
of Anderson's, was opposed to the remains of Sherman's and McCler- 
nand's commands, including McDowell's brigade. Hardee was giving 
direction to this part of the line. Trabue ordered his command to fix 
bayonets and charge at a double-quick, which they did in the hand- 
somest manner, and with complete success. He says : 

The enemy, unwilling and unable to stand this charge, ran through their 
camps into the woods in their rear, whither we followed them. They were, 
however, too badly routed to make a stand, and for several hundred yards I 
moved forward without opposition. 

Embarrassed by the broken ground and thick undergrowth, by an 
enfilading fire from a Confederate battery on the right, and the appear- 
ance of a Louisiana regiment dressed in blue on the left, Trabue's 
movement was made cautiously and with some delay. Nevertheless, 
feeling their way with much hard fighting, and gradually drawing the 
lines closer, these troops from the left by a slight change of front inter- 
cepted, with volleys of musketry, the Federals flying from the impet- 
uous charge of Breckinridge's brigades on the right. A portion of 
Prentiss's command which surrendered was turned over to them by 
Hardee, and sent to the rear in charge of Crews's battalion. Colonel 
Shorter, of Bragg's corps, was detached with another lot of prisoners. 

Breckinridge's other brigades, advancing, soon passed to their front; 
and the Sixth and Ninth Kentucky Regiments availed themselves of 
the opportunity " hastily to exchange their guns for Enfield rifles, which 
the enemy had surrendered." Trabue adds : 

I then moved up and rejoined General Breckinridge, who, with Statham's and 
Bowen's brigades, was occupying the front line, being on the crest of the hill 
(or high land) overlooking the narrow valley of the Tennessee River, on which, 
and near by, was Pittsburg Landing. 

Having been halted here for more than an hour, we endured a most terrific 
cannonade and shelling from the enemy's gunboats. 



522 BATTLE OF SIIILOH. 

A few of the troops were demoralized by this, and fell back ; but 
there was little loss. 

Bragg, having found the Federal position, called "The Hornets' 
Nest," in front of the Confederate right centre impregnable, had ordered 
that the troops there, who had suffered greatly, should hold their 
position. When he learned the fall of the commander-in-chief, he 
rode rapidly to the extreme right. Bragg says in his report : 

Here I found a strong force, consisting of three parts, without a common 
head : Brigadier-General Breckinridge, with his reserve division, pressing the 
enemy ; Brigadier-General Withers, with his splendid division, greatly exhausted 
and taking a temporary rest; and Major-General Cheatham, with his division of 
General Polk's command, to their left and rear. These troops were soon put in 
motion, responding with great alacrity to the command, " Forward — let every 
order be forward! " It was now probably past four o'clock, the descending sun 
warning us to press our advantage, and finish the work before night should 
compel us to desist. 

Fairly in motion, these commands again, with a common head and a common 
purpose, swept all before them. Neither battery nor battalion could withstand 
their onslaught. Passing through camp after camp, rich in military spoils of 
every kind, the enemy was driven headlong from every position, and thrown 
in confused masses upon the river-bank, behind his heavy artillery, and imder 
cover of his gunboats at the landing. He had left nearly the whole of his light 
artillery in our hands, and some 3,000 or more prisoners, who were cut off from 
their retreat by the closing in of our troops on the left under Major-General 
Polk, with a portion of his reserve corps, and Brigadier-General Ruggles, with 
Anderson's and Pond's brigades of his division. The prisoners were dispatched 
to the rear under a proper guard, all else being left on the field that we might 
press our advantage. The enemy had fallen back in much confusion, and was 
crowded in unorganized masses on the river-bank, vainly striving to cross. They 
were covered by a battery of heavy guns, well served, and their two gunboats, 
which now poured heavy fire upon our supposed positions, for we were entirely 
hid by the forests. Their fire, though terrific in sound, and producing some 
consternation at first, did us no damage, as the shells all passed over, and ex- 
ploded far beyond our positions. 

Hardee gives the following brief but spirited summary of the battle 
in his report : 

Nothing could be more brilliant than the attack. The fierce volleys of a 
hundred thousand muskets and the boom of two hundred cannon receding 
steadily toward the river, marked, hour by hour from dawn till night, our slow 
but ceaseless advance. The captured camps, rich in the spoils of war, in arms, 
horses, stores, munitions, and baggage, with throngs of prisoners moving to the 
rear, showed the headlong fury with which our men had crushed the heavy 
columns of the foe." 

No Federal division any longer preserved even a show of organiza- 
tion. Parts of regiments, the bravest and coolest of the men, stuck to 



TUE LAST ASSAULT. ^23 

their colors and strove to rally and form a line of battle wherever they 
could find a nucleus. There were many such heroic spirits in the crushed 
and mangled mass which was huddling back into the angle between 
Snake Creek and the Tennessee River. Sherman in his report says : 
" My command had become decidedly of a mixed character. Buckland's 
brigade was the only one that retained its organization." Buckland's 
own report, however, does not sustain this view. He mentions that, 
in the combat on the Purdy road — 

The fleeing mass from the left broke through our lines, and many of our men 
caught the infection and fled with the crowd. Colonel Cockerill became sepa- 
rated from Colonel Sullivan and myself, and was afterward engaged with part of 
his command at McClernand's camp. Colonel Sullivan and myself kept together, 
and made every effort to rally our men, with but poor success. They had be- 
come scattered in every direction. 

They afterward formed a line of battle — what sort of a one may be 
imagined after reading the foregoing. Colonel Sullivan then marched 
to the landing for ammunition, and did not join Buckland till next day. 
This tells the story. It is difficult to see where " the organization " 
was. 

Of the two armies, one was now an advancing, triumphant host, with 
arm uplifted to give the mortal blow ; the other, a broken, mangled, 
demoralized mob, paralyzed and waiting for the stroke. While the 
other Confederate brigades, which had shared most actively in Prentiss's 
capture, were sending back the prisoners and forming again for a final 
attack, two brigades, under Chalmers and Jackson, on the extreme right, 
had cleared away all in front of them, and, moving down the river- 
bank, now came upon the last point where even a show of resistance 
was made. Two very bold and active brigadiers, they at once closed 
with the enemy in their front, crossing a deep ravine and difficult ground 
to get at him. Here Colonel Webster, of Grant's stafi^, had gathered 
all the guns he could find from batteries, whether abandoned or still 
coherent, and with stout-hearted men, picked up at random, had pre- 
pared a resistance. Some infantry, similarly constituted, had been got 
together ; and Ammen's brigade, the van of Nelson's division, had 
landed, and was pushing its way through the throng of pallid fugitives 
at the landing to take up the battle where it had fallen from the hands 
of Grant and Sherman. It got into position in time to do its part in 
checking the unsupported assaults of Chalmers and Jackson. 

In describing this final attack, General Chalmers says in his report: 

It was then about four o'clock in the evening, and, after distributing ammu- 
nition, we received orders from General Bragg to drive the enemy into the 
river. My brigade, together with- that of Brigadier-General Jackson, filed to 
the right, and formed facing the river, and endeavored to press forward to the 
41 



624: BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

water's edge ; but in attempting to mount the last ridge we were met by a fire 
from a whole line of batteries, protected by infantry and assisted by shells from 
the gunboats. Our men struggled vainly to ascend the hill, which was very 
steep, making charge after charge without success, but continued the fight until 
night closed the hostilities on both sides. 

During this engagement, Gage's battery was brought up to our assistance, 
but sufiered so severely that it was soon compelled to retire. This was the 
sixth fight in which we had been engaged during the day, and my men were too 
much exhausted to storm the batteries on the hill ; but they were brought off" 
in good order, formed in line of battle, and slept on the battle-field, where I 
remained with them. 

Brigadier-General Jackson gives this account : 

My brigade was ordered to change direction again, face toward Pittsburg, 
where the enemy appeared to have made his last stand, and to advance upon 
him, General Chalmers's brigade being again on my right, and extending to the 
swamp of the Tennessee Eiver. Without ammunition, and with only their 
bayonets to rely on, steadily my men advanced, under a heavy fire from light 
batteries, siege-pieces, and gunboats. Passing through the ravine, they arrived 
near the crest of the opposite hill, upon which the enemy's batteries were, but 
could not be urged further without support. Sheltering themselves against the 
precipitous sides of the ravine, they remained under this fire for some time. 
Finding an advance without support impracticable, remaining there under fire 
useless, and believing that any further forward movement should be made 
simultaneously along our whole line, I proceeded to obtain orders from General 
Withers ; but, before seeing him, was ordered by a staff officer to retire. This 
order was announced to me as coming from General Beauregard, and was 
promptly communicated to my command. 

General Buell had reached Pittsburg Landing about one o'clock ; 
or, as Badeau states (page 82), " midwaj' in the afternoon." He says : 

I found Grant on his boat, with two or more of his staff, in the ladies' cabin. 
I proposed we should go ashore, and his horses were accordingly taken ashore. 

Buell also arranged with Grant to send steamers to Savannah, to 
bring up Crittenden's division. 

General Buell, in his official report of April 15, 1862, gives the fol- 
lowing account of the condition of things at Pittsburg, and of the part 
taken by himself and his command in the battle of the 6th : 

The impression existed at Savannah that the firing was only an affair of out- 
posts, the same thing having occurred for the two or three previous days ; but, 
as it continued, I determined to go to the scene of action, and accordingly started 
with my chief of staff. Colonel Fry, on a steamer which I had ordered to get 
under steam. As we proceeded up the river, groups of soldiers were seen upon 
the west bank, and it soon became evident that they were stragglers from the 
army that was engaged. The groups increased in size and frequency until, as 



A ROUTED ARMY. 625 

we approached tlie landing, they amounted to whole companies, and almost 
regiments ; and at tlio landing the hank swarmed with a confused mass of men 
of various regiments. The number could not have been less than four or five 
thousand, and later in the day it became much greater. Finding General Grant 
at the landing, I requested him to send steamers to Savannah to bring up Gen- 
eral Crittenden's division, w4iich had arrived during the morning, and then went 
ashore with him. The throng of disorganized and demoralized troops increased 
continually by fresh fugitives from the battle, which steadily drew nearer the 
landing ; and with these were mingled great numbers of teams, all striving to 
get as near as possible to the river. With few exceptions, all efforts to form 
the troops and move them forward to the fight utterly failed. 

In the mean time the enemy had made such progress against our troops that 
his artillery and musketry began to play into the vital spot of the position, and 
some persons were killed on the bank at the very landing. General Nelson 
arrived with Colonel Ammen's brigade at this opportune moment. It was 
immediately posted to meet the attack at that point, and with a battery of 
artillery which happened to be on the ground, and was brought into action, 
opened fire on the enemy, and repulsed him. The action of the gunboats also 
contributed very much to that result. The attack at that point was not 
renewed, night having come on, and the firing ceased on both sides. In the 
mean time the remainder of General Nelson's division crossed, and General Crit- 
tenden's arrived from Savannah by steamers. 

Badeau says (page 8-i) : 

A battery of artillery, well posted by Colonel "Webster, of Grant's staff, did 
good service at this juncture, and the gunboats were also of importance, as they 
had been for some time previous, in checking the advance of the enemy on the 
extreme left. Both sides were now crippled and both fatigued, the extraordi- 
nary efforts of the day telling hard on either army. ... It was nearly five 
o'clock when the head of Nelson's column crossed the river ; but, after once 
starting his troops, this commander was prompt in marching them, and the men 
themselves were eager to get into battle and assist their hard-pushed comrades. 
Two of Nelson's regiments were put in position, on the extreme left ; and, as a 
final spasmodic attack was made by the rebels, these regiments fired two or 
three volleys and lost three men ; but it was too late then to affect the fortunes 
of the day. The exhaustion consequent upon their earlier efforts told upon the 
rebels as well as upon the national troops. 

General Hurlbut, in a letter to the writer, says that he bad " at 
least four thousand steady infantry in line " to the right of the artillery 
massed under Colonel Webster. He also thinks they could have re- 
pelled an attack upon them. But the contemporaneous reports of his 
subordinates lead to different conclusions. 

General Nelson says in his report that, in obedience to orders from 
General Grant, reiterated by General Buell, he left Savannah at half- 
past one o'clock, and marched up the bank at Pittsburg Landing, with 
the head of his column, at five o'clock. He continues : 



G26 BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

The Sixth Ohio and Thirty-sixth Indiana had hardly deployed, when the left 
of our artillery was completely turned by the enemy, and the gunners fled from 
their pieces. The gallantry of the Thirty-sixth Indiana, supported by the Sixth 
Ohio, under the able conduct of Colonel G. Ammen, commanding the Tenth 
Brigade, drove back the enemy and restored the line of battle. This was at 
half-past six o'clock, and soon after the enemy withdrew, owing, I suppose, to 
the darkness. 

This repulse undoubtedly refers to some of Chalmers's later unsup- 
ported assaults. 

The following, from Nelson's report, also illustrates the demoraliza- 
tion of the Federal army. Nelson says : 

I found cowering under the river-bank when I crossed from 7,000 to 10,000 
men, frantic with fright and utterly demoralized, who received my gallant 
division with cries that " we are whipped ! " " cut to pieces ! " etc. They were 
insensible to shame and sarcasm, for I tried both on them ; and, indignant at 
such poltroonery, I asked permission to open fire upon the knaves. 

The scene at Pittsburg is well pictured in the following extracts 
from the correspondence of the Cincinnati Gazette : 

Our whole army is crowded in the region of "Wallace's caraps, and to a cir- 
cuit of one-half to two-thirds of a mile around the landing. "We have been 
falling back all day. We can do it no more. The next repulse puts us into the 
river ; and there are not transports enough to cross a single division till the 
enemy would be upon us. . . . We have lost nearly all our camps and camp- 
equipage. We have lost nearly half our field-artillery. We have lost a division 
general, and two or three regiments of our soldiers as prisoners. We have lost 
— how dreadfully we are afraid to think — in killed and wounded. The hospitals 
are full to overflowing. A long ridge-bluflf is set apart for surgical uses. It is 
covered with the maimed, the dead, and the dying. And our men are discour- 
aged by prolonged defeat. . . . Meanwhile, there is a lull in the firing. For 
the first time since sunrise you fail to catch the angry rattle of musketry or 
the heavy booming of the field-guns. ... On the bluffs above the river is a 
sight that may well make our cheeks tingle. There are not less than 5,000 
skulkers lining the banks ! 

The correspondent goes on to state that Colonel Webster placed 
twenty-two guns in all in position, which were served by improvised 
artillerists. He continues : 

Eemember the situation. It was half-past four o'clock — perhaps a quarter 
later still. Every division of our army on the field had been repulsed. The 
enemy were in the camps of four out of five of them. We were driven to within 
little over half a mile of the landing. Behind us was a deep, rapid river. Before 
us was a victorious enemy. And still there was an hour for fighting. " Oh, 
that night or Bliicher would come! " "Oh, that night or Lew Wallace would 
come ! " Nelson's division of General Buell's army evidently couldn't cross in 
time to do us much good. We didn't yet know why Lew Wallace wasn't on the 



BEAUREGARD'S THEORY OF SHILOII. 627 

ground. lu the justice of our cause, and in that semicircle of twenty-two guns 
in position, lay all the hope we could see. 

He attributes the final repulse to the fire of these batteries, the 
shelling of the gunboats, and the assistance of Nelson's advance. That 
these combined means of resistance repulsed the assaults actually made 
is true. But they do not account for the failure of the Confederates to 
capture this position and consummate their victor)'', ^vhich was due to 
General Beauregard's premature recall of his troops at the moment of 
fate. 



IV.— A VICTORY LOST. 

General Beauregard's theory of the battle of Shiloh is so different 
from the writer's that it is due to him to give his version of its close, 
as set forth in his report and in the writings of his chief of staflF, who 
is indorsed by him. 

The following is General Beauregard's telegram to the adjutant- 
general ; 

The battle commenced on the 6th of April. "We attacked the enemy in a 
strong position in front of Pittsburg; and, after a severe battle of ten hours' 
duration, thanks be to the Almighty, we gained a complete victory, driving the 
enemy from every position. The loss on both sides is heavy, including the 
commander-in-chief, General A. S. Johnston, who fell gallantly leading his 
troops into the thickest of the fight. 

G. T. Beaueegabd, General commanding. 

To General 8. Cooper, Adjutant-General. 

General Beauregard's brief report of the conclusion of Sunday's 
battle is as follows : 

The chief command then devolved upon me, though at the time I was greatly 
prostrated and suffering from the prolonged sickness with which I had been 
aflBicted since early in February. The responsibility was one which, in my 
physical condition, I would have gladly avoided, though cast upon me when our 
forces were successfully pushing the enemy back upon the Tennessee River, and 
though supported on the immediate field by such corps commanders as Major- 
Generals Polk, Bragg, and Hardee, and Brigadier-General Breckinridge com- 
manding the reserve. 

It was after six o'clock, p. m., as before said, when the enemy's last position 
was carried, and his force finally broke and sought refuge behind a commanding 
eminence, covering the Pittsburg Landing, not more than half a mile distant, and 
under the guns of the gunboats, which opened on our eager columns a fierce 
and annoying fire with shot and shell of the heaviest description. Darkness was 
close at hand. Officers and men were exhausted by a combat of over twelve 
hours, without food, and jaded by the march of the preceding day through mud 
and water; it was, therefore, impossible to collect the rich and opportune spoils 



628 BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

of war scattered broadcast on the field left in our possession, and impracticable 
to make any effective dispositions for their removal to the rear. 

In accounting for the frustration of an alleged attempt of General 
Beauregard to consummate the victory, Colonel Jordan, General Beau- 
regard's chief of staff, says : 

Unfortunately, however, the Federal encampments were plethoric with food 
most tempting to hungry men, as well as with clothing and other alluring spoil; 
the thick woods, too, had greatly disintegrated almost every regiment, so that 
none of the divisions confronted in an embodied form the last position that re- 
mained between them and the deep, broad waters of the Tennessee. The supe- 
rior oflScers present, howbeit, collected the men immediately around them of 
whatsoever corps. Tired, hungry, and exhausted, as were the Confederates, 
nevertheless a number of determined separate efforts were made by them, 
during the remaining hour of daylight, to wrench their last foothold from their 
elsewhere-beaten adversary. 

He thus describes the order of withdrawal : 

General Beauregard, in the mean time, observing the exhausted, widely-scat- 
tered condition of his army, directed it to be brought out of battle, collected and 
restored to order as far as practicable, and to occupy for the night the captured 
encampments of the enemy. This, however, had been done in chief part by the 
officers in immediate command of the troops before the order was generally dis- 
tributed. 

For this last allegation there is not the slightest warrant. 

And if General Beauregard, as Jordan also states, after Prentiss's 
surrender, " urged the forward propulsion of the whole force upon the 
shattered fragments of the enemy," these orders must have miscarried, 
as a diligent search has failed to discover that any such were received 
by his subordinates. The only orders that reached them were to retire. 
The operations of the afternoon evince this, as can be seen by the field 
reports. There was no failure by officers or troops in their duty in this 
1 respect. 

Furthermore, the final rout and surrender of Prentiss occurred much 
earlier than six o'clock. This is made evident in the Confederate 
reports ; while the correspondent of the Cincinnati Gazette places 
the rout of the Federals earlier than half- past four. As to the 
order of withdrawal, it was received and in part executed before six 
o'clock. 

Colonel Jordan also says that the gunboats " were used with an 
effect on our troops to which all will testify who were in the advance 
and witnessed it." The testimony of these very people, when adduced, 
will show the exact reverse of this : that the roar and bursting of the 
shells, however terrific in the rear, at Beauregard's headquarters, were 



ERRORS CORRECTED. 629 

almost harmless to the troops near the river. This was one of the la- 
mentable features of the day : that what General Beauregard saw at 
Shiloh Church should be mistaken for the situation at the front ; that 
the trains of Avounded and the tide of fugitives should supplant in his 
eyes those heroic warriors who were still marching onward. 

The substance of the statements made by Colonel Jordan is, that the 
order of withdrawal was issued because the last position of the Federals 
"was impregnable, because it was too late to effect anything decisive, 
and because the Confederate army was dispersed, disorganized, demor- 
alized, exhausted, and incoherently managed by its superior officers. 
Further, he maintains that the battle ended by a sort of subsidence 
of the fight from inanition before the order of withdrawal was received 
by the brigades. 

There is just enough of truth in all this to mislead. Among the 
new recruits at Shiloh there were, of course, many skulkers. There 
are in all armies. But there is a marked distinction between these 
and the reckless soldiers who, careless of the restraints of discipline 
and prompted by an idle and barbaric curiosity, left their ranks to 
gather trophies or for other purposes as vain. Big-eyed wonder, more 
than booty, was their motive ; and, at each charge, they rallied round 
the nearest standard with the zest of a hunt for human game. The 
only effective use to be made of such men is to keep hurling them at 
the foe. But they are not to be confounded with those streams of 
fugitives which, like rivulets from the base of a glacier, trickle or pour 
to the rear with the refuse and debris of the army. 

The troops were tired and hungry, it is true, and greatly weakened 
by casualties and straggling. But to say that they were " exhausted " 
in the sense that they could fight no more is abundantly disproved. It 
is refuted by numerous positive statements of their officers, and by the 
vigorous attacks by Chalmers late that evening and early next morn- 
ing, after five combats and more than average marching. The troops 
Avere moving forward with enthusiasm when recalled by General Beau- 
regard's order. To confound such men with the multitude of stragglers 
is to do a great act of injustice. 

To illustrate the desultory nature of the " separate " attacks made 
by the Confederates, "abortive assaults" with "fruitless results," as 
he styles them, Colonel Jordan cites an unsuccessful attempt of Colonel 
Mouton, of the Eighteenth Louisiana, "to charge a battery on a hill" 
about four o'clock; when, advancing "unsupported," he was beaten 
back with the loss of 207 of his men. With some eighty regiments 
and battalions on the field, many such attacks must have occurred that 
day ; but the particular case mentioned has no relevancy, as the time 
at which it was made indicates that it was one of that series of attacks 
by which the lines of Wallace and Prentiss were crushed, and hence, 



630 BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

though "unsupported" and baffled, not "separate," but part of a gen- 
eral system of assault which was successful. Besides, no argument can 
be drawn as to the situation after the destruction of those divisions 
from a combat before that event. 

Jordan also cites, as an illustration of the unconcerted movements 
at the front, the last assaults by Chalmers and Jackson. But these 
were, in fact, only parts of a well-concerted general movement, which 
was disconcerted, paralyzed, and brought to naught, by General Beau- 
regard's staff officers at a critical moment withdrawing the cooperat- 
ing force piecemeal. It came near being successful as it was. Had it 
been sustained, it would almost certainly have made the victory com- 
plete. To use it as a reason or justification for the order of withdrawal 
is most extraordinary. 

Colonel Jordan says that " none of the divisions confronted in an 
embodied form the last position." This is true. It would have been 
an unparalleled case if, after ten hours of continual assault, in a broken 
and wooded country, divisions had been found entire. But it proves 
nothing. The severance of commands resulted, as already indicated, 
from the plan of battle, corps moving in successive parallel lines, and 
from the nature of the ground. But they had fought in this wise all 
day ; every combat on the field had been thus won ; and all the corps, 
except Hardee's, were more "embodied" after Prentiss's surrender 
than they had been since 10 A. m. Trabue was reunited to Breckin- 
ridge, and Cheatham to Polk, and Bragg had his men more in hand 
than when charging positions miles apart. The army was not demor- 
alized, as suggested. Weakened but resolute bands of men, animated 
by duty, discipline, intelligent patriotism, and "the stern joy that war- 
riors feel," still stood coherent, eager, and fired with the ardor of com- 
bat and the exultation of a marvelous success. Nothing remained 
except to give the finishing stroke. 

The real strength and character of the attack made by Chalmers 
and Jackson, and the measure of the resistance possible under the cir- 
cumstances by the Federal remnant, may be safely left to the intelli- 
gence of the reader who has carefully considered what has been herein 
recorded from the pens of both Federals and Confederates. According 
to the writer's view, the actual contest was between the fragments of 
two Confederate brigades and Webster's guns, supported by Ammen's 
brigade and a few infantry. What would have been achieved but for 
General Beauregard's order of withdrawal can only be surmised. But 
it will be made clear, from contemporary reports and other sources, that 
the state of facts did not exist on which the order was based ; and that, 
through a total misconception of General Johnston's purposes, and a 
failure to carry them out, a mighty victory was allowed to glide from 
the hand of the conqueror. This might have been permitted to pass as 



HARDEE AND POLK. 631 

a pardonable error of judgment, as indeed it seems to the writer to be, 
considering the ill-health of General Beauregard, his position upon the 
field, and the part he took in the battle of Sunday ; but it would be 
unjust to allow to pass into history the claim set up that his order of 
withdrawal was an act of consummate wisdom, or anything else, in- 
deed, than a fatal blow to the Confederate cause. 

Let us see whether General Beauregard's theory, as expounded by 
himself and his chief of staff, or the writer's view, is verified by the 
evidence in the case. 

Governor Harris writes as follows in a recent letter : 

General Johnston's plans had been carried out with signal success up to the 
moment of his death ; and I believed tben, as I do now, that the momentum of 
Buccess already achieved rendered certain a great and decisive victory. 

Hardee, in hia report, says : 

At this moment of supreme interest it was our misfortune to lose the com- 
manding general. . . . This disaster caused a lull in the attack on the right, and 
precious hours were wasted. It is, in my opinion, the candid belief of intelli- 
gent men that but for this calamity we would have achieved before sunset a 
triumph, signal not only in the annals of this war, but memorable in future his- 
tory. . . . 

Upon the death of General Johnston, the command having devolved upon 
General Beauregard, tlie conflict was continued until near sunset, and the ad- 
vance divisions were within a few hundred yards of Pittsburg, where the enemy 
were hudJled in confusion, when the order to withdraw was received. The 
troops were ordered to bivouac upon the field of battle. 

Speaking elsewhere of Wood's brigade, he incidentally remarks : 

This brigade was by my order moved forward later in the afternoon in the 
direction of the heavy cannonade in front, but about sunset was ordered to 
withdraw by a staff officer from General Beauregard. 

Cleburne, in his report, says : 

I again advanced until halted by an aide of General Beauregard, who informed 
me we were not to approach nearer to the river. 

General Polk's report says : 

By this time the troops under my command were joined by those of Gen- 
erals Bragg and Breckinridge, and ray fourth brigade, under General Cheatham, 
from the right. The field was clear ; the rest of the forces of the enemy were 
driven to the river and under its bank. "We had one hour or more of daylight 
still left, were within one hundred and fifty to four hundred yards of the en- 
emy's position, and nothing seemed wanting to complete the most brilliant vic- 
tory of the war but to press forward and make a vigorous assault on the demor- 
alized remnant of his forces. 



632 BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

At this juncture, his gunboats dropped down the river near the landing, 
where his troops were collected, and opened a tremendous cannonade of shot 
and shell over the bank in the direction whence our forces were approach- 
ing. The height of the plain on which we were, above the level of the water, 
was about one hundred feet, so that it was necessary to give great elevation to 
his guns to enable him to fire over the bank. The consequence was, that sliot 
could take effect only at points remote from the river's edge. They were com- 
paratively harmless to our troops nearest the bank, and became increasingly so 
as we drew near the enemy, and placed him between us and his boats. Here 
the impression arose that our forces were waging an unequal contest; that they 
were exhausted and suffering from a murderous fire; and, by an order from the 
commanding general, they were withdrawn from the field. 

The following is an extract from General Bragg's official report of 
the battle of Shiloh : 

It may not be amiss to refer briefly to the causes it is believed operated to 
prevent the complete overthrow of the enemy, which we were so near acccm- 
plishing, and which would have changed the entire complexion of the war. Tlie 
want of proper organization and discipline, and the inferiority in many cases of 
our ofiicers to the men they were expected to command, left us often without 
system or order, and the large proportion of stragglers resulting weakened our 
forces, and kept the superior and staff ofiicers constantly engaged in the duties 
of file-closers. Especially was this the case after the occupation of the enemy's 
camps, the spoils of wJiich served to delay and greatly to demoralize our men. 
But no one cause probably contributed so greatly to our loss of time, which was 
the loss of success, as the fall of the commanding general. At the moment of 
this irreparable disaster, the plan of battle was being rapidly and successfully 
executed under his immediate eye and lead on the right. For want of a common 
superior to the different commands on that part of the field, great delay oc- 
curred after this misfortune, and that delay prevented the consummation of the 
work so gallantly and successfully begun and carried on, until the approach of 
night induced our new commander to recall the exhausted troops for rest and 
recuperation before a crowning effort on the next morning. 

As soon as our troops could be again formed and put in motion, the order 
was given to move forward at all points and sweep the enemy from the field. 
The sun was about disappearing, so that little time was left us to finish the 
glorious work of the day — a day unsurpassed in the history of warfare for its 
daring deeds, brilliant achievements, and heavy sacrifices. 

Our troops, greatly exhausted by twelve hours' incessant fighting, without 
food, mostly responded to the order with alacrity, and the movement com- 
menced with every prospect of success, though a heavy battery in our front, and 
the gunboats on our right, seemed determined to dispute every inch of ground. 
Just at this time an order was received from the commanding general to with- 
draw the forces beyond the enemy's fire. As this was communicated in many 
instances direct to brigade commanders, the troops were soon in motion and the 
action ceased. The different commands, mixed and scattered, bivouacked at 
points most convenient to their positions and beyond the range of the enemy's 
guns. All firing, except a half-hour's shot from the gunboats, ceased, and the 
whole night was passed by our exhausted men in quiet. Such as had not 



BRAGG'S OPINION. 633 

souglit shelter in the camps of the enemy were again drenched before morn- 
ing by one of tliose heavy rain-storms which seemed to be our portion for this 
expedition. 

But General Bragg is still more explicit in his sketch of "Shiloh," 
communicated to the writer. After discussing the events up to the 
time of General Johnston's death, which, he says, "sealed the fate of 
the South, and destroyed the liberties of this country," Bragg says : 

The command devolved, of course, on General Beauregard, the next in rank, 
•who, in feeble health, as previously stated, was with his carriage, where the 
commanding general had assigned him, far in the rear of the strife, directing the 
movements of the reserves. The fall of Johnston produced a sort of temporary 
paralysis with the troops under his immediate command on our right. But, 
after a short respite, which they improved to replenish their haversacks and 
cartridge-boxes from the enemy's rich stores, they resumed their victorious 
march under the direction of General Bragg, who had promptly repaired to this 
part of his command on receiving notice of Genei'al Johnston's death. 

The troops promptly and enthusiastically responded to the command " For- 
ward ! Let every order be forward ! " The rapid and near approacli, at this 
time, of all our troops to the enemy's last stronghold, immediately on the bank 
of the river, where we had completely enveloped all that was left to him from 
five of his six divisions, indicated that the end was inevitable and near at hand. 
Concurring testimony, especially that of the prisoners on both sides — our capt- 
ured being present and witnesses to the demoralization of the enemy, and their 
eagerness to escape or avoid further slaughter by surrender — left no doubt but 
that a persistent, energetic assault would soon have been crowned by a general 
yielding of his whole force. About one hour of daylight was left to us. The 
enemy's gunboats, his last hope, took position opposite us, in the river, and 
commenced a furious cannonade at our supposed position. From the elevation 
necessary to reach the high bluff, on which we were operating, this proved " all 
sound and fury signifying nothing," and did not in the slightest degree mar our 
prospects or our progress. Not so, however, in our rear, where these heavy 
shells fell among the reserves and stragglers; and, to the utter dismay of the 
commanders on the field, the troops were seen to abandon their inspiring work, 
and to retire sullenly from the contest when danger was almost past, and vic- 
tory, so dearly purchased, was almost certain. . . . 

What followed is a part of the sad history of the country, and need not be 
recapitulated. Had the first shot of the 5th, on the skirmish-line, killed Sidney 
Johnston, the battle of Shiloh would not have been fought and won by the 
Confederates. Had the fatal shot which struck him down on the 6th not been 
fired. Grant and his forces would have been destroyed or captured before sun- 
down, and Buell would never have crossed the Tennessee. 

A few days after our great disaster, the Secretary of War telegraphed Gen- 
eral Bragg that the President had nominated, and tlie Senate had confirmed 
him, as general in the Confederate States Army, to fill the vacancy caused by 
Sidney Johnston's death. To that dispatch the following reply was sent : " I 
feel greatly honored at my selection by the President to succeed Sidney John- 
ston — no one can fill the vacancy." 



634: BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

Colonel Jordan, after saying that the officers in immediate command 
of the troops were withdrawing before General Beauregard's order to 
retire was generally distributed, adds in a note (" Life of Forrest," 
page 134) : 

This was especially the case with Bragg's corps. Yet, oddly enough, Gen- 
eral Bragg, in his own official report, ventures to state that his men, though 
greatly exhausted, were ahout to charge with great alacrity upon the last posi- 
tion, and most prohably would have carried it, when Beauregard's order was 
received recalling them. 

He says further (page 150) : 

His order really was not distributed before the greater part of the Confed- 
erate troops had already given up the attempt for that day to carry the ridge at 
the landing. 

As it might appear from these dicta that Bragg's report was base- 
less, the following extracts are given from the reports of his subordi- 
nates. 

Major-General Withers, in his official report of June 20, 1862, says : 

This division was then advanced to the Pittsburg edge of the field, in which 
the enemy had stacked their arms, and halted for a supply of ammunition. Most 
of the regiments were supplied from the camps of the enemy. The order was 
now given by General Bragg, who was present on the right during the fierce 
fight which ended in the capture of Prentiss, to "sweep everything forward! " 
This division was moved promptly forward, although some regiments had not 
succeeded in getting a supply of ammunition, and had just entered a steep and 
precipitous ravine, when the enemy opened a terrific fire upon it. Staff officers 
were immediately dispatched to bring up all the reinforcements to be found, and 
the order was given to brigade commanders to charge the batteries. These 
orders were being obeyed, when, to my astonishment, a large portion of the 
command was observed to move rapidly by the left flank from under the fire of 
the enemy. Orders were immediately sent to ai*rest the commanding officers, 
and for the troops to be promptly placed in position for charging the batteries. 
Information was soon brought, however, that it was by General Beauregard's 
orders, delivered thus directly to brigade commanders, that the troops were 
being rapidly led from under the fire of the enemy's gunboats. Thus ended the 
fight on Sunday, and thus was this command disorganized, an evil sorely felt 
during the next day. 

Major-General Ruggles, Bragg's other division commander, makes 
the following statement in his report : 

Subsequently, while advancing toward the river, I received instructions from 
General Bragg to carry forward all the troops I could find, and, while assembling 
a considerable force ready for immediate action, I received from Colonel Au- 
gustin notice of General Beauregard's orders to withdraw from the further pur- 
suit ; and, finding soon afterward that the forces were falling back, I retired 
with them, just as night set in, to the open field in the rear; and, as I received 



GIBSON AND GILMER. 635 

no further orders, I directed General Anderson and Colonel Gibson to hold 
their troops in readiness, with their arms cleaned and cartridges supplied, for 
service the next morning. 

By reference to Jackson's report of his last cliarge (page G24), it 
will be seen that he was thus withdrawn. General R. L. Gibson, com- 
manding one of Ruggles's brigades, commenting in an unofficial letter, 
writes as follows : 

From all I have been able to gather, the conception, or plan of battle, was 
excellent. It was a complete surprise ; and, at the moment of General John- 
ston's fall, so far as I could learn, we were successful all along the lines. The 
enemy was broken and routed, and in full retreat. I was riding with General 
Cheatham, when the news of his death was confirmed. We were moving our 
commands toward the river, with nothing in sight to oppose our easy march. 
When within a few hundred yards of the river, the gunboats opened an aimless 
fire in the direction we were moving. We halted and formed line of battle, and 
sent forward scouts and skirmishers, preparatory to attacking or resuming the 
marcli toward the river. While at this, I met my general of division. General 
Kuggles, and he told me the order was to Tialt. It was yet light. I am not sure 
the sun was down. You could see as well as at mid-day. It was before twi- 
light. I think we had at least one good battle-hour remaining. 

My conviction is that, had General Johnston survived, the victory would 
have been complete, and his army would have planted the standard of the Con- 
federacy on the banks of the Ohio. 

General Johnston's death was a tremendous catastrophe. There are no words 
adequate to express my own conception of the immensity of the loss to our 
country. Sometimes the hopes of millions of people depend upon one head and 
one arm. The West perished with Albert Sidney Johnston, and the Southern 
country followed. 

General Gilmer, in a letter to the writer, dated September 17, 1872, 
gives the following statement in regard to the battle : 

It is my well-considered opinion that, if your father had survived the day, 
he would have crushed and captured General Grant's army before the setting 
of the sun on the 6th. In fact, at the time your father received the mortal 
wound advancing with General Breckinridge's command, tl)e day was ours. 
The enemy having lost all the stormed positions on that memorable field, his 
troops fell back in great disorder on the banks of the Tennessee. To cover the 
confusion, rapid fires were opened from the gunboats the enemy had placed in 
the river; but the shots passed entirely over our devoted men, who were exult- 
ant and eager to be led forward to the final assault, which rrnist have resulted in 
a complete victory, owing to the confusion and general disorganization of the 
Federal troops. I know the condition of General Grant's army at the moment, 
as I had reached a high, projecting point on the bank of the river about a mile 
above Pittsburg Landing, and could see the hurried movements to get the dis- 
ordered troops across to the right bank. Several thousand had already passed, 
and a confused mass of men crowded to the landing to get on the boats that 
were employed in crossing. I rode rapidly to General Bragg's position to re- 



636 BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

port what I had seen, and suggested that if he would suspend the fire of his 
artillery, and marshal his infantry for a general advance, the enemy must sur- 
render. General Bragg decided to make the advance, and authorized me and 
other officers to direct the commanders of the hatteries to cease firing. 

In the midst of these preparations, orders reached General Bragg from Gen- 
eral Beauregard directing the troops to be withdrawn and placed in camp for 
the night — the intention being to resume the contest in the morning. This was 
fatal, as it enabled General Buell and General Wallace to arrive on the scene 
of action ; that is, they came up in the course of the night. Had General Beau- 
regard known the condition of the enemy, as your father knew it, when he re- 
ceived the fatal shot, the order for withdrawal would certainly not have been 
given, and, without such order, I know the enemy would have been crushed. 

General Duke, in his " Life of Morgan," takes the following view 
of these events (page 154) : 

It is a point conceded now on all sides that, had the Confederate army pur- 
sued its success on the evening of the first day, the army under General Grant 
would have been annihilated, and Buell never could have crossed the river. 
Had General Johnston survived, the battle would have been pressed vigorously 
to that consummation. Then, what would have been the situation? The army, 
remaining upon the banks of the Tennessee for a few days, would have been 
reorganized and recovered from the exhausting effects of the battle. The 
slightly wounded, returning to the ranks, would have made the muster-roll full 
thirty thousand effectives. Price and Van Dorn, coming with about fifteen 
thousand, and the levies from all quarters which were hastening to Corinth, 
would have given General Johnston nearly sixty thousand men. 

Duke then goes on to consider the results, which he concludes must 
have transferred the seat of war to Kentucky, perhaps to the North- 
western States. 

Finally, I shall take the liberty of quoting Colonel Jordan in reply 
to himself ("Life of Forrest," page 134). In giving the deeds of For- 
rest and his men in the fray, he says : 

They assisted in the capture of General Prentiss's men, and, being mounted, 
as well as comparatively fresh, led the advance upon the ridge, where the bat- 
tery was established. Despite the efforts of the Federal officers, such was the 
confusion prevalent as Forrest began to skirmish vigorously, that he sent a 
staff officer to report to General Polk (from whom he had last received orders), 
that by a strong, rapid, forward movement, the enemy might be driven into the 
river, 

Jordan also says in a note (page 135), that Willie Forrest, a boy of 
fifteen — 

with two other comrades of the same age, happening to get detached, made 
their way to the river, near which they came upon fifteen or twenty Federal 
soldiers. Firing upon the group with their shot-guns, these boys then charged, 
and captured and led away s;me fifteen prisoners, whom they delivered to the 
provost-marshal. 



CHALMERS'S ACCOUNT. 637 

Could a more striking illustration be given of the demoralization of 
the Federal army ; and this, too, under '* a raking fire from the gun- 
boats, and the artillery of both sides playing over their heads ! " 

Another incident of the battle, in connection with General Forrest 
and his son, deserves to be remembered as illustrative of the condition of 
our undisciplined troops after the fight, and as showing how much was 
lost by a failure to press forward while our men were together, and be- 
fore night and the demoralization of victory, with its rich spoils, had 
scattered them ; and it is thus told by General Chalmers : 

When night put a stop to my efforts to take the last hill above Pittsburg 
Landing, I fell back, and found to my great surprise that our whole army had 
fallen back. I bivouacked my men in line on the ground where Prentiss surren- 
dered, and about midnight was awakened by Colonel (afterward General) For- 
rest, who was searching for his son, whom he supposed to have been killed. 

He asked me first for the headquarters of General Beauregard, then of 
Bragg, Polk, and Hardee ; and I told him I did not know where any of them 
were. He asked then where my command was; and I answered, "Sleeping in 
line before me with their guns by their sides." He replied, " You are the first 
general I have found to-night who knows where his men are, and if the enemy 
attack us in the morning they will whip us like hell! " He said, " I will put out 
a picket in front of you." And he did, and gave me timely notice, before day, 
that the enemy was preparing to advance. 

It is thus seen that, so far from General Bragg's corps withdraw- 
ing before the distribution of the order, both Jackson and Withers 
concur that this order came direct from General Beauregard ; while 
Chalmers, who did not receive any order to retire, continued the fight 
alone until dark. 

Chalmers says, in a memorandum to the writer : 

One more resolute movement forward would have captured Grant and his 
whole army, and fulfilled to the letter the battle-plan of the great Confederate 
general, who died in the belief that victory was ours, and that his own reputa- 
tion was fully redeemed. 

General Beauregard sums up his theory of the plan of battle in his 
report in the following language : 

By a rapid and vigorous attack on General Grant, it was expected he would 
be beaten back into his transports and the river, or captured in time to enable 
us to profit by the victory, and remove to the rear all the stores and munitions 
that would fall into our hands in such an event before the arrival of General 
BuelFs army on the scene. It was never contemplated, however, to retain the 
position thus gained and abandon Corinth, the strategic point of the campaign. 

Why, then, did he stop short in his career ? Sunday evening, it was 
not a question of retaining, but of gaining Pittsburg Landing. On 
that day there was no strategic point for Confederates under all the 



638 BATTLE OF SHILOII. 

heavens except the heart and vitals of Grant's army, which crouched 
throbbing, pierced, mangled, and bleeding, under the bluffs at Pitts- 
burg Landing. 

That General Beauregard's view of General Johnston's plans is 
fallacious, must be apparent to the reader of these pages. It is un- 
happily only too plain that he misinterpreted the vast purpose of his 
commander. What were the consequences of that mistake ? 

The last attack of the day was about to be made, and in suflicient 
force to insure its success. Most of the Confederate brigades were 
swarming to the front, converging their lines upon the sole point of de- 
fense. Their ability to take it seems scarcely to admit a doubt. That 
little screen thrown down, the Federal army lay at the absolute mercy 
of its antagonist. The Confederates, in possession of the heights, could 
have poured concentrated destruction and slaughter into the confused 
mass below, and compelled instant surrender. All the fruits of victory 
seemed within the grasp of the Confederate army, when the prize so 
dearly bought was suddenly snatched away. It was as in those dreams 
where visions of untold riches, and power, and splendor, loom before 
the sleeper, when a word rudely awakens him to the hard realities, it 
may be even to the cruel afflictions, of actual life. The Confederates 
saw Grant crushed, annihilated ; Buell checked, retreating ; the tide of 
war rolled back and pouring across the border ; Kentucky, Missouri, 
aroused, instinct with martial fervor, and springing into the ranks with 
their sisters of the South ; renewed prestige, restored confidence, in- 
creased credit, strength, and means of warfare ; peace, prosperity, and 
independence ; and a young and strong Confederacy, a martial virgin 
— a helmeted Minerva — among the nations, entering on a long and 
splendid career, in which liberty and order, justice and tradition, power 
and peace, should uphold the fabric of the state. The omen of the 
name was to be fulfilled. At " Shiloh," " he whose right it is " was 
about to prevail. But, in the sad significance of the result, the fulfill- 
ment remained as obscure as the oracle was ambiguous. After all, it 
was only a dream, in which bearded men and red-handed warriors saw, 
through the smoke of the battle-field, and the mists of blood-reeking 
forest-lands, an idea grow into life. But the spell was broken, the 
scene dissolved ; all these fair promises of the future " are melted into 
air, thin air " — 

" And, like the baseless fabric of this vision, 
.... this insubstantial pageant faded, 
Leave not a rack behind." 

All was shattered by one word. " On ! " would have made it his- 
tory; but the commanding general said, " Retire." Oh, the power of 
a general-in-chief ! It was all over. That bloody field was to mean 



DARKNESS. 639 

nothing in all time but a slain hero, and 25,000 dauntless soldiers 
strotclicd upon a bloody field — and another day of purposeless slaugh- 
ter, with broken bands of desperate men mangling and slaying to 
no visible end in all God's plan of setting up the right. The great 
forest tract was sinking into darkness, stained, trampled, and echoing 
with groans. But the victory — its very hope — was gone. " They had 
watered their horses in the Tennessee River ; " but, when he fell who 
spoke the word, the prediction had lost its meaning. 



CHAPTER XXXV. 



THE NIGHT OF THE 6TH. 



Nightfall found the victorious Confederates retiring from the 
front, and abandoning the vantage-ground on the bluffs, won at such a 
cost of blood. This gave the Federals room and opportunity to come 
out from their corner, and to advance and reoccupythe strong positions 
from which they had been driven, and dispose their troops on much 
more favorable ground than the crowded landing permitted. Called 
off from the pursuit by staff officers, who gave no specific instructions, 
the brigades, according to circumstances, bivouacked on the battle-field, 
marched to the rear, or made themselves comfortable on the profuse 
spoils of the enemy's encampments. Some were painfully threading 
the dark paths of the forest, finding or losing their way, in search of 
vaguely-designated positions. Others sought the sleep of exhaustion 
in dread of some sudden sally, not knowing how they lay toward friend 
or foe. 

Jordan estimates the losses of the 6th ("Life of Forrest," page 138) 
at 6,500, There were, of course, many stragglers. He estimates the 
Confederate infantry, ready for battle on the morning of the 7th, at 
20,000 men. Jordan also says that Polk led his troops a mile and a 
half to the rear of Shiloh. This is a mistake. Clark's division, now 
under A. P. Stewart, bivouacked on the ground. Cheatham, having 
become detached with one brigade, thought best to retire to his en- 
campments of the night before ; but he held his men well in hand, 
and had them ready for engagement early next morning. Their 
withdrawal and position were reported that night by General Polk to 
General Beauregard, who gave no orders for their return. Polk joined 
them, in order to be sure of their early presence on the field, and led 
42 



640 THE NIGHT OF THE 6TH. 

them back at an early hour ; and their conduct was uncommonly spir- 
ited on Monday. 

At regular intervals of ten minutes the gunboats threw a shell; 
and the boom and roar of these heavy missiles, bursting among the 
tired Confederates, broke their repose and added to the demoralization. 
At midnight, too, another heavy storm broke upon them, drenching 
those who had not been so fortunate as to secure shelter in the Federal 
encampments. There was no lack of provisions, however, and the men 
reveled without stint in the unwonted luxuries of the Federal sutlers' 
stores. 

At headquarters, credence was given to a misleading dispatch from 
Decatur (or Florence). 

Colonel Jordan, in a letter to the Savannah Repuhllcan^ says of 
General Beauregard : 

Animated by the plain dictates of prudence and foresight, he sought to be 
ready for the coming storm, which he had anticipated and predicted as early as 
the afternoon of the 5th. 

By this he means the arrival of Buell's reenforcements. And he 
says in the same letter : 

General Beauregard had the current [concurrent ?] evidence of prisoners and 
scouts, that Buell's arrival was confidently expected. ... It was, however, 
after General Beauregard had given his orders, and made his arrangements as 
far as practicable to meet any exigency, that I joined him and communicated 
the substance of a dispatch, addressed to General Johnston, that bad been 
handed me on the battle-field, which encouraged the hope that the main part of 
BuelFs forces had marched in the direction of Decatur. 

He says (in his " Life of Forrest," page 136) that this emanated 
from a reliable officer, placed near Florence for observation, and adds : 

Buell's timely junction ^vith General Grant was accordingly deemed impos- 
sible. Therefore the capture of the latter was regarded at Confederate head- 
quarters as inevitable the next day, as soon as all the scattered Confederate 
reserves could be brought to bear for a concentrated effort. 

Colonel Preston telegraphed to the President from Corinth, April 

7th. 

General Johnston fell yesterday while leading a successful charge, turning 
the enemy's right, and gaining a brilliant victory. (Here follow some details 
already given.) Last night Colonel Gilmer informed me he saw the enemy em- 
barking under cover of their gunboats — and no commencement of the conflict 
was expected by General Beauregard. 

In spite of the somewhat imprudent boasts of General Prentiss that 
Buell's reenforcements would turn the tide of battle in the morning, it 



FEDERAL REEXFORCEMENTS. 641 

was expected, therefore, that the next day's work would be merely to 
pick up the spoils of victor3^ During the night, Forrest reported that 
reenforcements were arriving ; but no other steps were taken than the 
usual precautions against surprise by an army in the face of the enemy. 

Lew Wallace's division, 8,000 strong, came marching up from 
Crump's Landing, a little after nightfall, and, filing over the Snake 
Creek crossing, was placed soon after midnight on the Federal right, 
covering the fragments of Sherman's and McClernand's divisions. 
Durins: the nio-ht the entire divisions of Nelson and. Crittenden were 
got across the river, and, by daylight, that of McCook began to arrive. 
Nelson took position on the left ; Crittenden, next to him ; and then 
McCook. The interval between McCook and Wallace was occupied 
by such commands of Grant's army as the officers had been able to get 
into shape. 

Badeau (" Life of Grant," page 86) says : 

All the camps originally occupied by the national troops were in the hands 
of the enemy, but the rebel advance had been checked at every point. The 
division organization was, however, greatly broken up. Sherman had lost 
thousands by desertion and straggling ; Prentiss had been captured, with 2,200 
men ; while W. H. L. Wallace's command was nearly destroyed, by casualties 
and the loss of its chief. The line, as constituted on Sunday night, was simply 
a mass of brave men, determined to hold their own against the enemy, wherever 
they found a commander. 

General Sherman says that as early as 5 P. m., on the 6th, General 
Grant thought the battle could be retrieved next day, and ordered him 
to resume offensive operations. The inference from his letters and 
*• Memoirs " is that these offensive movements were determined on irre- 
spective of Buell's reenforcements ; but it is impossible to believe Gen- 
eral Grant ignorant of Buell's movements, especially after recent con- 
ference with him. It is not hard to understand that, if he could escape 
capture that night, he would expect, with nearly 30,000 fresh troops 
coming to his reenforcement, to recover his lost ground next day. But 
it is evident, from the comparative sluggishness and feebleness of their 
next morning's operations, that Grant's troops were in no condition to 
attack unaided. His routed and panic-stricken army rapidly regained 

>its courage, however, as division after division came up on its flanks, 
unshaken by the horrors of the day, and eager to renew the contest. 
The respite given by the early cessation of the combat was ably im- 
proved before night came on ; and the narrow space into which the 
troops had been crowded, for lack of avenues of escape, now aided in 

■ their reorganization. The night was spent in this work. 

■ Sherman estimates that 18,000 men remained, Sunday evening, fit 
m for battle. These, with the reenforcements, would give some 46,000 
K Federals for the fight on Mondav. But if only 18,000 remained, what 

k 



C42 THE NIGHT OF TEE 6TH. 

a story it tells of the havoc and rout of Sunday ! Two-thirds of the 
army dead, wounded, or missing ! These statements of Grant's strength 
have been met by the flat contradiction of General Buell and his 
friends, as being absolutely inconsistent with the situation of affairs. 
In an interview with Major J. M. Wright, of his staff, authoritatively 
published in the Louisville Courier-Journal^ General Buell speaks in 
reference to these matters as follows : 

My own recollection has always been that General Sherman's explanations 
on that occasion were briefer than would ordinarily be expected from him, and 
that if there was much conversation it consisted mainly in my unequivocal state- 
ment to him that I should attack the enemy the next morning at daylight, and 
in my endeavor to get such information from him as might be useful in the exe- 
cution of that design. I should not have paid much attention to his opinion 
with reference to what was left of the Army of the Tennessee, for I probably 
knew more about that than he did. I had seen its disorganized fragments about 
the landing and along the bank of the river, and walked pretty much the whole 
extent of its organized front. I have stated, on a previous occasion, that the 
number of troops that retained their ranks at the close of the first day did not 
probably exceed 10,000 men. A measurement of the ground which they occu- 
pied will show that the number could not have been more than 5,000, exclusive 
of Lew Wallace's division. That number may have been slightly increased the 
next morning from stragglers, under the encouraging eflect of a large and fresh 
body of troops, but my belief is it did not exceed that number. 

Indeed, it seems improbable that such orders were issued to Sher- 
man that night, as the other division commanders mention the next 
morning as the time when they received them. Evidently, all depend- 
ed on what Buell could do. 

General Buell says, speaking of Sherman's sketch-map of the battle- 
field sent to the writer: 

Sherman's sketch is also an interesting one, as showing the positions from 
which they were driven, and the dwindled front to which they Avere reduced. 
It will help to show, in connection with other circumstantial evidence, that, of 
the army of not less than 50,000 effective men which Grant had on the west 
bank of the Tennessee Eiver, not more than 5,000 were in ranks and available 
on the battle-field at nightfall on the 6th, exclusive of Lew Wallace's division, 
say 8,500 men, that only came up during the night. The rest were either killed, 
wounded, captured, or scattered in inextricable and hopeless confusion for miles 
along the banks of the river. 



RENEWAL OF BATTLE. (343 



II. 



THE BATTLE OF MONDAY. 



Buell says ia his report : 

Soon after five o'clock, on tlio morning of the 7th, General Nelson's and 
General Crittenden's divisions, the only ones yet arrived on the ground, moved 
promptly forward to meet the enemy. Nelson's division, marching in line of 
battle, soon came upon his pickets, drove them in, and at about six o'clock re- 
ceived the fire of his artillery. 

Buell then pushed forward his artillery, which engaged the Confed- 
erates, while Crittenden aligned his division on Nelson's right ; and 
McCook, whose division was beginning to arrive, took position on the 
right of Crittenden. The line, when formed, had a front of one mile 
and a half. Buell had with him, also, two fragments of Grant's army 
that he had picked up, each about 1,000 strong. 

The forces on the Confederate right, which encountered Nelson, 
were extremely fragmentary. Chalmers's brigade, and the remains of 
Jackson's, which had fallen to pieces in the night, were there. The regi- 
ments of Gladden's brigade were represented by small bands of one or 
two hundred men, under various commanders. Colonel Deas, with 224 
men of Gladden's brigade, was aided by the Fourth Kentucky, which 
had become detached from Trabue's brigade. In a charge he lost half 
of them. The First Tennessee from Stephens's brigade, the One Hun- 
dred and Fifty-fourth Tennessee from .Tohnson's, and the " Crescent " 
Regiment from Pond's, which had so distinguished itself on the left 
centre the previous afternoon, were found mingled in the confused and 
bloody conflict on the right. Chalmers was at one time detached from 
the command of his own brigade by General Withers, in order to lead 
one of these conglomerate commands ; and Colonel Wheeler had charge 
of two or three regiments thrown together. General Withers strove, 
with great gallantry and skill, to bring order out of all this confusion ; 
but in vain. Nelson's division encountered this line about seven o'clock, 
and after a contest of half an hour was driven back. The elation of 
yesterday would not yet permit these men to think themselves other- 
wise than invincible. 

The battle, not only here but all along the line, consisted all the morn- 
ing of a series of charges and counter-charges, in which the assailants 
were always beaten back with loss. The Federals suffered heavily, and 
the ragged front of the Southern regiments wasted away. Once or 
twice, during lulls in the battle, the Confederates retired, taking new 
and strong positions. General Chalmers tells how, after having re- 



CA4: SECOND BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

pulsed a charg'e of Nelson's line in force, with a double command of his 
own and his temporary brigade, the Confederates were driven back some 
300 yards. Then, having been rallied, they boldly met and drove back 
their pursuers in turn, and reoccupied the lost ground. Nelson came 
on again with still heavier battalions, the fight was renewed, and the 
Confederates were again driven down the hill. The One Hundred and 
Fifty-fourth Tennessee and the remnant of Blythe's Mississippi coming 
up, they were again rallied. Chalmers tried once more to rouse them to 
a charge ; but his appeals were unheeded by the exhausted men, till he 
seized the colors of the Ninth Mississippi Regiment, and called on them 
to follow. With a wild shout, the whole brigade rushed in and drove 
the enemy back, until it reoccupied its first position of the morning. 
In this charge Wheeler led a regiment on foot, carrying its colors him- 
self. Lieutenant-Colonel Rankin, commanding the Ninth Mississippi, 
fell mortally wounded ; and the major, J. E. Whitfield, who had on 
Sunday led the skirmishers, was also there wounded. The Second 
Texas and Twenty-first Alabama, under Colonel Moore, while advan- 
cing, having been falsely told that the troops on their front were Breck- 
inridge's, fell into an ambuscade and lost so heavily that they fell back 
in confusion. 

Equally sanguinary struggles occurred on the centre and left. Rug- 
gles's division was very fully engaged, both Gibson's and Anderson's 
brigades charging repeatedly, and capturing batteries, which they could 
not, however, bring off. There had been an intermingling of commands 
on Sunday, but on Monday all order was lost. The positions of regi- 
ments nearly resembled a shuffled pack of cards, in which none adjoins 
its next in suit except by chance. It is not possible so to unravel the 
tangled skein of narratives as correctly to assign the alignment of the 
Confederate front. Indeed, in every combat it shifted in agonized con- 
tortions, as the heavy blows fell upon it from an army of double its 
numbers, and largely made up of fresh troops. It no longer fought 
with the enthusiasm of the dsij previous, when the stake seemed empire ; 
but it had been sifted of all who were physically or morally incapable 
of enduring the sternest ordeals. Its charges were made with a des- 
perate fury from which the strongest columns recoiled. A broken band 
of heroic spirits, united by no tie but their common cause, would gather 
itself for an assault, which looked impossible of achievement and fruit- 
less of results. As it waited the signal, looking to the right or left for 
succor that would not come, it might shiver a little at the bloody jaws 
of death that yawned to receive it, but it did not quail. The word 
would be given, and some martial spirit — general, colonel, or daring 
subordinate impatient for glory — would seize the riddled flag, and rush 
with reckless valor against the foe. The " rebel 3'ell " — that penetrat- 
ing scream of menace and resolve — went up, and the line would hurl 



UNAVAILING HEROISM. G45 

itself headlong, sometimes to success, sometimes to meet a storm of lead 
and iron, which strewed the field with the wounded and the dead. And 
this went on all the morning, until noon, until one, two o'clock. 
This pictui-e is not a fancy sketch. Patton Anderson says : 

When one of General Cheatham's regiments had been appealed to in vain to 
make a charge on the advancing foe, Lieutenant Sandidge, seizing its colors and 
holding them high overhead, calHng upon the regiment to follow liim, spurred 
his horse to the front, and charged over the brow of the hill amid a shower of 
leaden hail from the enemy. The effect was electrical. The regiment moved 
gallantly to the support of its colors, but superior numbers soon pressed it back 
to its original position. Colonel Stanley, of the Ninth Texas, did the same thing 
with the same result. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Jones, of the Seventeenth Louisiana, sa3's that, 
just before the retreat, having collected some two hundred stragglers 
into line, General Ruggles ordered them to advance, and adds : 

The general at this instant rode in front of the lines, and, seizing the flag 
from the hands of the color-bearer, gallantly led them to the charge. In this 
charge he was assisted by Colonel S. S. Heard. 

Colonel Looncy, Thirty-eighth Tennessee, says of Captain John C. 
Carter : 

At one time he took the flag, and, urging his men forward, rendered me great 
assistance in moving forward the entire regiment. 

Major Caldwell, of the Twelfth Tennessee, says in his report : 

Private Fielder took charge of Companies B and G, which were left without 
a commissioned officer. He led these two companies all day in the thickest part 
of the battle. 

Colonel Mouton, of the Eighteenth Louisiana, says in his report : 

From 8 a. m. until half-past 1 p. m. we were constantly marching and counter- 
marching — the " Orleans Guards," in the mean time, having been attached to my 
command. About 2 p. m. we were ordered to move on the enemy — which was 
done without energy or life by the troops twice in succession, notwithstanding 
the noble and daring efforts of Generals Beauregard and Bragg to lead them on 
in the face of the enemy. The fact is, the men were completely exhausted from 
inanition and physical fatigue, many dropping in the attempt to move forward. 
Here I was wounded in the face. 

These are but a few instances of the many acts, recorded and unre- 
corded, of individual heroism by which the wearied soldiers were ani- 
mated and inspired. They were of no avail. 

One of the most painful features resulting from the confusion was 
the waste of time and strength resulting from contradictory orders and 



e4:Q SECOND BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

purposeless manoeuvres. Nearly every report mentions some fact illus- 
trating this. Colonel Pond, whose brigade had encamped on the left, 
within four hundred yards of the enemy, was left some three-quarters 
of a mile in advance of the general line. He was attacked early in 
the morning by Lew Wallace's brigade, and, after a sharp engage- 
ment, fell back under cover of the artillery-fire of Captain Ketchum's 
battery, which was fighting within infantry-range. The artillery was 
managed in the most skillful and intrepid manner, and finally withdrew, 
covered by the Texas Rangers. Pond says of Ketchum, " The safety 
of my command was due to him." He continues : 

Upon reaching the main line, the left of which was at the enemy's first camp 
on the Savannah road, I was ordered by General Ruggles to form on the extreme 
left, and rest my left on Owl Creek. While proceeding to execute this order, I 
was ordered to move by the rear of the main line to support the extreme right 
of General Hardee's line. I was again ordered by General Beauregard to ad- 
vance and occupy the crest of a ridge in the edge of an old field. My line was 
just formed in this position, when General Polk ordered me forward to support 
his line. "While moving to the support of General Polk, an order reached me 
from General Beauregard to report to him, with my command, at his headquar- 
ters. This was on the extreme left; where my brigade became engaged in the 
fight, which continued until the contest between the armies ceased. 

The attack of the Federal army was well conducted, systematic, and 
spirited. Ammen's brigade was opposed to Chalmers, next the river ; 
and Hazen's brigade, on Nelson's right, charged with great dash and 
success, until it was cut up by cross-fires from Breckinridge's command. 
Hazen and Animen were driven back, but were rallied on Terrell's artil- 
lery, and on Crittenden's left brigade under Smith, and their own re- 
serve under Bruce. The regiments in reserve of the Army of the Ten- 
nessee were also brought up. Nelson must have displayed conspicuous 
gallantry in this conflict. He is said to have been recognized animat- 
ing his men by Kentuckians on the Confederate side. 

Crittenden's division moved simultaneously with Nelson's, and with 
well-delivered blows ; but, as has been seen, they were unavaiHng to 
break down the wall of living men opposed to it, in the main under the 
direction of Hardee. General Crittenden said to the writer that this 
was the hardest figliting he saw in the war, and was over a very narrow 
space. 

Between eight and nine o'clock, McCook's leading brigade, under 
Rousseau, went in on the centre, soon followed by Gibson's, and eventu- 
ally by Kirk's brigade. 

General Hardee's report contains this account of Monday's battle : 

On Monday, about six o'clock, portions of my command were formed upon an 
alignment with other troops on the left to resist the enemy, who soon opened a 



AT THE CENTRE. 647 

hot fire on our advanced lines. The battle reanimated our men, and the strong 
columns of the enemy were repulsed, again and again, by our tired and disor- 
dered but brave and steadfast troops. The enemy brought up fresh reenforce- 
ments, pouring them continually upon us. At times our lines recoiled, as it 
were, before the overwhelming physical weight of the enemy's forces; but tlie 
men rallied readily, and fought with unconquerable spirit. Many of our best 
regiments, signalized in the battle of Sunday by their steady valor, reeled un- 
der the sanguinary struggle on the succeeding day, 

McCook's line of advance was along the road frona Pittsburg' to 
Shiloh, and through the adjacent countrj' to the southeast. Here 
Breckinridge's two brigades, under Bowen and Statham, and what 
was left of Hindman's and Cleburne's commands, under Hardee's own 
eye, formed the nucleus of the defense. Cleburne, who had gone in on 
Sunday 2,750 strong, had but 800 men left. Half the remainder were 
dead or wounded ; half were scattered or had fled. He advanced on 
Breckinridge's left, under fires and cross-fires, gallantly suj^ported by 
the Washington Artillery. In a charge of the whole line, his men were 
mowed down and the brigade repulsed. Lieutenant-Colonel Neil, of 
the Twenty-third Tennessee, was shot through the body, and Acting-Ma- 
jor Cowley, of the Fifteenth Arkansas, killed. But, when the enemy at- 
tempted to advance, Cleburne led fifty-eight men of the Fifteenth Ar- 
kansas in a counter-charge, and repulsed them. Here fell Lieutenant- 
Colonel Fatton, its sole surviving field officer. Hindman's troops fought 
near by, with almost identical results. 

The Southern troops held the Federal army at bay with obstinate 
courage, giving back blow for blow, till the assailant reeled and called 
to the front all his reserves. The account already given sufficiently 
describes the character of the contest : stubborn combats in the woods, 
charges, repulses, counter-charges, surges of slaughter and fury, with 
lulls and pauses in the heat and motion of the fray. The Federal officers 
rivaled their adversaries in the display of personal bravery. Rousseau 
behaved with great gallantry. Colonel Kirk, commanding the Fifth 
Brigade, McCook's division, came upon the Thirty-fourth Illinois as it 
wavered, appalled, before a burst of battle-flame which had killed its 
commander. Major Levenway. It was Kirk's own regiment. He seized 
a flag, rushed forward, and steadied the line again ; while doing this 
he was severely wounded in the shoulder. 

McCook's troops deserve the more credit for their persistent attacks, 
as they had marched twenty-two miles the day before, and a portion 
of them had stood all night in the streets of Savannah without sleep. 
McCook says : 

At Pittsburg Landing the head of my column had to force its way through 
thousands of panic-stricken and wounded men, before it could engage the enemy. 



G48 SECOND BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

Sherman, in his advance toward the close of the battle, saw, from 
his position on McCook's right, the latter part of his contest in front 
of Shiloh Church, He says : 

Here I saw for the first time the well-ordered and compact Kentucky forces 
of General Buell, whose soldierly movement gave confidence to our newer and 
less-disciplined forces. Here I saw Willich's regiment advance upon a point of 
water-oaks and thicket, behind which I knew the enemy was in great strength, 
and enter it in beautiful style. Then arose the severest musTcetry-fire I ever 
Jieardy and lasted twenty minutes, when this splendid regiment had to fall back, 

"Willich's regiment had received its " baptism of fire " from the 
Texan Rangers at Green River crossing, as narrated in these pages. 
It now accepted immersion in flame at the hands of troops under 
Cheatham and Gibson. 

General Polk led Cheatham's division, which had probably suffered 
the least disorganization of any command on the field, to its position, 
in support of Breckinridge's left, as Cheatham says. This was, as near 
as can be ascertained, the left centre of the Confederate line — some- 
what to the front and left of Shiloh Church. His other division, Clark's, 
now under A. P. Stewart, had bivouacked near the front, and got early 
into action. It was probably fully ten o'clock, Avhen Cheatham, hav- 
ing formed his division, with Gibson's brigade, and the Thirty-third 
Tennessee (of Stewart's brigade), and the Twenty-seventh Tennessee 
(of Wood's brigade), was called on to resist the onset of Grant's re- 
organized forces, which were now led to the attack by Sherman. The 
defense was made with unblenching courage. 

Sherman seems to have had a general supervision of Grant's troops. 
Wallace's, Prentiss's, and Hurlbut's divisions, had almost disappeared 
from the contest ; but as their residuary legatee, and with part of his 
own and McClernand's men, after seventeen hours of respite, he was 
able to muster a formidable force. Awe of the terrible foe in front of 
them strove for mastery with mortification, emulation of Buell's prog- 
ress, and the generous emotions of soldiers striving to recover their 
lost prestige. McClernand aided in leading the men, and Hurlbut was 
active in reorganizing the troops, and bringing them up at critical 
moments.' 

This large force and Lew Wallace's division were led simultaneous- 
ly against the lines held by Polk, and farther to the left by Bragg, 
who had here Anderson's, Pond's, and Trabue's brigades, and some 
remnants of Cleburne's and other commands. The odds were tremen- 

' General Hurlbut informs the writer that his division was " complete in organization, 
every regiment in place in line of battle," both Sunday evening and Monday morning. 
The writer feels that it is due to General Hurlbut to give this statement, though his 
own inference from the Federal reports is different. 



COMBAT BETWEEN- POLK AND SHERMAN. 649 

dous. It is hard to conceive how they maintained themselves. Eight 
or ten thousand jaded men had here to cope with twenty to twenty-five 
thousand of the enemy. General Beauregard was present in person 
directing the battle. But that gray line stood like a rock-bound coast 
ao-ainst which the blue and silver surges beat in vain. Again and again 
they rushed on ; but fell back, scattered in spray, as the breaker that has 
spent its force. Wave after wave of Northern soldiery came pouring 
with deadly purpose against the Confederate front and recoiled, shat- 
tered and in dismay. It was only when the right was withdrawn, and 
McCook was thus allowed to press their flank, that this stout line slowly 
fell back in sullen defiance. Polk says : 

They engaged the enemy so soon as they were formed, and fought him for 
four hours one of the most desperately contested conflicts of the battle. The 
enemy was driven gradually from his position ; and, though reenforced several 
times during the engagement, he could make no impression on that part of 
the line. 

Major Love, commanding the Twenty-seventh Tennessee, was mor- 
tally wounded ; and Colonel Preston Smith, commanding Johnson's 
brigade, was severely wounded, but retained his command. 

This force maintained the position it had held for so many hours up to half- 
past two o'clock, the time at which orders were received from the general 
commanding to withdraw the troops from the field. 

Cheatham's command was formed immediately in front of a large 
force of the enemy, then pressing forward vigorousl}'. He gives the 
following report of this hard-fought field : 

My engagement here commenced almost the instant I had formed, and was 
for four hours the most hotly contested I have witnessed. My own command 
fought with great gallantry and desperation, and for two hours I gradually 
drove the enemy from his position, and he, though constantly reenforced during 
the conflict, and with heavy odds in his favor at the beginning, failed utterly in 
accomplishing anything. . . . During the engagement here I Avas reenforced by 
Colonel Gibson with a Louisiana brigade, and by Colonel Campbell with his 
gallant Thirty-third Tennessee, all of whom deserve particular mention. . . . 
At half-past one o'clock I occupied about the same position at which I first came 
in collision with the enemy. 

Major A. P. Avegno, commanding the Thirteenth Louisiana, of 
Gibson's brigade, was mortally wounded here, and many officers and 
men fell resisting the Federal onsets. 

Being now reenforced with artiller}'-, in which he had been deficient, 
Cheatham continues : 

Thus strengthened, I would have had no difficulty in maintaining my posi- 
tion during the remainder of the day ; hut at half -past two o'clock, p. m., by 



650 SECOND BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

orders from Major-General Polk, I withdrew my command slowly, and in order, 
in the direction of my camp, the enemy making no advance whatever. 

The movement on the Federal right conducted by Lew Wallace, in 
conjunction with Sherman's division, was comparatively slow, as has 
been stated already. Wallace began skirmishing at daylight, simul- 
taneously with Nelson. But outlying bands of Southerners promptly 
took up the battle, where they had left it off the night before. His 
skirmishers pushed these back, though not vigorously, until the Con- 
federates on that flank, roused to the fact, rushed forward and drove 
his advance back for nearly a mile, thus securing a strong position 
" on an eminence in an open field, near Owl Creek, which we held until 
near the close of the conflict, against every effort the enemy could 
make." ' 

Wallace, making no headway in front, contented himself with trying 
to edge cautiously up along Owl Creek so as to turn the Confederate 
flank. He found this a perilous game, and at ten o'clock had made no 
real progress. It is evident that he was not able or willing to venture 
his entire strength against the Confederate left, because he did not feel 
secure of support from Sherman's and McClernand's beaten troops. It 
was ten o'clock before the combined attack was made in force. The 
strength of the Confederates who met it was not commensurate with 
the task required of them, but they made up in desperate valor for 
their weakness in numbers. Bragg had the chief direction here, and 
his force was made up, as already mentioned, of the remnants of Cle- 
burne's brigade and other organizations and Trabue's brigade. Later 
in the day, part of Ruggles's division came up here and took part in the 
defense. About noon, this force fell back to the neighborhood of Shi- 
loh, which it held till ordered to retreat. 

On Sunday night, Trabue's Kentucky Brigade had occupied Mc- 
Dowell's camps between Shiloh and Owl Creek, feasting and making 
theinselves comfortable with the spoils of war. On the other hand, 
Patton Anderson, for fear of demoralization, had bivouacked with his 
brigade in the open, resting himself under an apple-tree with a 
blanket over his head, while the pitiless storm once again beat upon 
himself and his men. Yet it would be hard to say that either brigade 
excelled the other in valor or in the fortitude with which it endured 
ten hours more of slaughter and reverse. It would seem from this — 
and other instances might be adduced — that the effect of the " spoils " 
upon the demoralization of the army has been greatly overrated, though 
of course they were not without their influence on the more ignorant 
and rapacious. The Kentucky Brigade, with Byrne's battery, got a 
strong position, to the left of the road from Shiloh to Pittsburg. It 

' Bragg's " Report." 



THE KENTUCKIANS. 651 

held this four hours. As the gratlual pressure upon the right after a 
while brought the Federal troops upon its flank, Bragg ordered a charge 
by the Fourth Kentucky Regiment and the Fourth Alabama Battalion. 
After a contest of twenty minutes they drove back the enemy on their 
reserves ; but were in turn driven back four or five hundred yards. 
Patton Anderson's brigade coming to their aid, " they again drove back 
the enemy ; and thus, forward and backward, was the ground crossed 
and recrossed four times." It was a terrific combat. Lieutenant- 
Colonel Hines, commanding the Fourth Kentucky, was wounded ; the 
heroic Major Thomas B. Monroe, was mortally wounded ; Captain 
Nuckols, acting major, was badly wounded ; Captains Ben Monroe, 
Thompson, and Fitzhenry, and four lieutenants, were wounded. Monroe 
died on the battle-field, bequeathing his sword to his infant son, and 
requesting that he might be told that " his father died in defense of 
his honor and of the rights of his country." 

Governor George W. Johnson had gone into the battle on horseback, 
acting as a volunteer aide to the commander of the Kentucky Brigade. 
His horse was killed under him on Sunday', when he took a musket, 
and fought on foot in the ranks of the Fourth Kentuckj'. In the last 
repulse of that regiment he was shot through the body, and was left 
upon the field. He was not found until the next day, when he was 
taken into the Federal camp still alive, but soon died. He was a brave 
and patriotic citizen, who sealed his convictions with his blood. 

The Sixth and Ninth Kentucky held their ground farther to the left 
until the close of the fight. Lieutenant-Colonel Cofer and Lieutenant 
Colonel R. A. Johnson and Major John W. Caldwell were wounded, and 
many brave men fell. In the Ninth Kentucky, four color-corporals 
were killed, and three color-corporals and the color-sergeant were 
wounded. The career of victory had, on Sunday afternoon, reunited 
Breckinridge's divided command with his old brigade in front of Pitts- 
burg Landing, at the close of the battle. Separated again on Monday, 
they fought in opposite wings, until these were bent back, when they 
met again in front of Shiloh Church. 

By one o'clock, it was apparent to General Beauregard that the 
contest was hopeless. The movement of the Federal army was that of 
the tide as it crawls up the beach. Each living ripple Avas rolled back 
at the musket's mouth ; and yet, after seven hours of struggle, the 
Confederates had lost ground, and were evidently maintaining a hope- 
less conflict. There was no object in remaining there without a chance 
of victory. 

Beauregard at last determined to retreat, and made his dispositions 
judiciously to that end. In the lull of a temporary success, he retired 
his right wing first, in good order, but in readiness to renew the conflict 
if assailed, and with such deliberation that the skirmishers were able to 



652 SECOND BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

contest and check the Federal advance. The retreat was by alternate 
lines, and was skillfully conducted by General Beauregard. The press- 
ure on that wing, moreover, was relieved by the direction given to 
Nelson's column, which was moved toward Hamburg. General Beau- 
regard says : 

About 2 p. M. the lines in advance, which had repulsed the enemy in their 
last fierce assault on our left and centre, received the orders to retire. This was 
done with uncommon steadiness, and the enemy made no attempt to follow. 

Before they fell back, the Kentucky Brigade, with Marmaduke's 
Arkansas Regiment, and Tappan's Arkansas Regiment, had a final com- 
bat with the enemy, in which Colonel Hunt led the Ninth Kentucky in 
a gallant but unavailing charge. Trabue, in his report, puts the fact 
very well when he says : 

The fragmentary forces of hoth armies had concentrated at this time around 
Shiloh Church, and, worn out as were our troops, the field was here successfully 
contested for two hours (i. e., from one until three o'clock) ; when, as if by 
mutual consent, both sides desisted from the struggle. 

Just as the fighting ceased, the Federals were reenforced by two 
fresh brigades of Wood's division which came up. 

In the mean time, under Beauregard's direction, Breckinridge had 
formed Statham's brigade at the junction of the roads to Monterey 
from Hamburg and from Pittsburg, about a mile and a half in the rear 
of Shiloh Church, and this brigade, with the Kentucky Brigade and the 
cavalry, formed the rear-guard of the retiring army. The movement 
backward had been slow and well guarded. Some of the Federal ac- 
counts describe desperate charges, routing the Southerners, about this 
time ; but they are the vainglorious boasts of those who had done the 
least real hard fighting that day. The Confederate army retired like a 
lion, wounded but dauntless, that turns and checks pursuit by the grim 
defiance in his face. The Federal army was well content to recover 
its lost ground, and win back that field from which it had shrunk cower- 
ing and beaten the day before. 

General Beauregard says: 

Our artillery played upon the woods beyond for a while, but upon no visible 
enemy, and without a reply. Soon satisfied that no serious pursuit was, or 
would be, attempted, this last line was withdrawn, and never did troops leave 
battle-field in better order. 

About an hour after the Confederate troops retired, the Federal 
army reoccupied its front line of April 5th. In this day's contest the 
troops of McCook's division had especially signalized themselves. They 
bad entered the field, last of all, at a reentrant angle, and closed the 



ABORTIVE rURSUIT. 653 

day as the salient — the point of a wedge at Shiloh, struggling with the 
heaviest masses of the Southern troops. 

Another rain-storm swept over the exhausted armies, the plentiful 
tears of Heaven shed upon a field of remorseless carnage. It brought 
solace to the fevered wounds of many left unheeded upon the ground 
by friends too eager or too hard pressed to indulge in pity. But it 
added to the hardships and sufferings of the Confederates as they fell 
back over roads thus rendered intolerably bad. The rear-guard biv- 
ouacked in the mud and rain, and next morning moved back slowly to 
Mickey's, about three miles, carrying off the wounded and many spoils. 
It remained at Mickey's, where there was a large hospital, three days, 
burying the dead, removing the wounded, and sending back to Corinth 
its captures. On Friday, Breckinridge marched the rear-guard into 
Corinth. 

The onlj' attempt to follow up the victory was on Tuesday. The 
rear-guard was covered by about 350 cavalry. Colonel Forrest was the 
senior officer. He had 150 men of his own ; a company of Wirt 
Adams's regiment, under Captain Isaac F. Harrison ; a squadron of 
Wharton's Texas Rangers ; and John Morgan, with some of his men. 

Sherman advanced with two brigades and the Fourth Illinois Cav- 
alry, and, receiving the support of a column from General Wood, pro- 
ceeded cautiously on a reconnaissance. Marching with Hildebrand's 
unfortunate Third Brigade in front, he came upon Forrest's cavalry com- 
mand. He at once threw out the Seventy-seventh Ohio Regiment, 
supported by the Fourth Illinois Cavalry, when Forrest, perceiving the 
Federal infantry somewhat disordered in crossing a stream, with his 
quick and bold intuition took the initiative, and led a charge upon 
them. The ground was not favorable to him, as it was miry and cov- 
ered with fallen timber ; but, so sudden and fierce was the onslaught, 
that a panic seized the Federal infantry, and it broke and fled. The 
Confederate horsemen rode through it, shooting down the flying men ; 
and, without drawing rein, rushed headlong upon the cavalry. Neither 
did this stand to meet the shock. As it broke in disorder, Forrest and 
his men burst upon the startled troopers, driving them in tumultuous 
rout and slaying them, until they came upon the main line of Sher- 
man's and Wood's brigades. Forrest, carried away by the ardor of the 
combat, outstripped his own men and many of the enemy, and came 
within fifty yards of the Federal line. A volley greeted him, inflicting 
a severe wound in his side, and mortally wounding his horse. Never- 
theless, in spite of special efforts to kill him, he got back to his men, 
and away. Sherman reports fifteen of Hildebrand's men killed and 
twenty-five wounded, which does not seem to include the cavalry, and 
he makes no mention of seventy-five prisoners, said by Colonel Jordan 
to have been captured and carried off. No steps were taken in pursuit. 



654 SECOND BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

There is one branch of the service to which the writer feels that his 
description of the battle has done scant justice — the artillery. In both 
armies it played a conspicuous part, and challenged the admiration of 
leaders and soldiers alike by its skill and the splendid gallantry with 
which it plunged into the foremost of the fight. The men died at their 
guns, and Avhole batteries were supplied by volunteers from the infan- 
try, who, ignorant but ardent, made shift to hurl destruction upon their 
foes in this unaccustomed way. Ketchum's invaluable services have 
already been alluded to. Byrne's battery rendered not less useful ser- 
vice on Sunday, and again on Monday, to the Kentucky Brigade. When 
Byrne called on the Sixth Kentucky Regiment for a detail, " No de- 
tail," cried John Spurrier, springing from the ranks, " but all the volun- 
teers you want ! " and thus he was supplied. 

Captain Polk lost a leg, fighting his guns well ; Hodgson and 
Slocomb, with the Washington Artillery, are highly commended ; and 
Bankhead's, Gage's, and Girardey's batteries ; and, "indeed, the record of 
gallant and effective service, commemorated in the battle reports, covers 
the entire list of batteries, so that almost any distinction seems invid- 
ious. The brigadiers and infantry commanders appear anxious to tes- 
tify with generous gratitude to the obligations they were under to the 
artillery. A gallant soldier, Major Caldwell of the Ninth Kentucky, 
who afterward commanded a brigade, informed the writer that he never 
saw the artillery fight so audaciously on any other field as at Shiloh. 

It is the same on the Federal side ; and both Grant and Buell men- 
tion the good service done them by the artillery. The guns under 
Colonel Webster that arrested Chalmers's last charge on Sunday even- 
ing made a crisis in the day. Major Taylor is commended by Sher- 
man, and Lieutenant Brotzman by Hurlbut ; and Buell speaks in high 
terms of the services of Mendenhall's, Terrell's, and Bartlett's bat- 
teries. 

The Rev. Robert Collyer, who went up to Pittsburg Landing with 
one of the first boats sent with comforts for those wounded in the bat- 
tle, contributed to the Chicago Tribune some interesting details of 
what he saw and learned there. With regard to the bringing on of 
the first day's battle, he said : 

Among these 285 (wounded) men, many of them officers of intelligence, I 
gathered the only clear ideas and conclusions I was able to come to, concerning 
the battle. I will give them as I got them. They were so evidently the true 
convictions of the men that I listened to them with the deepest interest, not so 
much because they mxist be true (though I think that is of great value), but, 
above all, because that is the way the fighters think, not individually, but in 
masses. 

1. All who said anything about it said that the fatal surprise of Sunday morn- 
ing was the result of unpardonable negligence on the part of the commanders. 



ROBERT COLLYER'S CRITICISM. 655 

The men themselves knew that the woods all about them -were swarming with 
the enemy (I quote the exact phrases) ; but tliere was no effort made to get a 
clear knowledge of the real condition of things, and not oven a picket-guard 
sent out until perhaps Saturday ; and that this knowledge that a certain danger 
was near them, for which their officers made no provision, made the men feel 
unsteady and unstrung. If they could have known exactly what was hidden 
among the trees and ravines, they would have had better courage to grapple 
with it when it sprung upon them. So when the enemy came, storming down 
with a fierce, determined onslaught, almost without parallel in battles, they were 
taken at a double disadvantage. They were outnumbered and dispirited at the 
same time. 

2. The battle on Sunday was badly managed. The men said to me : " "We 
would have fought ; we meant to fight ; we wanted to fight ; we will fight ; but 
we ■were outflanked every time. Just as sure as we made a stand, wo had to 
fight superior numbers, put where they could do as they liked, and we could 
only do as we could. We did run away, we don't deny it; we got under the 
bank, and staid there; we could not come out. Why? Because it was no use. 
If a man gives his life, he wants to get the worth of it." 

3. The Tennessee Kiver, the gunboats, and Colonel Webster, saved Grant's 
division on Sunday afternoon from a second Bull Run, or annihilation. The 
river held the troops in, and the gunboats, with the batteries skillfully placed by 
Colonel Webster, protected them until Buell came up. N"ot a man or a steam- 
boat, probably, would have been left but for these cannon. 

4. These same men who had run on Sunday went in with Buell's men on 
Monday. Fragments of regiments, patched together in tlie haste of the morn- 
ing, gathered new spirit when they knew what they had to do; and the uni- 
versal testimony is that they fought well — never men fought better than those 
that went back to fight again. 

5. The battle on Monday was a lattle on the part of the enemy, in which he 
apparently did his utmost before he began to retreat. He did not mean to re- 
treat, but he had to do so because we beat him back. Still, while on the Sun- 
day we were routed, on the Monday Tie retreated and was not routed. His 
retreat was well done. Such is the universal testimony. 

The cavalry made very little impression on him in the retreat, for three 
reasons: First, his forces were well ordered; second, the roads were bad for 
cavalry ; and, third, they could not tell what sort of a trap might be set for 
them in the woods. I inquired diligently after the idea of the men as to the 
final result, and it was that we are about where we were a week before the battle, 
with a loss of 8,000 in killed, wounded, and missing ; yet that, with every desire 
to see fair, the ^^r^s^/^e of the battle remains finally with our forces. As soon 
as we fought at all on equal terms, our men beat them without the shadow of a 
doubt. The men everywhere, wounded and well, are in good heart, I saw no 
sign of depression anywhere beyond what comes out of pain and loss of blood. 
The men look serious, as if they had grown older ; but I did not speak to a man 
who did not say we can beat the enemy every time, if we get fair play. 

Two battles had been fought ; and each army occupied tlie ground 
which it had held before they began. A woful list of more than 20,000 
killed and wounded, and 3,000 or 4,000 prisoners — many valiant dead 
43 



656 



SECOND BATTLE OF SHILOH. 



— many great souls blotted from the roll of the living — this was all 
there was left to tell of those two days of havoc. 

It is true a stunning blow had been delivered to the Federal army, 
which arrested its progress, shattered its morale, and changed its tac- 
tics. But all this was as nothing, for it secured delay only. General 
Johnston did not mean to delay it — he meant to destroy it. This only 
could have secured the independence of the South. 

General Beauregard reports the loss of the Confederate army : 

Killed 1,728 

Wounded 8,012 

Missing 959 

Total , 10,699 

After a close examination of all accessible sources of information, 
covering about two thirds of the arm}', the writer finds a possible varia- 
tion of 218 more casualties, principally in missing, that might be added 
to General Beauregard's report, based upon the returns first sent in. 
The Confederate casualties may therefore be safely estimated at be- 
tween 10,700 and 11,000, in killed, wounded, and missing. The miss- 
ing men were the wounded left on and near the field in Monday's 
battle. Jordan speaks of the loss on the first day at about 6,500, 
which would leave over 4,000 for Monday's battle. His data are not 
known to the writer. 

The loss of the Federal army was, according to official reports, as 
follows : 





Killed. 


Wounded. 


Captured. 


Total. 


Grant's army 


1,487 
268 


.5,679 
1,816 


2,984 

88 


10.050 


Bueirs army 


2,167 






Total 


1,700 


7,495 


3,022 


12,217 







A reference to the Appendix will show that General Grant's aggre- 
gate loss was 11,220 instead of 10,050, giving a total loss, including 
Buell's, of 13,387. Buell's less has not been verified, and was also 
probably larger than the official report. Swinton, in his "Decisive 
Battles," and Prof. Coppee, in his " Life of Grant " (page 96), put the 
Federal loss at 15,000. 

It is probable that Grant's army did not lose much more than a 
thousand men on Monday. If this be so, it is apparent that his losses 
on Sunday were some 10,000, besides thousands of fugitives, at a cost 
of about 6,500 Confederates. On Monday the Federal loss was only 
some 3,000 or 4,000, with an equal or greater loss inflicted on the 
Southern army. In both cases, the assailant sufi"ered less than the 



COUNTING THE COST. G57 

defensive lines. General "W^allace was killed. General Grant is said 
to have been wounded, and Sherman was wounded in the hand, besides 
having three horses killed. A good many Federal officers were also 
killed and wounded. But among the Confederates the proportion of 
officers killed and w'ounded was much greater. Besides the commander- 
in-chief, and Brigadier-General Gladden, there was a great number of 
regimental officers killed. Bragg had two horses shot under him ; 
Hardee was slightly wounded, his coat cut and his horse disabled by a 
shell; Breckinridge was twice slightly struck; Cheatham was also 
slightly wounded, and had three horses shot under him. Brigadier- 
Generals Clark, Bowen, and Johnson, were severely wounded, and 
Hindman was injured by a shell exploding under his horse and killing 
it. Colonel Smith, who succeeded Bushrod Johnson in command of his 
brigade, was wounded ; and Colonel Dan Adams, and Colonel Deas, 
■who in turn succeeded Gladden, were also wounded. The long list of 
field and company officers, and of brave soldiers, would swell too much 
the bulk of this volume. 

The Comte de Paris says (volume i., page 542) that Sherman told 
him that Sunday's battle was " the most terrible that he had witnessed 
during his whole career." Badeau remarks (volume i., page 78) in re- 
gard to the assault on Sherman Sunday morning, that it was success- 
ful, " after several hours of as desperate fighting as was ever seen on 
the American Continent." He says (page 89), "With the exception of 
one or two severe struggles, the fighting of April 7th was light when 
compared with that of Sunday." Again (page 93) : "It was the 
fiercest fight of the war west of the Alleghanies, and, in proportion to 
the numbers engaged, equaled any contest during the rebellion. I 
have heard Sherman say that he never saw such terrible fighting after- 
ward, and Grant compared Shiloh only with the Wilderness." He 
adds truly : " In the battle, each party was forced to respect the fight- 
ing qualities of the other ; the Northerners recognized the impetuous 
vigor and splendid enthusiasm of the rebels, and the latter found all 
the tenacity and determination of the North in those who opposed 
them." 

The Federal writers have claimed that, the battles having ended in 
the retreat of the assailant, the moral advantages remained with them. 
It is true they held the field of battle, but it must be remembered that 
it had been for them a canvas city where, in the security of overpower- 
ing strength, they had discussed great schemes of invasion and con- 
quest. Suddenly the bolt of war had burst over their own heads. 
They had seen their city taken by storm, wrapped in flames and 
sacked, and had been snatched from the brink of destruction only by 
the premature arrival of a second army and the mysterious arrest of the 
impending and final blow. They looked around them, and everj'where 



658 SECOND BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

were the lamentable signs and ravages of horrid war, breathing fire 
and slaughter ; the desolated camps, broken artillery and scattered 
arms ; the trodden, blood-stained mire ; the dead and dying ; and 
pale, trembling fugitives creeping back to their places in the ranks. 
There was neither glory nor gain of any sort apparent to their eyes. 
There was no room for exultation anywhere. Indeed, the last combat 
of the field, Forrest's charge with 350 men, routing a regiment of in- 
fantry and a regiment of cavalry in the face of three brigades, which 
turned back from that road as if it were beset by some occult danger, 
is a sufficient comment on the text of the bulletins. At the close of 
the apologue comes the moral. The epic is ended with an epigram 
in cold steel, leaving no doubt as to the meaning of what had gone 
before. 

The best proof of what conclusions were drawn from the conduct 
and issue of the battle is found in the entire change of Federal tac- 
tics from that day. The bayonet was exchanged for the spade ; and 
the grand march was turned into a siege of the South. Halleck took 
chief command on the 9th, and Grant, though left nominally second in 
command, was, as his biographer, Badeau, admits, under a cloud, un- 
consulted, unemployed, and in disgrace. If he had not possessed ex- 
cellent qualities for war, not to be disregarded in perilous times, he 
would have been irretrievably ruined. Sherman's family influence, 
with his personal conduct on the field, condoned any mistakes he had 
made, and he was recommended for promotion, Buell, unfortunately 
for himself, had done not enough to dictate his own terms, and too 
much to be forgiven ; so that his rescue of Grant's army was treated 
almost as a failure then, and altogether as a crime afterward. He cer- 
tainly had eventually to pay the penalty of it ; and it is difficult to 
decide from the tone of the court-annalists, while Grant and Sherman 
were wielding the sword and purse of the country, Avhether Buell's 
delay was the cause of all the trouble, or his arrival an impertinent 
intrusion. 

But, though the Federal plans were disarranged, their generals 
shocked, and their troops demoralized by the battles of Shiloh, the 
only satisfaction it brought to the camps of the South was pride in the 
prowess of her soldiers, and in the proofs she had given of power to 
strike a great and terrible blow. Her generals said to one another 
that the best, and, as it proved, the only chance to convert the wasting 
war of defense into one of aggression, had escaped them. This was 
whispered in the camps, and is yet a tradition among her people, in 
spite of all the glosses that factitious history has put into print. Presi- 
dent Davis said, not once, but many times :' " When Sidney Johnston 
fell, it was the turning-point of our fate ; for we had no other hand to 
take up his work in the West." i. 



AMENITIES IN WAR. 659 

The armies of the West had found in every encounter foemen 
worthy of their steel. But the magnitude of the contest at Shiloh, 
and the tremendous issues at stake, the impetuous valor and stubborn 
resolution of the combatants, inspired a mutual respect — a respect 
which it is to be hoped may do much to remove ancient prejudices and 
form the basis of an equal and permanent friendship. 

One pleasing feature, which casts a mellow light over the dreadful 
carnage of the field of Shiloh, is the humanity and mutual courtesy 
that marked the conduct of the antagonists. It is true that General 
Grant refused General Beauregard's request, on April 9th, to bury the 
dead under a flag of truce; but he stated that he had already performed 
that duty. There were no complaints of " outrages " — killing of cap- 
tives, mutilation of the dead, cruelty to the wounded — which made so 
large a part of the war news of certain correspondents. The conflict 
had been too serious and too grand to require or admit any merely 
sensational stuff in its recital. 

" A participant," Avriting to the Cincinnati Commercial^ says : 

"While preparing our meal, a flag of truce, consisting of a yellow handker- 
chief tied to a sapling-pole, emerged from the woods beyond us. It was car- 
ried by a tall Alabamian, who brought with it the wounded lieutenant-colonel 
of the Fiftieth Illinois, borne on a litter. The bearers all had tied on their arms 
a piece of white rag, which, by questioning the wearers, I learned designated a 
detail for hospital duty. I am glad to be able to say something good of an army 
of traitors ; " we will give the devil his due." ISTo instance came to ray knowl- 
edge in which our dead were treated in so diabolical a manner as they were 
reported to be at Manassas and Pea Ridge. They were invariably, wherever 
practicable, kindly cared for. A. Hickenlooper tells me that one of his corpo- 
rals, who was wounded, received many attentions from them. An officer handed 
him a rubber blanket, saying that he himself needed it bad enough, but the 
wounded man needed it worse. Others brought him food aTid water, and 
wrapped him up in woolen blankets. Such instances were common; and, 
among the hundreds of dead and wounded I have looked upon, not one showed 
signs of the barbarities which the rebels are commonly supposed to practise on 
the patriots. 

General Buell, in a letter to the present writer, says : 

A circumstance occurred after the battle, which excited a good deal of in- 
terest for the moment, particularly among those who had known your father. 
We had heard of his death, but not the particulars of it, from prisoners taken 
in the course of the battle of the 7th ; and, in collecting and burying the dead 
on the morning of the 8th, a body was found which several persons supposed 
to be that of your father. It was carried to the headquarters of General Nel- 
son and laid out in a tent, where a number of persons came to see it. Several 
of them, acquaintances of your father, were quite confident of the identity. I 

' "Rebellion Record," vol. ill., p. 416. 



660 SECOND BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

■was not one of those who entertained that opinion, though the expression of 
the face was so changed by the wound which it had received as to make it dif- 
ficult to be very confident about the identity. There was the same manly form, 
certainly ; but that was all that I could see alike. However, the question was 
determined early in the day by the information which we received from the 
Confederate army, that your father was killed on the 6th, and that his body was 
removed from the field at the time of his death. 

It was ascertained, as the writer has been informed, that the bod}' 
was that of Colonel Thomas Preston, of Memphis, a connection by mar- 
riage of General Johnston. The writer does not know the origin of the 
mistake. It is needless to say that all the respect due to his supposed 
rank and personality was paid by those who had the body in charge. 
It is curious to note the contrast in the conduct of these honorable 
warriors, still hot from the fray, with that of Sheridan, Heintzelman, 
and Griffin, which "will be related in the next chapter. 

But little remains to be said of what occurred after General John- 
ston's death. It is not the purpose of the writer to give a history of 
the war, but only to tell the story of General Johnston's life, what he 
did, and the great events in which he played a part. All this ended 
absolutely on Sunday afternoon, April 6, 18G2. Not often is there an 
Elisha to catch up the mantle of the translated Elijah. When a man 
dies, others take up his work to mend or mar it, and he is soon forgot- 
ten. A puff of wind, or a little pewter extinguisher, puts out the light 
that shines over many a league of land and sea. No man has any 
tenure of the things of this world in the grave. His power, his author- 
itj', most of his influence, die with him. There come others in his place, 
and all his plans, his methods, and his informing spirit, are changed. 
It was so in this case. 

General Beauregard retired to Corinth, where Van Dorn reenforced 
him almost immediately with 17,000 men, the strong fighters of Wil- 
son's Creek and Elkhorn. These troops, added to the effective total 
reported by Jordan after the battle of Shiloh, 32,212, give an army of 
nearly 50,000 men fit for duty. Reenforcements were poured in from 
every quarter. But, with an aggregate on the rolls of 112,092, the 
effective total could not be gotten above a reported effective force of 
52,706 men. The sick and absent numbered, more than one-half the 
army. No sudden epidemic had smitten the camp ; the sickness was 
the effect of causes evident from the hour of retreat. Halleck had taken 
position at Farmington, and was advancing spade in hand ; and Beau- 
regard intrenched to resist him. Digging in the trenches among those 
marshes, with consequent malaria ; bad food ; neglect of police duty ; 
impure and insufficient water, the drainage of swamps and heavily 
charged with magnesia and rotten limestone ; these causes, acting in 
conjunction with certain moral influences, the depression of retreat and 



END OF CAMPAIGN. G61 

inaction, produced obstinate types of diarrhoea and typhoid fever. The 
attempt to bore artesian wells failed. No sound men were left. 

Beauregard twice offered Halleck battle. But he preferred regular 
approaches, in the mean time seizing the railroad east of Corinth, and 
cutting off communication with the seaboard. There was nothing to 
be done except to retreat, which Beauregard did. May 30th, falling 
back to Tupelo, on the Ohio & Mississippi Railroad. The retreat was 
made in good order, and with no very considerable loss in men or ma- 
terial of war. But the abandonment of Corinth, which was a point 
of the first strategic importance, involved the surrender of Memphis 
and the Mississippi Valley, and the loss of the campaign. General 
Beauregard, whose health continued bad, devolved the command of the 
army on General Bragg, and retired to Mobile for rest and recuperation. 
The President made Bragg's temporary command a permanent one. 



APPENDIX. 

GENKEAL BEAUBEGAED's OFFICIAL REPORT. 

Headquarters, Army of the Mississippi, I_ 
Corinth, Mississippi, April 11, 18C2. ) 

Gexeral : On the 2d ultimo, having ascertained conclusively from the 
movements of the enemy on the Tennessee River, and from reliable sources 
of information, that his aim would be to cut off my communication — in 
West Tennessee with the Eastern and Southern States, by operating from 
the Tennessee River between Crump's Landing and Eastport as a base — I deter- 
mined to foil his designs by concentrating all my available forces at and around 
Corinth. 

Meanwhile, having called on the Governors of the States of Tennessee, Mis- 
sissippi, Alabama, and Louisiana, to furnish additional troops, some of them 
(chiefly regiments from Louisiana) soon reached this vicinity, and, with two di- 
visions of General Polk's command from Columbus, and a fine corps of troops 
from Mobile and Pensacola, under Major-General Bragg, constituted the Army 
of the Mississippi. At the same time General Johnston, being at Murfreesboro, 
on the march to form a junction of his forces with mine, was called on to send 
at least a brigade by railroad, so that we might fall on and crush the enemy 
should he attempt to advance from under his gunboats. The call on General 
Johnston was promptly complied with. His entire force was also hastened in 
this direction; and by the first of April our united forces were concentrated 
along the Mobile & Ohio Railroad from Bethel to Corinth, and on the Memphis 
& Charleston Railroad from Corinth to luka. 

It was then determined to assume the offensive, and strike a sudden blow at 
the enemy in position, under General Grant, on the west bank of the Tennessee, 
at Pittsburg, and in the direction of Savannah, before he was reenforced by the 
army under General Buell, then known to be advancing for that purpose by 
rapid marches from Nashville ma Columbia. About the same time General 
Johnston was advised that such an operation conformed to the expectations of 
the President. 



(5(32 SECOND BATTLE OF SIIILOH. 

By a rapid and vigorous attack on General Grant, it was expected he would 
be beaten back into his transports and the river, or captured, in time to enable 
us to profit by the victory and remove to the rear all the stores and munitions 
that would fall into our hands, in such an event, before the arrival of General 
Buell's army on the scene. It was never contemplated, however, to retain the 
position thus gained and abandon Corinth, the strategic point of the campaign. 

Waut of general officers needful for the proper organization of divisions and 
brigades of an army brought thus suddenly together, and other difficulties in the 
way of an effective organization, delayed the movement until the night of the 
2d instant, when it was heard from a reliable quarter that the junction of the 
enemy's armies was near at hand. It was then, at a late hour, determined that 
the attack should be attempted at once, incomplete and imperfect as were our 
preparations for such a grave and momentous adventure. Accordingly, that 
night, at 1 A. m., the preliminary orders to the commanders of corps were issued 
for the movement. 

On the following morning the detailed orders of movement, a copy of which 
is herewith, marked "A," were issued, and the movement, after some delay, com- 
menced, the troops being in admirable spirits. It was expected we should be 
able to reach the enemy's lines in time to attack him early on the 5th instant. 
The men, however, for the most part, were unused to marching ; the roads, nar- 
row and traversing a densely-wooded country, became almost impassable after 
a severe rain-storm on the night of the 4th, which drenched the troops in 
bivouac ; hence our forces did not reach the intersection of the roads from Pitts- 
burg and Hamburg, in the immediate vicinity of the enemy, until late Saturday 
afternoon. 

It was then decided that the attack should be made on the next morning, at 
the earliest hour practicable, in accordance with the orders of movement ; that 
is, in three lines of battle, the first and second extending from Owl Creek on 
the left to Lick Creek on the right, a distance of about three miles, supported 
by the third and the reserve. The first line, under Major-General Hardee, was 
constituted of his corps, augmented on his right by Gladden's brigade, of Major- 
General Bragg's corps, deployed in line of battle, with their respective artillery 
following immediately by the main road to Pittsburg, and the cavalry in rear of 
the wings. The second line, composed of the other troops of Bragg's corps, 
followed the first at a distance of five hundred yards in the same order as the 
first. The army corps, under General Polk, followed the second line, at the 
distance of about eight hundred yards, in lines of brigades, deployed with their 
batteries in rear of each brigade, moving by the Pittsburg road, the left wing 
supported by cavalry. The reserve, under Brigadier-General Breckinridge, fol- 
lowed closely the third line, in the same order, its right wing supported by 
cavalry. 

These two corps constituted the reserve, and were to support the front lines 
of battle, by being deployed when required on the right and left of the Pitts- 
burg road, or otherwise act according to the exigencies of the battle. 

At 5 A. M., on the 6th instant, a reconnoitring party of the enemy, having 
become engaged Avith our advanced pickets, the commander of the forces gave 
orders to begin the movement and attack as determined upon, except that 
Trabue's brigade of Breckinridge's division was detached and advanced to sup- 
port the left of Bragg's corps and line of battle when menaced by the enemy, 
and the other two brigades were directed to advance by the road to Hamburg, 



BEAUREGARD'S REPORT. QQ^ 

to support Bragg's right; and, at the same time, Maney's regiment, of Polk's 
corps, was advanced by tlie same road to roenforce the regiment of cavalry and 
battery of four pieces already thrown forward to watch and guard Grier's, Tan- 
ner's, and Borland's Fords of Lick Creek. 

Thirty minutes after o A. m., our lines and columns were in motion, all ani- 
mated, evidently, by a promising spirit. The front line was engaged at once, 
but advanced steadily, followed in due order, with equal resolution and steadi- 
ness, by the other lines, which were brought successively into action with rare 
skill, judgment, and galhmtry, by the several corps commanders, as the enemy 
made a stand, with liis masses rallied for the struggle for his encampments. 
Like an Alpine avalanche our troops moved forward, despite the determined 
resistance of the enemy, until after 6 p. m., when we were in possession of all his 
encampments between Owl and Lick Creeks but one. Nearly all of his field 
artillery, about thirty (30) flags, colors, and standards, over 3,000 prisoners, in- 
cluding a division commander (General Prentiss) and several brigade command- 
ers, thousands of small-arms, an immense supjily of subsistence, forage, and mu- 
nitions of war, and a large amount of means of transportation — all the substan- 
tial fruits of a complete victory, such, indeed, as rarely have followed the most 
successful battles, for never was an army so well provided as that of our enemy. 

The remnant of his army had been driven in utter disorder to the imme- 
diate vicinity of Pittsburg, under the shelter of the heavy guns of his iron-clad 
gunboats, and we remained undisputed masters of his well-selected, admirably- 
provided cantonments, after over twelve hours of obstinate conflict with his 
forces, who had been beaten from them and the contiguous covert, but only by 
a sustained onset of all the men we could bring into action. 

Our loss was heavy, as will appear from the accompanying return marked 
" B." Our commander-in-chief, General A. S. Johnston, fell mortally wounded, 
and died on the field at 2.30 p. m,, after having shown the highest qualities of 
the commander, and a personal intrepidity that inspired all around him, and 
gave resistless impulsion to his columns at critical moments. 

The chief command then devolved upon me, though at the time I was great- 
ly prostrated, and suftering from the prolonged sickness with which I had been 
afflicted since early in February. The responsibility was one which, in my 
physical condition, I would have gladly avoided, though cast upon me when our 
forces were successfully pushing the enemy back upon the Tennessee Paver, and, 
though supported on the immediate field by such corps commanders as Major- 
Generals Polk, Bragg, and Hardee, and Brigadier-General Breckinridge, com- 
manding the reserve. 

It was after 6 p. m., as before said, when the enemy's last position was car- 
ried, and his forces finally broke and sought refuge behind a commanding emi- 
nence, covering the Pittsburg Landing, not more than half a mile distant, and 
under the guns of the gunboats, which opened on our eager columns a fierce 
and annoying fire with shot and shell of the heaviest description. Darkness 
was close at hand. Officers and men were exhausted by a combat of over 
twelve hours without food, and jaded by the march of the preceding day 
through mud and water. It was, therefore, impossible to collect the rich and 
opportune spoils of war scattered broadcast on the field left in our possession, 
and impracticable to make any effective dispositions for their removal to the 
rear. 

I accordingly established my headquarters at the church of Shiloh, in the 



664 SECOND CATTLE OF SHILOH. 

enemy's encampment, with Major-General Bragg, and directed our troops to 
sleep on their arms in such positions in advance and rear as corps commanders 
should determine, hoping, from news received hy a special dispatch, that delays 
had been encountered by General Buell in his march from Columbia, and that 
his main force, tlierefore, could not reach the field of battle in time to save 
General Grant's shattered fugitive forces from capture or destruction on the fol- 
lowing day. 

During the night the rain fell in torrents, adding to the discomfort and har- 
assed condition of the men ; the enemy, moreover, had broken their rest by a 
discharge, at measured intervals, of heavy shells thrown from the gunboats ; 
therefore, on the following morning, the troops under my command were not in 
a condition to cope with an equal force of fresh troops, armed and equipped 
like our adversary, in the immediate possession of his depots, and sheltered by 
such an auxiliary as the enetny's gunboats. 

About six o'clock on the morning of the Vth of April, however, a hot fire 
of musketry and artillery, opened from the enemy's quarter on our advanced 
line, assured me of the junction of his forces; and soon the battle raged with a 
fury which satisfied me I was attacked by a largely superior force. But, from 
the outset, our troops, notwithstanding their fatigue and losses from the battle 
of the day before, exhibited the most cheering, veteran-like steadiness. On the 
right and centre the enemy was repulsed in every attempt he made with his 
heavy columns in that quarter of the field ; on the left, however, and nearest to 
the point of arrival of his reenforcements, he drove forward line after line of 
his fresh troops, which were met with a resolution and courage of which our 
country may be proudly hopeful. Again and again our troops were brought to 
the charge, invariably to win the position at issue, invariably to drive back their 
foe. But hour by hour, thus opposed to an enemy constantly reenforced, our 
ranks were perceptibly thinned under the unceasing, withering fire of the en- 
emy, and by 12 m. eighteen hours of hard fighting had sensibly exhausted a 
large number. My last reserves had necessarily been disposed of, and the enemy 
was evidently receiving fresh reenforcements after each repulse. Accordingly, 
about 1 p. M., I determined to withdraw from so unequal a conflict, securing 
such of the results of the victory of the day before as were then practicable. 

Officers of my staff were immediately dispatched with the necessary orders 
to make the best dispositions for a deliberate, orderly withdrawal from the field, 
and to collect and post a reserve to meet the enemy should he attempt to push 
after us. In this connection I will mention particularly my adjutant-general. 
Colonel Jordan, who was of much assistance to me on this occasion, as he had 
already been on the field of battle on that and the preceding day. 

About 2 p. M., the lines in advance, which had repulsed the enemy in their 
last fierce assault on our left and centre, received the orders to retire. This was 
done with uncommon steadiness, and the enemy made no attempt to follow. 

The line of troops established to cover this movement had been disposed on 
a favorable ridge, commanding the ground of Shiloh Church. From this position 
our artillery played upon the woods beyond for a while, but upon no visible 
enemy, and without reply. Soon, satisfied that no serious pursuit would be at- 
tempted, this last line was withdrawn, and never did troops leave a battle-field 
in better order; even the stragglers fell into the ranks, and marched off Avith 
those who had stood more steadily by their colors. A second strong position 
was taken up about a mile in rear, where the approach of the enemy was awaited 



BEAUREGARD'S REPORT. 665 

for nearly an hour, but no effort to follow was made, and only a small detach- 
ment of horsemen could be seen at a distance from this last position, warily 
observing our movements. 

Arranging, through my staff oflBcers, for the completion of the movements 
thus begun, Brigadier-General Breckinridge was left with his command as a 
rear-guard to hold the ground we had occupied the night preceding the first bat- 
tle, just in front of the intersection of the Pittsburg and Hamburg roads, about 
four miles from the former place, while the rest of the army passed to the rear 
in excellent order. 

On the following day General Breckinridge fell back about three miles to 
Mickey's, which position we continued to hold, with our cavalry thrown con- 
siderably forward in immediate proximity to the battle-field. 

Unfortunately, toward night of the Yth instant, it began to rain heavily ; this 
continued throughout the night; the roads became almost impassable in many 
places, and much hardship and suffering now ensued before all the regiments 
reached their encampments; but, despite the heavy casualties of the two event- 
ful days of the 6th and 7th of April, this army is more confident of ultimate 
success than before its encounter with the enemy. 

To Major-Generals Polk, Bragg, and Ilardee, commanding corps, and to 
Brigadier-General Breckinridge, commanding the reserve, the country is greatly 
indebted for the zeal, intelligence, and energy, with which all orders were exe- 
cuted ; for the foresight and military ability they displayed in the absence of 
instructions in the many exigencies of the battle on a field so densely wooded 
and broken, and for their fearless deportment as they repeatedly led their com- 
mands personally to the onset upon their powerful adversary. It was under 
these circumstances that General Bragg had two horses shot under him ; that 
Major-General Hardee was slightly wounded, his coat rent by balls, and his 
horse disabled ; and that Brigadier-General Breckinridge was twice struck by 
spent balls. 

For the services of their gallant subordinate commanders and of other of- 
ficers, as well as for the details of the battle-field, I must refer to the reports of 
corps, division, and brigade commanders, which shall be forwarded as soon as 
received. 

To give more in detail the operations of the two battles resulting from the 
movement on Pittsburg than now attempted must have delayed this report for 
weeks, and interfered materially with the important duties of my position. But 
I may be permitted to say that not only did the obstinate conflict for twelve 
hours on Sunday leave the Confederate army masters of the battle-field and 
our adversary beaten, but we left that field on the next day only after eight 
hours' incessant battle with a superior army of fresh troops, whom we had re- 
pulsed in every attack on our lines — so repulsed and crippled, indeed, as to leave 
it unable to take the field for tlie campaign for which it was collected and 
equipped at such enormous expense, and with such profusion of all the appli- 
ances of war. These successful results were not achieved, however, as before 
said, without severe loss — a loss not to be measured by the number of the slain 
and wounded, but by the high social and personal worth of so large a number 
of those who were killed or disabled, including the commander of the forces, 
whose high qualities will be greatly missed in the momentous campaign im- 
pending. 



666 SECOND BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

I deeply regret to record also the death of the Hon. George M, Johnson, 
Provisional Governor of Kentucky, who went into action with the Kentucky 
troops, and continually inspired them by his words and example. Having his 
horse shot under him on Sunday, he entered the ranks of a Kentucky regiment 
on Monday, and fell mortally wounded toward the close of the day. Not his 
State alone, but the whole Confederacy, has sustained a great loss in the death 
of this brave, upright, and able man. 

Another gallant and able soldier and captain was lost to the service of the 
country, when Brigadier-General Gladden, commanding First Brigade, Withers's 
division, Second Army Corps, died from a severe wound received on the 6th in- 
stant, after having been conspicuous to his whole corps and the army for courage 
and capacity. 

Major-General Cheatham, commanding First Division, First Corps, was slight- 
ly wounded, and had three horses shot under him. 

Brigadier- General Clark, commanding Second Division of the First Corps, re- 
ceived a severe wound also on the first day, which will deprive the army of his 
valuable services for some time. 

Brigadier-General Hindman, engaged in the outset of the battle, was con- 
spicuous for a cool courage efficiently employed in leading his men ever into the 
thickest of the fray, until his horse was shot under him, and he was unfortu- 
nately so severely injured by the fall that the army was deprived, on the follow- 
ing day, of his chivalrous example. 

Brigadier-Generals B. R. Johnson and Bowen, most meritorious officers, 
were also severely wounded in the first combat, but it is hoped will soon be able 
to return to duty with their brigades. 

To mention the many field-officers who died or were wounded while gallant- 
ly leading their commands into action, and the many brilliant instances of indi- 
vidual courage displayed by officers and men in the twenty hours of battle, is 
impossible at this time ; but their names will be duly made known to their coun- 
trymen. 

The immediate staff of the lamented commander-in-chief, who accompanied 
him to the field, rendered efficient service, and, either by his side, or in carrying 
bis orders, shared his exposures to the casualties of a well-contested battle-field. 
I beg to commend their names to the notice of the "War Department, namely : 
of Captains H. P. Brewster and N. Wickliffe, of the Adjutant and Inspector- 
General's Department. 

Captain Theodore O'Hara, acting inspector-general. 

Lieutenants George Baylor and Thomas M. Jack, aides-de-camp. 

Volunteer Aides-de-Camp Colonel William Preston, Major D. M. Hayden, 
E. W. Munford, and Calhoun Benham. 

Major Albert J. Smith and Captain "Wickham, Quartermaster's Department. 

To these gentlemen was assigned the last sad duty of accompanying the re- 
mains of their lamented chief from the field, except Captains Brewster and 
Wickliffe, who remained, and rendered valuable services as staff officers on the 
7th of April. 

Governor Isham G. Harris, of Tennessee, went upon the field with General 
Johnston, was by his side when he was shot, aided him from his horse, and re- 
ceived him in his arms when he died. Subsequently the Governor joined my staff, 
and remained with mo throughout the next day, except when carrying orders 



BEAUREGARD'S REPORT. 667 

or engaged in encouraging the troops of liis own State, to •whom he gave a con- 
spicuous example of coolness, zeal, and intrepidity. 

I am also under many obligations to my own general, personal, and volun- 
teer staff, many of whom have been so long associated with me. I append a list 
of those present on the field on both days, and whose duties carried them con- 
stantly under fire, namely : Colonel Thomas Jordan, Captain Clifton II. Smith, 
and Lieutenant John M. Otey, Adjutant-General's Department. 

Major George W. Brent, acting inspector-general ; Colonel E. B, Lee, chief 
of subsistence, whose horse was wounded ; Lieutenant-Colonel S. AY. Ferguson, 
and Lieutenant A. R. Chisholm, aides-de-camp. 

Volunteer Aides-de-Camp Colonel Jacob Thompson, Major Numa Augustin, 
Major H. E. Peyton, Captain Albert Ferry, Captain B. B. AVaddell. 

Captain W. "W. Porter, of Major-General Crittenden's staff, also reported for 
duty, and sliared the duties of my volunteer staff on Monday. 

Brigadier-General Trudeau, of Louisiana Volunteers, also, for a part of the 
first day's conflict, was with me as a volunteer aide. 

Captain E. H. Cummins, signal-ofiicer, also, was actively employed as a staff 
officer on both days. 

Nor must I fail to mention that Private W. E. Goolsby, Eleventh Regiment 
Virginia Volunteers, orderly to my headquarters since last June, repeatedly em- 
ployed to carry my verbal orders to the field, discharged the duty with great zeal 
and intelligence. 

Other members of my staff were necessarily absent from the immediate field 
of battle, intrusted with responsible duties at these headquarters, namely: 
Captain F. H. Jordan, assistant adjutant-general, in charge of general headquar- 
ters ; Major Eugene E. McLean, chief quartermaster ; Captain E. Deslonde, Quar- 
termaster's Department. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Ferguson, aide-de-camp, early on Monday, was assigned 
to command and direct the movements of a brigade of the Second Corps. 

Lieutenant- Colonel Gilmer, chief-engineer, after having performed the im- 
portant and various duties of his place with distinction to himself and material 
benefit to his country, was wounded late on Monday. I trust, however, I shall 
not long be deprived of his essential services. 

Captain Lockett, Engineer Corps, chief assistant to Colonel Gilmer, after 
having been employed in the duties of his corps on Sunday, was placed by me 
on Monday in command of a battalion without field-officers. Captain Fremeaux, 
provisional engineers, and Lieutenants Steel and Helm, also rendered material 
and ever-dangerous service in the line of their duty. 

Major-General (now General) Braxton Bragg, in addition to his duties of 
chief of staff, as has been before stated, commanded his corps — much the largest 
in the field — on both days with signal capacity and soldiership. 

Sargeon Foard, medical director; Surgeons R. L. Brodie and S. Chopin, 
medical inspectors ; and Surgeon D. W. Yandell, medical director of the West- 
ern Department, with General Johnston, were present in the discharge of their 
arduous and high duties, which they performed with honor to their profession. 

Captain Tom Saunders, Messrs. Scales and Metcalf, and Mr, Tully, of New 
Orleans, were of material aid on both days ; ready to give news of the enemy's 
positions and movements, regardless of exposure. 

"WhOe thus partially making mention of some of those who rendered brill- 



668 SECOND BATTLE OF SHILOH. 

iant, gallant, or meritorious service in the field, I have aimed merely to notice 
those whose positions -would most probably exclude the record of their services 
from the reports of corps or subordinate commanders. 

From this agreeable duty I turn to one in the highest degree unpleasant — one 
due, however, to the brave men under me — as a contrast to the behavior of most 
of the army who fought so heroically. I allude to the fact that some officers, 
non-commissioned officers, and men, abandoned their colors early on the first day 
to pillage the captured encampments ; others retired shamefully from the field on 
both days, while the thunder of cannon, and the roar and rattle of musketry, 
told them that their brothers were being slaughtered by the fresh legions of the 
enemy. I have ordered the names of the most conspicuous on this roll of lag- 
gards and cowards to be published on orders. 

It remains to state that our loss in the two days in killed outright was 1,728 ; 
wounded, 8,012; missing, 959 — making an aggregate of casualties of 10,699. 

This sad list tells in simple language of the stout fight made by our country- 
men in front of the rude log chapel of Shiloh, especially when it is known that 
on Monday, from exhaustion and other causes, not 20,000 men on our side could 
be brought into action. 

Of the loss of the enemy I have no exact knowledge. Their newspapers 
report it as very heavy. Unquestionably it was greater, even in proportion, 
than our own on both days, for it was apparent to all that their dead left on the 
field outnumbered ours two to one. 

Their casualties, therefore, cannot have fallen many short of 20,000 in killed, 
wounded, prisoners, and missing. 

Through information derived from many sources, including the newspapers 
of the enemy, we engaged on Sunday the divisions of Generals Prentiss, Sher- 
man, Ilurlbut, McClernand, and Smith, of 9,000 men each, or at least 45,000 
men. This force was reenforced on Sunday night by the divisions of Generals 
Nelson, McCook, Crittenden, and Thomas, of Major-General Buell's army, some 
25,000 strong, including all arms. Also General L. Wallace's division of General 
Grant's army, making at least 33,000 fresh troops, which, added to the remnant 
of General Grant's forces, on Monday morning amounting to over 20,000, made 
an aggregate force of some 53,000 men, at least, arrayed against us on that day. 

In connection with the results of the battle I should state that the most of 
our men who had inferior arms exchanged them for the improved arms of the 
enemy. Also, that most of the property, public and personal, in the camp from 
which tlie enemy was driven on Sunday, was rendered useless or greatly dam- 
aged, except some of the tents. 

With this are transmitted certain papers, to wit : 

Order of movements, marked " A." 

A list of the killed and wounded, marked "B." 

A list of captured flags, marked " C ; " and a map of the field of battle, marked 
"D." 

All of which is respectfully submitted through my volunteer aide-de-camp. 
Colonel Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi, who has in charge the flags, standards, 
and colors, captured from the enemy. 

I have the honor to be, general, your obedient servant, 

G. T. Beaceegaed, General commanding. 
To General S. Coopek, Adjutant and Inspector-General Confederate States Army, Eichmond, Va. 



CONFEDERATE FIELD KETURXS. 



C69 



APPENDIX I. 

Killed, Wounded, and Missing. 
Battle of Suiloh. 



COMMAND. 


Commander. 


Corps. 


Killed. 


Wound- 
ed. 


Mis6. 
ing. 


Remarks. 






Reserve 


151 
9S 
137 


557 

4(18 
627 


92 


2d " 


Brig.-General Bowen 


28 


8d " 


45 








Total 


Brig.-Gen. Breckinridge. 


Reserve 


886 


1,682 


165 








Brig. -General Hindman. . 

" Cleburne . . 

Wood 


Third Corps... 


109 

IhS 
107 


546 

7yo 

600 


8S 


2d " 


65 


8d " 


88 






Total 


Major-General Hardee... 


Third Corps . . 


404 


1 QSfi 


141 








1st Brigade, 1st Div.... 

2d 

1st " 2d " .... 
2d " •'".... 




First Corps... 


97 512 

93 421 

120 GUT 

75 413 




Brig.-General Stewart... 

" Johnson... 

Colonel Stephens 

Major-General Polk 


3 
13 
3 


Major-Gen. Cheat- 
ham commanding 
div'ns in Ist Corps. 


Total 


First Corps... 


885 1 o.«i.Q 


19 








' 




Ist Brigade, Ist Div 

2d " " " 

8d " " " .... 

1st " 2d " .... 

2d 

3d " "".... 


Colonel Gibson 


Second Corps. 


97 
69 

89 
129 
83 
86 


488 
318 
336 
597 
343 
864 




Brig.-General Anderson.. 

Colonel Pond 

Brig.-General Gladden . . 

" Chalmers.. 

" Jackson . . . 


52 
169 
103 

19 
194 


ers and Ruggles 
commandin<,' divis- 
ions Second Corps. 


Total 


Major-General Bragg 


Second Corps. 


553 


2,441 


684 








Grand total 


General Beauregard 


Army Miss . . . 


1,728 


8,012 


959 





EECAPITFLATION. 



Killed. ] J23 

Wounded g o\^ 

Missing 959 



Total 10,699 

Respectfully submitted, 

John M. Otet, 

Assistant Adjutant- General, 



670 



SECOND BATTLE OF SHILOH. 



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672 



SECOND BATTLE OF SHILOH. 



APPENDIX III.> 



Field Return of the Army of the Mississippi before and after the Battle of 

Shiloh. 



COiniAND. 


Commanders. 


Effective 

Total before 

Battle. 


Effective 

Total after 

Battle. 


REMARKS. 


1st Army Corps. 
2d " 




9.1.S6 

13.589 

6,789 

6,439 


6.779 
9,961 
4,6U9 
4,206 






Siiiloh : killed, 1,728; 


8(1 » 
Keserve 


Major-General W. J. Hardee 

Brigadier-General J. C. Breckinridge. 


wounded, 8,012 ; miss- 
ing, 969. 


Total Infantry 1 
and Artillery ) 




85,953 


25,555 










Brigadier-General F. Gardner 


4,882 


4,081 


The battle-field was so 




thickly wooded that 
the cavalry was use- 
less, and could not op- 
erate at all. 




40,335 


29,636 




10,699 











Respectfully submitted, 

Thomas Jordan, 

Assistant Adjutant General. 

Respectfully submitted and forwarded, 

G. T. Beauregard, 

General commanding Army of the Mississippi. 



Headqttartkrs Army of the Mississippi, 
CoBiNTU. Mississippi, April 21, 1862. 



1 Forwarded with oflBcial report. 



CONFEDERATE ORGANIZATION AND CASUALTIES. 



673 



APPENDIX IV. 
Organization and Casualties of the Army of the Mississippi, April 6 and Y, 1862, 

COMPILED FROM THE BaTTLE RePORTS BY TDE AuTHOR. 

K., killed ; m. w., mortally wounded ; w., wounded. 

General Albert Sidi^et Johxsto:^, Commander-in- Chief. 

General G. T. Beauregakd, Second in Command. 

First Corps. — Major-General Leonidas Polk. 

First Division. — Brigadier-General Charles Clark (w.). 

First Brigade. — Colonel R. M. Russell. 



regiments. 


Commiinden. 


Effec- 
tive. 


Killed. 


Wound- 
ed. 


Mist- 
ing. 


Total. 




Lieutenant-Colonel T. H. Bell 




"ik 


i.s4 






Thirteenth " 


Colonel A. J. Vaughan 

j (1) Colonel T. J. Freeman (w.) 


5.50 
93 






) (•-') Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart (w.) 

1 (,1) Colonel S. F. Marks (w.) 




Eleventh Louisiana 

Batteiy 


1 (i) Lieutenant-Colonel li. H. Barrow 

Captain S. P. Bankhead 


2 1 18 


• • , 











Second Brigade. — Brigadier-General Alexander P. SiEn-ARX. 



regevients. 


Commanders. 


Effec- 
tives. 


KUled. 


Wound- 
ed. 


Miu- 
ing. 


Total. 




J (1) Colonel Neelv 


131 


86 

'26 
25 
4 


1S3 

103 
72 
14 


'ii 
3 
2 




Fourth Tennessee 

Fifth " 

Thirty-third Tennessee. . 

Thirteenth Arkansas .... 


1 (2) Lieutenant-Colonel 0. F. Strahl 

Lieutenant-Colonel C. D. Venable 

Colonel A. W. (lampbell 




( (1) Lieutenant-Colonel A. D. Grayson (k.) 
{ (2) Major J. A. McNeely (w.) 






1 (flS Colonel J. C. Tappan 




Battery 


Cantain T. .1. SfanforH 











Second Division. — Major-General B. F. Cheatham. 

First Briaadc — -I ^^^ Brigadier-General B. R. Johnson (w.). 
•^ ■ ] (2) Colonel Preston Smith (w.). 



regiments. 



One Hundred and Fifty- 
fourth Sr. Tennessee.. 
Second " 

Fifteenth " 



Blythe's Mississippi. 
Battery 



1 (1) Colonel Preston Smith (w.) 

I (2) Lieutenant-Colonel Marcus J. Wright 

Colonel .J. Knox Walker 

1 (1) Lieutenant-Colonel R. C. Tyler (w.).. 

(2) Major lloarn 

; (1) Colonel A. K. Rl>^he (k ) 

(2) Lieutenant-Colonel D. Herron (k.) . . . 
' {Z) Major Moore 

Captain M. T. Polk (w.) 



Effec- 
tive!. 



650 



102 



163 



18 



674 



SECOND BxiTTLE OF SHILOH. 



o J z> • 7 ni) Colonel William H. Stephens. 
•^ { (2) Colonel Geoege Maney. 



REGIMENTS. 


CommaoderB. 


Effec- 
tives. 


Killed. 


Wound- 
ed. 


Miss- 
ing. 


Total. 




Colonel George Manoy 


i26 


'"i 


'is 






Sixth " 


Lieutenant-Colonel T. P. Jones 




Ninth " 


Colonel H. L. Douglass 




Seventh Kentucky 


Charles Widdiffe (in. w.) 

Cantain M. Smith _ 








Cheatham's report foi 




3,801 




... 1 __ 1 i.gii? 











Second Corps. — Major-General Beaxton Bkagg. 

First Division. — Brigadier-General Daniel Kcggles. 
First Brigade. — Colonel Randal L. Gibson. 



REGIMENTS. 


Commanders 


Effec- 
tives. 


Killed. 


Wound- 
ed. 


Miss- 
ing. 


Total. 




Colonel H. W. Allen (w.) 


575 


24 


163 


22 


209 


Thirteenth " 

Nineteenth " .... 


( (1) Miijor A. P. Ave<rno (m. w.l 1 

\ (2) Captain E. M. Dubroca j 

Colonel B. L. Hodee 












Battery 



















Second Brigade. — ^Brigadier-General Patton Anderson. 



REGIMENTS. 



Seventeenth Louisiana.. , 
Twentieth " 
Ninth Texas 



First Florida. 



Two Cos. Confederate 

Guards Response. 
Battery 



n 



Lieutenant-Colonel Charles Jones (w.). 

Colonel August Reichard 

W.A.Stanley 

(1) Major T. A. McDonell ( w.) 

(2) Captam W. G. Poole 

(8) " W. C. Bird 

Major F. H. Clack 

Captain "W. I. Hodgson 



Anderson's report . 



32() 
507 
226 



169 
155 



1,634 



10 



35 



46 
484. 



77iird Brigade.— Colonel Preston Pond. 



REGIMENTS. 


Commanders. 


Effec- 
tives. 


Killed. 


Wound- 
ed. 


Miss- 
ing. 


Total. 






880 


19 
13 

7 
23 
17 

1 


46 
80 
48 
84 
55 
12 


27 
1181 
15 
20 

18 
1 


92 






211 


Thirty-eifrhth Tennessee. 
Crescent (Louisiana) 






65 


" M.J.Smith 




127 






9I( 


Battery 


Captain William H. Ketchum 


14 






Total 




80 


820 


199 


599 



Mostly killed and wounded. 



CONFEDERATE ORGAXIZATIOX AND CASUALTIES. 



67i 



Second Division. — Brigadier Jones M. Withers. 



First Brigade.- 



(1) Brigadier-General A. H. Gladden (k.). 

(2) Colonel D. W. Adams (w.). 

(3) Colonel Z. C. Deas (w.). 

(4) Colonel J. Q. Loomis. 



REGIMENTS. 


Commanderi. 


Effec- 
tives. 


Killed. 


Wound- 
ed. 


Miss- 
ing. 


Total. 


First Louisiana 

Twenty-first Alabama.. . 
Twenty-second " 

Twenty-fifth 

Twenty-sLxth " 
Battery 


J (1) Colonel D. W. Adams (w.) 1 

( (2) Miijor F. II. Farrar j 

Lieutenant-Colonel 9. W. Cayce 

((1) Colonel Z. C. Deiis (w.) | 

I (J) Lieutenant-Colonel J. Q. Marrast.. f 

j (1) Colonel Q. Loomis | 

1 (i) Major J. D. Johnston f 

j (1) Colonel Coltart (w.) » 

j ('2) Lieutenant-Colonel W. D. Chadick. ( 

Captain Robertson 


435 
805 
440 








198 








Withers's report 




129 


597 


103 


829 









Second Brigade. — Brigadier-General James R. Chalmers. 



REGIMENTS. 


Commanders. 


Effec- 
tives. 


„.,, . Wound- 
Killed. 

ed. 


Miss- 
ing. 


Total. 


Fifth Mississippi 


Colonel A. E. Fant 























Ninth " 

Tenth " 


" W. A. Kankin (k.) 

E. A. Smith 






Fiftv-second Tennessee. . 


" B. J. Lea 






Battery 


















2,039 


82 


343 




425 









TIdrd Brigade. — Brigadier-General John K. Jackson. 



regiments. 


Commanders, 


Effec- 
tives. 


Killed. 


Wound- 
ed. 


Miss- 
ing. 


Total. 


Seventeenth Alabama 


Colonel R. C. Favis 








.... 




Eiehteenth " .... 


" E. 8. Shorter 






Nineteenth " 








Second Texas 










Captain J. P. Girardy 










.... 




Jackson's report. . . 


2,203 

















Second Division — (Summary). 



brigades. 


Commanders. 


Effec- 
tives. 


Killed. 


Wound- 
ed. 


Miss- 
ing. 

103 
29 
194 


Total. 


1 




Gladden 


2,089 
2,208 


129 
63 
91 


.597 
843 
864 


829 


TT 


Chalmers 


4.")4 


Til 


Jackson 


64') 
















TVithers's report 


6,4S2 
6.4S2 


293 1,334 


2o3 1418 




Bragg's " 


1 1 &80 










Beauregard's report 






802 


l,3f>4 


32i; 


1.982 



676 



SECOND BATTLE OF SHILOH. 



Third Corps. — Major-General William J. Hardee. 

First Divisio7i. — Brigadier-General Thomas C. Hindman. 

First Brigade. — Colonel R. G. Shaver. 



REGIMENTS. 


CommanderG. 


Effec- 
tives. 




Miss- 
ing. 


Total. 


Third Confederate 


Colonel J. 8. Marmaduke 

I (1) Colonel Qovan 1 












Second Arkansas 

Sixth " 


-< (2) Lieutenant-Colonel Patterson (w.).. v 
((3) Major K. T. Harrey ) 




Seventh " 


j (1) Lieut.-Colonel John M. Dean (k.).. ) 
1 (2) Major James T. Martin j 





















Third Brigade. — Brigadier-General S. A, M. "Wood. 



REGIME.MTS. 


Commanders. 


Effec- 
tiret. 


Killed. 


Wound- 
ed. 


MIm- 
ing. 


Tutal. 


Sixteenth Alabama 




325 
305 
155 

380 

270 
305 
800 


'"s 

2T 


'49" 
115 


"'2 

48 




Colonel W. K. Patterson 




Ninth Arkansas Battalion 




59 


( (1) Colonel Williams (k ) 1 




Twenty-seventh Tenn. . . 

Forty-fourth " ... 
Fiftv-fifth " ... 
Third Mississippi BattaVn 


\ (2) Lieutenant-Colonel Brown (w.) J- 

( (3) M.ajor Love (k.) ) 

Colonel C. A. McDaniel (w.) 


190 










Cantain Harner ( four ffunsl 












Infantry 




2,040 











Second Brigade (unattached). — Brigadier-General P. R. Cleburne. 



REGIMENTS. 



Second Tennessee 

Fifth " 

Twenty-third Tennessee 
Twenty-fourth " 
Sixth Mississippi 

Fifteenth Arkansas 

Battery 

Brigade 

Corps 

Corps 



I (1) Colonel "William Bate (w.) \ 

I ii) Lieutenant-Colonel D. L. Goodall... ) 

Colonel Ben J. Hill 

i (1) Colonel J. F. Neil (w) | 

I (2) Lieutenant-Colonel R. Cantrell j 

" " Peebles 

i (1) Colonel J. J. Thornton (w.) I 

i (2) Major Lowry (w.) 

I (1) Lieutenant-Colonel Patton (k.)... 
j (2) Major J. T. Harris (k.) 

Captain Tvigg 

" Calvert 



Cleburne's report. 



Hardee's report. 



Beauregard's report 



Effec- 
tives. 

865 
369 

576 



2,750 
6,789 
6,7S9 



32 
141 
404 i 1,936 I 141 



1,000 
404 ! 1,936 



1,032 
2,481 
2,481 



CONFEDERATE OKGAXIZATIOX AND CASUALTIES. 



677 



Jleserve Corps. — Brigadier-General John C. Breckinridge. 
First Brigade. — Colonel Robert P. Trabue. 



REGIMENTS. 


CommaDders. 


Efiec- 
tives. 


Killed. 


Casual-' Mlsi- 
iies. ing. 


Total. 


Third Kentucky 

Fourth " 


Lieuteuant-Colonel Ben Anderson . .1 

J (1) Lieutemint-Colonol Hyncs (w.). .1 

I (2) Major Thomas B. Monroe (k.). ..'.... 


4-31 




174 

218 

108 
184 
7!) 
30 
55 
87 
14 






Sixth " 






Ninth " 


" Thomas H. Hunt 






Thirty-first Alabama 

Fourth Alabama Battal'n 


Lieutenant-Colonel Ualbraitb .« 

J. M.Clifton ^.... 






r.attery 

Battery 








" E. P. Byrne 














2,400 




844 1 .... 











\ (1) Brigadier-General John S. Eowen (w.). 



Second Brigade.- >^ J.^j (,^,^^^^ j^^^^ ^ ^^^^^ 



REGIMENTS. 

First Missouri 

Second Confederate 

Ninth Arkansas 

Tenth 

Hudson's Battery... 



Colonel Rich (k.) 

(1) Colonel John D. Martin. 

(2) Major Mangum 

Colonel Dunlap 

" Merrick 



Effec- 
tives. 



Miss- 
ing. 



Tldrd Brigade. — Colonel Statham. 



REGIMENTS. 



Nineteenth Tennessee 
Twentieth " 

Twentv-eishth " 
Forty-fifth " 

Fifteenth Mississippi . 
Twenty-second " 
Uutledge's Battery... 



Colonel Cummings. 



Effec- 
tives. 



Miss- 
ing. 



CavaJrij. 



COMM.VNDS. 


Commanderi. 


Attached 
to Corps. 


Effec- 
tives. 


KiU'd. 


Wound- 
ed. 


Miss- 
ing. 


Total. 


Regiment 


Colonel N. B. Forrest (w.) 


None. 
Polk. 
Bra"-" 


200 
286 




"4 

1 

1 




" Mississippi 




"7 

2 

2 


'56 ' 
10 

6 




" Alabama 


" Clanton 




" Texas 




Xf.no 


67 
13 

9 




Lieutenant-Colonel R. H. Brewer ' Polk. 

Major .John H. Morgan , Breclt. 

Captain Phil Thompson 1 Breck. 

Captains Jenkins, Tomlinson, Cox, 1 ^,„„„ 


•' Ky. (Scomp's). 
Kentucky Company 




and Robins ( 











Notes. 

Any official or other trustworthy information that will help to complete these tables will be grate- 
fully received. ^ 
' Two regiments were known as the Second Tennessee— Bate's and J. Knox Walker's. 

2 An Alabama battalion and an Arkansas battalion had been assigned to Jackson's brigade but were 
not in the battle. 

3 The Seventh Alabama Regiment was assigned to Wood's brigade, but does not appear in the battle- 
probably detached. 

4 The Forty-seventh Tennessee, Colonel Hill, arrived on the field on the 7th. 
* Some of the batteries appear under different names. 



678 



SECOND BATTLE OF SniLOE. 



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'-' S S >; 



686 



SECOND BATTLE OF SHILOH. 



APPENDIX YI. 

United States Troops engaged at Shiloh. 



REGIMENTS, ETC. 



• Seventy-seventh Pennsylvania 

e- First Kentucliy Infantry 

, Second "■ " 

»Fiftli " " 

'Sixth " " 

•Ninth " " 

•Eleventh " " 

•> Thirteenth " " 

<• Seventeenth " " . . . • 

< Twentieth " " 

V Twenty-fourth " " . . . . 

• Twenty-fifth " " 

« Twenty-sixth " " . . . . 

• Fifth Ohio Cavalrj^ 

» G, First Ohio Liijht Artillery 

• Fifth Ohio Battery , 

--* Eighth " '• 

. Thirteenth " " 

' Fourteenth " " 

« First Ohio Infantry 

..Sixth " " 

» Thirteenth " " 

• Nineteenth " " 

• Twentieth " " 

• Twenty-fourth " " 

' Forty-first " " 

*Forty-sixth " " 

• Forty-eighth " " 

• Forty-ninth " " 

•Fifty-third " " 

.Fifty-fourth " " 

t Fifty-seventh " " 

• Fifty-eighth " " 

• Fifty -ninth " " .... 

• Sixty-fourth " " 

. Sixty-fifth " " 

» Seventieth " " 

« Seventy-first " " 

• Seventy-second " " 

• Seventy-sixth " " 

•• Seventy-seventh " " 

f Seventy-eighth " " 

• Eighty-first " " t-. . . . 
-> Second Michigan Battery 

- Twelfth " Infantry . . «: 

- Thirteenth " " 

' Fifteenth " " 

Detachment Second Indiana Cavalry 

• Sixth Indiana Battery 

• Ninth " " 

» Sixth Indiana Infantry 

. Ninth " " 

• Eleventh " " 

• Fifteenth " " 

• Twenty-third " " 

• Twenty-fourth " " 

•Twenty-fifth " " 

♦Twenty -ninth " " 

• Thirtieth " " 

-Thirty-first " " 

»Thirty-seciind " " 

♦Thirty-sixth " " 

• Thirty-ninth " " 

• Fortieth " " 

• Forty-fourth " " ..... 

• Fifty-seventh " " 

' A, Second Illinois Cavalry 

B, " " '• 

' Fourth " " . . , 

' Eleventh " " 



Brigade. 



5 


2 


22 


4 


22 


4 


4 


2 


19 


4 


11 


5 


14 


6 


11 


5 


3 


4 


22 


4 


21 





3 


4 


14 


5 




3 and 5 




5 




6 




3 




'i 


4 


2 


10 


4 


14 


5 


11 


5 


3 


3 


10 


4 


19 


4 


1 


5 


4 


5 


6 


2 


3 


5 


2 


5 


3 


5 


2 


3 


11 


5 


20 


6 


20 


6 


4 


5 


2 


5 


4 


5 


3 


3 


3 


5 


3 


8 


2 


2 




6 


15 


6 




6 




4 




5 




8 




2 


19 


4 




3 


21 


6 


2 


3 


1 


8 


2 


4 


5 


2 


5 


2 


3 


4 


6 


2 


10 


4 


6 


2 


21 


6 


3 


4 


21 


6 




3 




3 




1 and 4 



FEDERAL TROOPS ENGAGED. 
Appendix VI. (continued). 



687 



REGIMENTS, ETC. 



Brignde. 



Army. 



Stewart's b.ittalion Illinois Cavalry 

A, First Illinois Light Ai'tillery.^, 

IJ, ' " ^ 

T), " " " " 

K, " " " " — 

II, " " " " -« 

I, " " " " -r 

B, Second " " " ■^. 

B, " " " " 

E, " " " " 

F, " " " " -•/ 

Seventh Illinois Infantry*/, 

Ei{,'hth " " y'C 

Ninth " " X. 

Eleventh " " >^. 

Twelfth " " \/. 

Fourteenth " " v^> , 

Fifteenth " " -U. 

Seventeenth " " V.' 

Eighteenth " " x'. 

Twentieth " " >•. 

Twenty-eighth " " v/. 

Twenty-ninth " " v^ 

Thirty-second " " V 

Thirty-fourth " " >/ 

Fortieth '" " v« 

Forty-first " " V. 

Forty-third " " \et 

Forty -fifth " " Y. 

Forty-sixth " " V , 

Forty-eighth " " V 

Forty-ninth " " -^ 

Fiftieth " " -V. 

Fifty-second " " '^. 

Fifty-fifth " " V. 

Fifty-seventh " " V. 

Fifty-eighth " " V 

Sixty-first " " V 

Earn Monarch 

C, First Missouri Light Artillery 

D, " " •. 

\': :: " -::::::::::: 

K, " 

Eighth Missouri Infantry _ , 

Thirteenth " " ^ 

Fourteenth " " >.» 

Eighteenth " " •»^ 

Twenty-first " " _ , 

Twenty-third " " ■». 

Twenty-fifth " " ^. 

Fourteenth Wisconsin Infantry «^ 

Sixteenth " " .» 

Eighteenth " " ti 

Second Iowa Infantry. v 

Third " " -:-{'. 

Sixth " " V , 

Seventh " " V 

Eighth " " 

Eleventh " " ^/. 

Twelfth " " vf 

Thirteenth " " vt 

Fourteenth " " v^ 

Fifteenth " " v 

SLxteenth " " -x 

First Minnesota Battery . «?• 

First Nebraska Infantry ^ 

• C, Second United States Cavalry 

- I, Fourth " " 

- H, Fourth United States Artillery 

t.'M, " " " 

.vJ^H, Fifth " " 

■ BattaUon Fifteenth United States Infantry. ^ 
" Sixteenth " " .rr 

" Nineteenth " " . .-?■ 

45 



Grant. 
Grant 
Grant. 
Grant. 
Grant. 
Grant. 
Grant. 

Grant. 
Grant. 
(Jrant. 
Grant. 
Grant. 
Grant 
Grant. 
Grant. 
Grant. 
Grant 
Grant. 
Grant. 
Grant 
Grant. 
Grant. 
Grant 
Buell. 
Grant. 
Grant. 
Grant 
Grant 
Grant. 
Grant. 
Grant 
Gr.int. 
Grant. 
Grant. 
Grant. 
Grant. 
Grant 

Grant. 



Grant. 



s 


Grant. 


2 


Grant. 


2 


Grant. 


6 


Grant. 


() 


Grant. 


6 


Grant 


6 


Grant. 


6 


Grant. 


6 


Grant. 


6 


Grant. 


2 


Grant. 


4 


Grant. 


5 


Grant 


2 


Grant 


2 


Grant. 


1 


Grant. 


2 


Grant. 


1 


Grant. 


2 


Grant 


f) 


Grant. 


6 


Grant 


6 


Grant 


8 


Grant. 


2 


Grant 


2 


Grant. 


2 


Buell. 


2 


Buell. 


2 


Buell. 


2 


Buell. 


2 


Buell. 


2 


BueU. 



688 GENERAL JOHNSTON IN THE GRAVE. 



CHAPTER XXXVI. 

GENERAL JOHXSTON IN THE GRAVE. 

When it was found that General Johnston was dead, General Pres- 
ton conveyed his body from the field to the headquarters of the night 
before, and left it in charge of Captain Wickham and Major John W. 
Throckmorton. He then reported, with Majors Benham and Hayden, 
and Lieutenant Jack, to General Beauregard, who courteously offered 
them places on his staff, which were accepted, for that battle. After 
consultation with General Beauregard, and learning at headquarters 
that the victory was as complete as it probably would be, and that no 
attack was apprehended, the staff determined to accompany General 
Johnston's remains to New Orleans. Preston, Munford, O'Hara, Ben- 
ham, Hayden, Jack, and Wickliffe, composed this escort. There was 
no cannonade, and no idea of a general engagement, when they left 
headquarters at 6 A. M. on Monday morning. But at eight o'clock, be- 
tween Mickey's and Monterey, they were embarrassed by a stampede 
occasioned by five horsemen — one, of considerable rank. At Corinth 
they found the soldiers straggling through the woods, shooting squir- 
rels. They learned, before they left that night, that Beauregard had 
retired. 

On arriving in New Orleans, General Johnston's body was escorted 
to the City Hall by the Governor and staff. General Lovell and staff, 
and many prominent citizens. Colonel Jack, in a letter describing the 
scene, says : 

The streets were thronged with citizens, and, as the procession moved slowly 
along, I saw tears silently flowing from the eyes of young, middle-aged, and old. 

The body was laid in state in one of the public halls, and throngs 
of people of all classes, rich and poor, the lofty and the lowly, came in 
mournful silence to pay the last tokens of respect to the dead leader. 
Ladies wreathed the coffin with magnolias and other flowers. 

The remains were laid in a tomb belonging to Mayor Monroe, in St. 
Louis Cemetery. Each year while it rested there, the writer received 
assurances that on All-saints'-day, there dedicated to the remembrance 
of the dead, friendly or admiring hands decorated his burial-place with 
wreaths and garlands. A visitor to the spot sent the following to the 
writer : 



SEPULTURE AND PUBLIC SOPtROW. (389 

Here is the inscription, written in pencil : " General A. S. Johnston, C. S. A., 
Shiloh, April 6, 18G2." On one corner some hand had written this: "Texas 
weeps over her noblest son. A Texas soldier." The tomb was decorated with 
flowers, some of them yet fresh. My fair companion informed me that scarcely 
a day had passed since his burial without fresh flowers being laid upon his 
grave. I have in my portfolio some of the roses that I took from the grave 
with no sacrilegious hand, and, if they were bedewed with tears, no trae man or 
good woman will call it a weakness or a crime to weep at the tomb of such a 
man as Albert Sidney Johnston. 

This constant memorial is understood to have been kept up. 

"When the news of General Johnston's death was spread abroad, the 
public heart, with that noble contrition which marks a brave and gen- 
erous people, sought in self-reproach to make atonement for the wrong 
and injustice he had suffered. The evidences of grief were general 
and sincere. Not only was every official recognition given of the ex- 
tent of the calamity, but the tokens of sorrow were multiplied in many 
a Southern household, and a great lamentation went up as if the loss of 
this leader was private and personal to every citizen. 



GENERAL ORDER ON THE DEATH OF GEXERAL A. S. JOnXSTON. 

The following general order was issued from headquarters at Corinth 
by General Beauregard : 

Ueadqcartebs, Aemt of thb Mississippi, I 
Corinth, Mississippi, April 10, 1862. ) 

Soldiers : Your late commander-in-chief. General A. S. Johnston, is dead ; 
a fearless soldier, a sagacious captain, a reproachless man, has fallen — one 
who, in his devotion to our cause, shrank from no sacrifice ; one who, animated 
by a sense of duty, and sustained by a sublime courage, challenged danger, and 
perished gallantly for his country while leading forward his brave columns to 
victory. His signal example of heroism and patriotism, if imitated, would make 
his army invincible. 

A grateful country will mourn his loss, revere his name, and cherish his 
many virtues. G. T. Beauregard, General commanding. 

President Davis sent the following message to Congress : 

To the Senate and House of Representatives ofiTie Confederate States of America. 

The great importance of the news just received from Tennessee induces me 
to depart from the established usages, and to make to you this communication 
in advance of official reports. From official telegraphic dispatches, received 
from official sources, I am able to announce to you, with entire confidence, that 
it has pleased Almighty God to crown the Confederate arms with a glorious and 
decisive victory over our invaders. 

On the morning of the 6th, the converging columns of our army were 



690 GENERAL JOHNSTON IN THE GRAVE. 

combined by its commander-in-cbief, General Albert Sidney Johnston, in an 
assault on the Federal army, then encamped near Pittsburg, on the Tennessee 
River. 

After a hard-fought battle of ten hours, the enemy was driven in disorder 
from his position, and pursued to the Tennessee River, where, under the cover 
of the gunboats, he was at the last accounts endeavoring to effect his retreat by 
aid of his transports. The details of this great battle are yet too few and in- 
complete to enable me to distinguish with merited praise all of those who may 
have conspicuously earned the right to such distinction, and I prefer to delay 
our own gratification in recommending them to your special notice, rather than 
incur the risk of wounding the feelings of any by failing to include them in the 
list. When such a victory has been won over troops as numerous, well dis- 
ciplined, armed, and appointed, as those which have been so signally routed, we 
may well conclude that one common spirit of unflinching bravery and devotion 
to our country's cause must have animated every breast, from that of the com- 
manding general to that of the humblest patriot who served in the ranks. 
There is enough in the continued presence of invaders on our soil to chasten our 
exultation over this brilliant success, and to remind us of the grave duty of con- 
tinued exertion until we shall extort from a proud and vainglorious enemy the 
reluctant acknowledgment of our right to self-government. 
I -^'^ But an All-wise Creator has been pleased, while vouchsafing to us his 
countenance in battle, to afflict us with a severe dispensation, to which we 
must bow in humble submission.i' The last, long, lingering hope has disappeared, 
and it is but too true that General Albert Sidney Johnston is no more ! The tale 
of his death is simply narrated in a dispatch from Colonel William Preston, in the 
following words : 

^ -fcl " General Johnston fell yesterday, at half-past two o'clock, wliile leading a 
successful charge, turning the enemy's right, and gaining a brilliant victory .1 ' A 
Minie-ball cut the artery of his leg, but he rode on until, from loss of blood, he 
fell exhausted, and died without pain in a few moments. His body has been in- 
trusted to me by General Beauregard, to be taken to New Orleans, and remain 
imtil instructions are received from his family." 

3 <j:i My long and close friendship with this departed chieftain and patriot forbid 
me to trust myself in giving vent to the feelings which this intelligence has 
evoked. Without doing injustice to the living, it may safely be said that our 
loss is irreparable. Among the shining hosts of the great and good who now 
cluster around the banner of our country, there exists no purer spirit, no more 
heroic soul, than that of the illustrious man whose death I join you in lament- 
ing, vi 

In his death he has illustrated the character for which through life he was 
conspicuous — that of singleness of purpose and devotion to duty with his whole 
energies. Bent on obtaining the victory, which he deemed essential to his 
country's cause, he rode on to the accomplishment of his object, forgetful of 
self, while his very life-blood was ebbing away fast. H His last breath cheered 
his comrades on to victory. The last sound he heard was their shout of victory. 
His last thought was his country, and long and deeply will his country mourn 
his loss. ; V Jeffeeson Davis. 

The message was laid on the table, and ordered to be printed. 

Mr. Barksdale moved to have 500 extra copies printed. Agreed to. 



CONFEDERATE COXGRESS. 691 

The following were the proceedings in the Confederate House of 
Representatives : 

HOUSE OF REPKESENTATIVES. 

Monday, April 7, 1S62. 

The IIouso met at twelve o'clock, and was opened with prayer by Kev. Mr. 
Crumley. Journal of Saturday read. 

Mr. Wilcox, of Texas, introduced the following joint resolution : 

^'Hesohed, That Congress has learned with feelings of deep joy and grati- 
tude to the Divine Ruler of nations the news of the recent glorious victory of 
our arms in Tennessee. 

'■^ Besolved, That the death of General Albert Sidney Johnston, the com- 
mander of our forces, while leading his troops to victory, cannot but temper our 
exultation with a shade of sadness at the loss of so able, skillful, and gallant an 
officer. 

" Resolved, That, in respect to the memory of General Johnston, the Senate 
concurring, Congress do now adjourn until twelve o'clock to-morrow." 

Mr. Perkins, of Louisiana, thouglit that we could best evince our regret for 
the fall of our heroes by imitating their examples in discharging the duties 
which devolve upon us. He had no disposition to oppose the appropriate reso- 
lutions introduced by the gentleman from Texas, but there were many important 
matters demanding the attention of the House. 

Mr. Foote : " I would ask the gentleman from Louisiana to withdraw his ob- 
jection to the consideration of these resolutions. 

" While I agree with the gentleman as to the necessity of speedy action upon 
the subject to which he refers, it seems to me that such a mark of respect to the 
gallant dead is peculiarly appropriate, and should be offered regardless of the 
consideration which the gentleman presents. jSTotwithstanding that we all feel 
rejoiced over the glorious victory which has been achieved, we cannot but feel 
deeply saddened at the fate of the gallant Johnston. 

" It seems to me, sir, that we cannot be to-day sufficiently composed to per- 
form our duties here, and it would, in my opinion, best comport with the feel- 
ings of respect and gratitude which we all entertain for the distinguished and 
patriotic chieftain, as well as the officers and soldiers who participated with 
him in this conflict, to adopt these resolutions, and adjourn over until to-mor- 
row. 

" I am as anxious as any man to perform the duties devolving upon us here ; 
but I am satisfied that we cannot do so to-day with that degree of composure 
which is necessary to give force and efficiency to our action. 

" I trust the gentleman will withdraw his objection, and allow the resolution 
to pass." 

Mr, Perkins: " I withdraw my objection." 

Mr. McQueen, of South Carolina : "I desire to suggest to the gentleman from 
Texas (Mr. Wilcox) that this battle may have been fought in Mississippi. If so, 
it would be proper for him to change that part of his resolutions which locates 
the fight in Tennessee." 

Mr. Davis, of Mississippi : " That battle was fought in Tennessee, very near 
the Mississippi line." 

Mr. Moore, of Kentucky : " Mr. Speaker, I do not arise for the purpose of 



692 GENERAL JOHNSTOX IN THE GRAVE. 

detaining the Honse by any protracted remarks in support of the resolutions 
offered by the gentleman from Texas, but rather to express my gratitude to that 
gentleman for presenting those resolutions. I trust, however, that I may be in- 
dulged in the request that this House will unanimously adopt the resolutions, 
and bear their testimony of regard to the memory of that great and good man. 
Until our recent reverses at Forts Donelson and Henry, no cloud of darkness 
had rested on his fair name, no shadow had passed along to obscure the bright 
sunshine of his matchless military fame. But I must not call up the memory 
of the past. I do not wish to refer to any reflections whicli may have been in- 
dulged either here or elsewhere toward General Johnston in reference to those 
reverses ; but it only remains now for me to ask this tribute to his memory, 
since he has given the highest evidence of devotion to his country which the 
soldier can offer. He has fallen at the head of his array, in the midst of the 
conflict, in the full tide of a glorious and brilliant victory over his country's foe. 

" This crowning act of devotion to that counti-y which he had so long loved 
and served has dissipated every cloud which momentarily marred the splendor 
of his glorious name, and his memory passes into history, undimmed by any 
word of condemnation, unclouded by any shadow of reproach. Nor, indeed, 
Mr. Speaker, would any cloud of suspicion ever have rested upon his name had 
the circumstances with which he was surrounded at Bowling Green been known 
by the country. No man can know the facts save those of us who were person- 
ally cognizant of his condition at that place. I have seen and witnessed the ter- 
rible responsibility pressing upon his great heart, as, reposing on his couch of 
straw, he contemplated the unmeasured degree of hope and expectation with 
which the country looked to him, while he had an army too small to advance, 
and almost too small to hazard a retreat. But, Mr. Speaker, I am happy to 
witness already demonstrations in this House which mark the unanimity with 
which the resolutions will be adopted — the unanimity with which this House, 
here in the Capitol, will offer a nation's gratitude as a tribute of respect to the 
memory of the illustrious dead. 

" "While I have felt justified, under all the circumstances, in alluding particu- 
larly to General Johnston, I would by no means have it understood that I feel 
less grateful to the memory of all the officers and soldiers who may have fallen 
in the same conflict. God forbid that the humblest soldier who fell on that 
glorious field where victory so signally crowned our arms should fail to be re- 
membered with the warmest affection and gratitude of our people. In this, as 
in all revolutions, the officers and soldiers constitute our tower of strength. 
Upon their strong arms and brave hearts do we lean with all our hopes and ex- 
pectations for ourselves and our country. And now, as they have in the dread 
hour of sanguinary conflict laid down their lives, and thus borne the highest 
evidences of devotion to their country, I hope this House will unanimously 
adopt the resolutions, and pay that high mark of respect to those gallant soldiers 
who so nobly fell in defense of their country." 

After the conclusion of Mr. Moore's remarks the resolutions were adopted 
unanimously. 

They were immediately reported to the Senate ; but, that body having ad- 
journed, Mr. Jones moved for a reconsideration of the vote by which they were 
adopted, with a view to passing resolutions expressive of the sorrow of this 
House at the intelligence of the loss of one of our distinguished chieftains. 



CONFEDERATE COXGRESS. 093 

In the course of the debate in Congress on the resolutions relative to the 
death of General A. S. Johnston, Mr. Barksdale, of Mississippi, said : 

"I hold in my hand an unofficial letter, probably the last written by the 
lamented deceased to the Chief Executive of the Confederacy, to whom he had 
long been united by the ties of friendship, and with whom he had enlisted at an 
early day under the flag of a Government which together they abandoned when 
it became the symbol of a monstrous despotism. This letter has been given me 
to be used as I might think proper for the vindication of the recent acts of Gen- 
eral Johnston, not fully understood by the public. I will, therefore, by the in- 
dulgence of the House, read this letter, that they may see the facts in the light 
by which his course was shaped previous and subsequent to the fall of Donel- 
son. These facts triumphantly vindicate his fame as a true patriot and an able 
and skillful military leader. This letter, written under most trying circum- 
stances, shows that no trace of passion was visible in the awful serenity of the 
pure, brave, and undaunted spirit in which it originated. It is a simple recital 
of facts in justification of his actions, before which the calumnies of the ignorant 
or the wicked will flee like mist before the brow of day. lie has left a noble 
example of magnanimity in the midst of unjust complaint, and of courage and 
fortitude amid disaster. His fame rises brighter from the severe ordeal through 
which he has passed, and his name will live green and fresh forever in the hearts 
of a grateful people. Mr. Speaker, I will close by reading the letter to which I 
Lave referred." 

Mr. Barksdale then read General Johnston's letter of March 18th, heretofore 
inserted (page 518). 

At the conclusion of the speech of Mr. Barksdale and the reading of the letter 
from General Johnston — 

Mr. Smith, of Virginia, offered the following resolution : 

'■'■ Eesohed, That this House, from respect to the memory of General Albert 
Sidney Johnston, and the oflScers and men who have fallen in the defense of 
their country in the hour of a great and glorious victory over our ruthless enemy, 
do now adjourn." 

This resolution was adopted without opposition, and the House adjourned. 

Tuesday, April 8, 1862. 

The Senate met at eleven o'clock. Prayer by the Rev. Mr. Kepler, of the 
Episcopal Church. 

Mr. Haynes, of Tennessee, moved that the resolution touching the victory 
near Corinth, and lamenting the death of Albert Sidney Johnston, be taken up, 
so that he could offer resolutions in lieu. Resolutions were then presented by 
the Senator, expressive of the joy of Congress on hearing of the great victory 
of our army in Tennessee, paying a glowing tribute of respect to the memory of 
the commander-in-chief, and conveying the thanks of Congress to General Beau- 
regard and the officers under his command, for their services in that memorable 
battle. 

Mr. Haynes stated that he was one of the Tennessee delegation who requested 
the President to transfer General Johnston's command to some other officer, 
after the retreat from Nashville. Subsequently, information had caused him to 
alter his opinion, and he therefore felt it his duty to offer the resolutions named. 

Mr. Yancey, of Alabama, moved that the resolutions be so amended as to 



694 GENERAL JOHNSTON IN THE GRAVE. 

designate the place of the battle as indicated by General Beauregard — viz., the 
battle-field of Shiloh. He moved, also, that the resolutions be so amended as to 
tender the thanks of Congress to General Beauregard and the surviving officers 
and soldiers for their gallantry and skill on that memorable field. 

On October 1, 1866, the Legislature of Texas bj joint resolution of 
both Houses, unanimously adopted, appointed a select committee to 
proceed to New Orleans, after the adjournment, and arrange for the 
removal of the remains of General Johnston to Austin, the seat of 
government of the State. The Hon. R. V. Cook, of the Senate, and 
Colonel Ashbel Smith and Colonel Jones, of Titus County, were ap- 
pointed as the committee. Feeling tributes were paid to General 
Johnston's memory by Messrs. Cook, Smith, and F. C. Hume, of Walker 
County. 

The following is the joint resolution concerning the removal of the 
remains of General Albert Sidney Johnston from the State of Louisi- 
ana, and their interment in the State Cemetery : 

Whereas^ The remains of General Albert Sidney Johnston, who fell at Shiloh, 
were stopped in New Orleans, on their way to Texas, by the capture of that 
city, and have never been removed thence ; and, whereas, it was the desire of 
the deceased that he should be buried in the State of Texas; and, whereas, it is 
believed to be the wish of the people of the State that the dying request of one 
whom Texas was proud to acknowledge as one of the most illustrious of her citi- 
zens should be complied with : therefore — 

Be it resolved ly the Legislature of the State of Texas, That the sum of 
$2,000, or so much thereof as may be necessary, be appropriated, out of any 
money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated by law, to defray the ex- 
penses of the removal and burial of the remains of General Albert Sidney John- 
ston, in the State Cemetery, in the city of Austin ; and that a joint committee 
of the Legislature, consisting of one from the Senate, and two from the House 
of Representatives, be appointed, who shall proceed, in vacation, to the city of 
New Oi-leans, and carry this resolution into effect, in an appropriate manner. 
Approved October 3, 1866. 

(Signed) J. "W". Theockmoeton. 

The question being upon the motion to amend the joint resolution by pro- 
viding that a committee of the two Houses be charged, after the adjournment of 
the Legislature, with carrying the object of the resolution into effect. Senator 
Cook said : 

"Mr. President, in moving this amendment to the resolution offered by the 
honorable Senator from Travis, I do so from the feeling that it is but a fitting 
tribute to the worth and greatness of the illustrious deceased. Instead of allow- 
ing the sacred duty of his reinterment to be devolved upon some irresponsible 
person, let it be done by the Legislature itself. Let the body of the admirable 
soldier be borne to its final grave by a joint committee of the representatives of 
the people of Texas. General Johnston always claimed the State of Texas as 
his home, and was looked upon by the people as one of her citizens ; and, as it 



SPEECH OF R. V. COOK. 695 

was originally intended that he should be buried in our midst, and as it was only 
by the fall of New Orleans that his remains were stopped in that city, on their 
way to Texas, it is now but a just tribute to his memory that the objects of these 
resolutions be carried into effect. 

"Mr. President, when tlie conflict became inevitable, and when all hope of 
accommodation had tied, and when the earthquake-throes of civil war began to 
shako the foundation of the republic. General Johnston, at that time afar off 
upon the shores of the Pacific, hearing the din of the approaching struggle, 
immediately began his journey across the howling wilderness and trackless 
desert that separated him from Texas, resolving to ofler his sword to a cause 
which already had the sanction of his affections, I will not weary the Senate, 
sir, with a recital of his journey to the seat of government, and his final as- 
sumption of the command of the Army of the Tennessee. Nor will I attempt 
to follow, step by step, the disastrous events over which he had no control, and 
which resulted in the final retreat of the Confederate army from Bowling Green. 
Nor shall I advert to the detailed events which marked the progress of that 
army, as it swung slowly over the hills of Kentucky, and through the forests of 
Tennessee, amid the inclemency of wintry weather, to the memorable encamp- 
ment at Corinth. But, sir, during those weeks of gloom, a burden of obloquy 
was heaped upon the gallant leader of the retreating army, which must have 
stung his proud spirit nigh unto death. No words of reproval were thought too 
vile with which to bring him into odium. The newspapers and the orators 
everywhere throughout the South denounced him as a failure, and a military em- 
piric — a sworded and belted quack, whose movements were bringing our cause 
to ruin. Miserable newspaper scribblers, who never saw a ' squadron set in the 
field,' dared to brand the greatest soldier in the "West with incompetency, if not 
with cowardice. "Without comprehending or dreaming of the greatness of his 
plans, which only his death prevented from culminating in the magnificence of 
a crowning victory, ignorant critics imputed the retreat of our army, and all the 
disasters which preceded it, to his want of courage and capacity — an unjust ver- 
dict, which will excite posterity with surprise, and which an indignant sense of 
returning justice has already reversed. 

"No marvel, sir, when our army halted amid the historic hills of Corinth, that 
the proud spirit of our hero chafed within him, and that he eagerly turned the 
heads of his columns toward the memorable field of Shiloh. I will not repeat 
the details of that glorious battle : how that, hour after hour, amid the shouts 
of advancing thousands, the eagle of the Confederacy soared to victory; how 
that banner after banner fluttered through smoke and storm as the foe receded ; 
how that, while the hurrahs of victory were still ringing in his ears, Johnston 
died a soldier's death. Yes, sir, in the saddle, with the harness of a warrior on, 
the chieftain met the inevitable messenger of Fate, The pitiless musket-ball that 
pierced him spilled the noblest blood of the South, When he fell, all was from 
that moment lost ! Victory no longer perched upon our flag. Less competent 
hands guided the strife, and a genius of lesser might ruled in his stead. What 
was assured success when the sun was wheeling to his zenith, became a fruitless 
and barren struggle ere the evening shades descended ; and the shadows of night 
but covered the disposition for the morrow's retrograde movement. Then, sirs, 
was for the first time felt the priceless and inestimable loss we had sustained. 
Then, for the first time, men began to see, when the fruits of victory were so 
near being seized, the vast, gigantic, comprehensive strategy, which might have 



696 GENERAL JOHNSTON IN THE GRAVE. 

resulted in tlie complete overthrow of the Federal army, and the recovery of 
Kentucky and Tennessee. I will not say that it would have changed the result; 
I will not say that, had our admirable soldier been spared, the Confederacy would 
now be numbered with the nations of the earth. Into the counsels of Heaven 
let no mortal presumptuously seek to enter. But what I do say, sir, is, that 
from the fatal hour when the life-blood of the gallant Johnston moistened the 
earth — from that hour, sir, may be dated that long series of disasters, relieved, 
it is true, by heroic effort, and brightened from time to time by brilliant but 
barren victories — but reaching, nevertheless, through the darkness of successive 
campaigns, until the Southern Cross descended forever amid the wail of a peo- 
ple's agony behind the clouds upon the banks of the Appomattox. 

" Fearless, honest, and loyal to principles, our hero died for what he thought 
was right. We know his resting-place, and we can recover his ashes. But, alas ! 
thousands of his soldiers, the children of Texas, will never sleep in her soil. 
Their graves are upon the heights of Gettysburg, upon the hills of tlie Sus- 
quehanna, by the banks of the Potomac, and by the side of the Cumberland. 
They sleep in glory upon the fields of Manassas and of Sharpsburg, of Gaines's 
Mill, and in the trenches of Richmond, and upon the shores of Vicksburg, and 
upon a hundred other historic fields, afar from the land of their love. Ay, but 
let them sleep on in their glory. Posterity will do them justice. In the ages 
that are to come, when all the' passions that now animate the bosom and sway 
the heart shall have passed away with the present generation of men, and when 
the teeming millions from the North and South who are to inhabit, in future 
centuries, the vast and fertile regions of the Mississippi Valley, shall recount, in 
song and story, the glorious achievements of their ancestry, and when they shall 
dwell, witli just pride, upon the renown of their deeds, and when hoary age 
shall tell to kindling youth the marvelous story of a revolution, the like of 
which the sun has never yet gazed upon in his six thousand years of created 
splendor — then, sir, it will be, that our gallant dead shall live in the remem- 
brance of mankind ; then, sir, will posterity raise and build a fitting monument 
to perpetuate their memory. 

" Perhaps the field of Shiloh will be chosen as the spot for its erection. Broad 
will be laid its foundation, deep down in the rock-ribbed earth. Vast will be its 
proportions — even vaster than the hoary Pyramids of Egypt. Upon its ascend- 
ing sides, as they slowly aspire to the clouds, will be engraven the names of the 
great multitudes who sleep in soldiers' graves. Upon its angles, and around its 
broad pedestal, will be erected the bronze statues of illustrious chieftains who 
led the opposing hosts— while, sir, upon its lofty summit, as the crowning glory 
of the whole structure, a gigantic figure will be reared, girt about with a war- 
rior's sword, while upon its head shall be wreathed a chaplet of immortal glory. 
The fleecy clouds will love to linger about it, and. the earliest sunlight shall 
brighten its features. Upon the pedestal, where stands this statue, let the 
Muse of History inscribe in letters of everlasting fire the name of Albert Sidney 
Johnston ! 

" Sir, gentlemen who are insensible to the worth of departed greatness may 
declare such utterances treasonable. But I have yet to learn that admiration of 
true heroism and laudation of moral worth and intellectual greatness were ever 
regarded by an intelligent people as badges of treason. For my own part I see 
nothing inconsistent in honoring the worth of our departed dead, and at the same 
time giving our cordial support in maintaining, upholding, and defending the 



SPEECHES OF R. V. COOK AND ASEBEL SMITH. G97 

Government of the United States. Sir, I love the Constitution of our fathers, 
and the great principles of republican government, and shall ever feel it a sacred 
duty to defend the same against all foes, foreign and domestic. If loyalty 
to the Government implies that we are to forget and execrate our dead, and 
are to declare by our words and acts that the glorious army of the Confederacy 
was only a band of outlaws and felons, and that its leaders deserved the gibbet 
or the dungeon — I repeat, sir, if these things must bo included in the definition 
of ' loyalty ' — then, indeed, are we all disloyal, and such will bo the condition 
of the Southern people for generations unborn. For sooner might the stars be 
swept from the heavens, or the faculty of memory be eradicated from the hu- 
man mind, than the recollections of the heroic and remarkable achievements 
of the Confederate army be forgotten by the American people. Ay, sir, while 
the hills exist and the mountains survive ; while the Potomac continues to pour 
his bright waters to tlie broad Atlantic ; while the Mississippi continues to roll 
his turbid flood to the delta and the Gulf of Mexico, the remembrance of the 
' lost cause ' shall survive, and the names of Johnston, and Jackson, and Lee, 
and a host of other heroes, shall live, and the glory of their endurance and their 
illustrious deeds shall stir the souls of future freemen, and stimulate the blood 
of generations yet unborn. 

" Mr. President, the great Kapoleon, dying on the rock-prison of St. Helena, 
left as his last heritage the wish that he might be buried on the banks of the 
Seine, among the French people that he had loved so well. For twenty years 
he slept beneath the rocks of the isle upon which he had died. But when at 
last the rage of animosity had ceased, and when human passions had subsided 
with the settlement of the great questions that had roused them, the voice of the 
great popular heart of France reached the king upon his throne, demanding 
that the body of the emperor should be removed and buried in the land of his 
love. The king heeded the voice, and sent his proud ships and the chivalry 
that surrounded his throne, to bring the illustrious sleeper to France. 

" "With a magnificence unprecedented even in that remarkable country, the 
remains of the chieftain were received. Millions went forth to meet the great 
conqueror stretched, in imperial pomp, upon his funeral-chariot. Amid tears and 
sobs, and the waving of banners, and the roar of cannon, and the imposing cere- 
monies of religion, they laid their idol to rest beneath the dome of the Invalides. 
We know that our hero cannot be thus received. Neither banners nor cannon 
can welcome his ashes to a grave in our midst. But, sir, he will be received 
with none the less heart-felt respect ; and his sleep will be none the less sweet 
beside the ashes of Burleson and McCulloch, in the land of his love. And if we 
can lower him to his last resting-place, while the bosoms of brave men heave 
around him, and the tears of fair women bedew the sod that shall cover him, a 
sacred duty will be performed to the memory of a great, a noble, and an illus- 
trious man : 

' He is Freedom's now and Fame's, 
One of the few, the immortal names 
That were not born to die ! ' 

" Sir, I have done. I have said more than I expected to say when I arose to 
speak. I thank the Senate for its attention, and I trust the resolution and 
amendment may both be adopted.'' 



698 GENERAL JOHNSTON IN THE GRAVE. 

Remarks of Ashbel Smith on moving the adoption of the resolution 
proposing to have the remains of General A. Sidney Johnston removed 
from New Orleans to the capital of Texas : 

"Mr. Speaker, I rise to move that the joint resolution from the Senate. which 
has just heen read be now adopted by this House. It is fitting that the mortal 
remains of the great soldier therein named should repose in the bosom of this 
State, brought hither under the orders and auspices of the representatives of 
the people whom he loved so well. In moving the adoption of this resolution I 
perform a sad and yet not altogether unpleasant duty. To render honor and 
homage to worth, so great and so pure, is, sir, a pleasure. Albert Sidney John- 
ston was my friend — and who that ever knew him is there that was not his 
friend? We were fellow-soldiers, too; I served under him in the old Republic 
of Texas twenty-five years ago ; a quarter of a century afterward I fought under 
his command on the great battle-field of Shiloh — his last battle-field, where he 
sealed his devotion to the cause with his life's blood. I ask the privilege from 
the House to say a few words on this occasion. I shall not attempt any sketch of 
General Albert Sidney Johnston — an outline of his life, a recital of liis services, 
a portrayal of his character, even were I adequate to this work, are too ample 
material to be compressed into the time allotted us on this occasion. The brief- 
est notice must sutBce." (Colonel Smith here gave a brief outline of his career.) 

" It is fitting, it is profitable, to render honor and homage to great worth and 
great public services. "We are ourselves better for this homage. Like mercy, 
it blesses him that gives — it makes the man, the people who render this homage, 
a better man, a better people. It is no superstition, it is truth, that the spirits 
of the mighty dead shed an influence for good over the land in which their 
mortal bodies repose. For, though their bodies rest in the earth, their true 
sepulchre is in the hearts of their countrymen. The worth of Albert Sidney 
Johnston is to the people of Texas, to their children and their children's chil- 
dren, a possession and an inheritance forever. It is fitting and due that his 
mortal remains be laid in this land. I move the adoption by the House of the 
Senate's joint resolution." 

Remarks of F. Charles Hume on the joint resolution of the Senate 
relative to the removal of the remains of General A. Sidney Johnston 
to Texas : 

"Mr. Speaker, I have only a few words to say in addition to the eloquent 
remarks of the gentleman from Harris, and I am done. 

" "We all know it was the dying wish of General Johnston to be buried in the 
bosom of his adopted State, to whose services he had given the labor of his best 
years, and the devotion of his great heart. 

The unfortunate condition of our country has hitherto prevented the State 
from granting this last request ; but now that the dread scenes of war have 
ended, and the people enjoy an opportunity of expressing the tenderness of 
their memory for the irreproachable patriot who defended them and theirs 
'even unto death,' it is as little as their representatives can do, in justice to 
the living and the dead, to ask of Louisiana the mouldering body of their war- 
rior, that he may be buried by the waters of the Colorado, and mingle his dust 



REMARKS OF MR. HUME. 699 

with the heroes and statesmen whose names are living in the charmed numbers 
of undying song. t 

" Few names stand more prominently in our history than that of General 
Johnston ; few memories wind around our hearts in more clinging embraces. 

*' Coming to Texas at an early day, and assuming at once liis proper place 
among our wise, great, and good men, he has led our armies to battle, and iden- 
tified liimself in every respect with her eventful history. 

"When the battle for Southern independence broke with its thunders and its 
threatenings upon the ears of our people, he did not hesitate to pledge to Texas 
and her confederated sisters the strength of his arm, and the fidelity of his 
heart. He did not pause before the careering waves of that Eubicon which 
held mirrored in its fearful deptlis the evils that were to come ; he did not mur- 
mur in the wilderness, aud curse the Moses who tried to lead his people from 
the savory flesh-pots and the galling bondage of Egypt ; but in all, and through 
all, his manly heart defied the storm, and he fell 'mid its wrathful fury, still 
true to all the instincts of Southern manhood, and blameless in his unspotted 
glory. 

" When the nations of Europe combined to crush the arms and the heart of 
the peerless Napoleon, and sent him to the barren rocks of St. Helena to sor- 
row, and sicken, and die, they did not dream that a day would come when 
France would seek the very ashes of her illustrious emperor, and bow with 
bleeding heart before his coffined form ; but so it was, and, after the lapse of 
twenty years, Paris was illuminated by a thousand fires, and the whole nation 
bowed its head and wept as his sacred dust was laid close to the music of his 
own 'sunny Seine.' 

"Let us do this righteous act; and, though we cannot bestrew the grave of 
our fallen chieftain with the green emblems of victory; though the floral offer- 
ings we cast upon his shrouded form are woven of the funereal cypress and the 
weeping-willow ; though we feel and know he was the champion of a cause 
now lost forever — still in the deepness of our grief we may say how much we 
love his memory ; and, while we weep for his and our country's misfortunes, 
whisper a prayer that God will bless his widowed wife and orphaned children." 

It was known to have been the wish of General Johnston that his 
ashes should repose in the soil of Texas. He had so expressed him- 
self in the presence of his staff. He had also said to Preston, " When 
I die, I want a handful of Texas earth on my breast." 

The people of New Orleans, therefore, surrendered to the committee 
from Texas the body of General Johnston, which was by them escorted 
to Austin in January, 1867. It was the wish of the committee not to 
arouse the jealousy of the authorities. The chairman, in a letter to 
the present writer, dated January 8th, says : 

In view of the strange passions which govern some persons in the United 
States, including some individuals in high office, the committee have deemed it 
in good taste and fitting the solemnity of the duty devolved on us to attract no 
premature and hostile attention. 

This, however, they were unable to avoid, as events proved. 



700 GENERAL JOHNSTON IN THE GRAVE. 

The following extract from the Kew Orleans Picayune of January 
24, 1867, gives other interesting details of the occasion : 

At the hour of three o'clock yesterday afternoon the St. Louis Cemetery was 
the scene of an assemblage such as never before had been witnessed within 
those ancient walls, which inclose the mortal remains of so many who, in their 
time, had been loved and revered by the population of Louisiana. 

It was the occasion of the disinterment and removal of the remains of one 
who, though neither a native nor a resident of New Orleans, was perhaps dearer 
than either native or resident in the hearts of its people — General Albert Sid- 
ney Johnston, the hero chieftain of the Confederate army, the victor and victim 
of the bloody field of Shiloh. 

The State of Texas had sent a committee for the purpose of superintending 
this duty, and yesterday was appointed for the exhumation. ... It was gen- 
erally known throughout the city that the disinterment and removal were to 
take place yesterday at three o'clock, but no formal invitation had been issued 
to the public to attend the ceremony. 

And yet, when it was announced that the friends of the deceased and of his 
family were expected to be present, this simple phrase was sufficiently compre- 
hensive to embrace a whole population, to whom the memory of the departed 
is oven dearer than that of friend or relative. It was, therefore, not surprising 
that so great a number of our people assisted at the ceremony ; nor that a ma- 
jority should have belonged to that gentler sex who first strewed flowers upon 
the hero's coflSn, and who ever since have tended his tomb with pious cares more 
precious than odorous garlands. Although the event was one which appealed 
directly to the sensibilities and emotions of the people of New Orleans, the 
ceremonies were conducted without any of the pageantry or pomp which usu- 
ally characterizes such occasions. No blazonry of military rank marked the 
simple procession which accompanied the remains from the tomb to the steamer. 
No note of martial music measured the solemn tread of the long line of mourn- 
ers. But grief was not less sincere because its expression in the accustomed 
mode was not permitted ; nor was it the less intense that there was added to 
sorrow for the loss of one so loved sorrow for the loss of the cause for which 
he fought. 

No stranger could have supposed that the plainly-attired pall-bearers who 
walked beside the hearse were generals high in rank and in reputation — men 
who had led armies to battle and to victory ; who had defended cities, and who 
had organized campaigns. Among them were several who had been the friends 
and associates of the deceased in the old army of the United States, and some 
who had been his lieutenants in the recent war, and who stood beside him on 
that fatal but glorious day which deprived the Confederacy of his services. 
There was Beauregard, the favorite son of Louisiana, who immediately suc- 
ceeded him in command of the army ; there was Bragg, his energetic and inde- 
fatigable chief of staff; there was Buckner, who so gallantly fulfilled the chief- 
tain's orders by the heroic but fruitless defense at Donelson. 

It is remarkable, too, that, among this distinguished assemblage, there were 
three men — Beauregard, Bragg, and Hood — who had each in turn succeeded to 
the command of the army upon which the life and the death of its first leader 
seemed to impress a peculiar character and a strange fatality — an army whose 



REMOVAL OF THE REMAINS. 701 

history was illustrated by so many heroic deeds and so many signal misfortunes 
— an army which seemed to have inherited its heroism from his life, and its mis- 
fortunes from his death. . . . 

This ceremony concluded, the cofBn was lifted by the pall-hearers from the 
ground, and deposited in a hearse at the gate of the cemetery. Hero a spon- 
taneous procession was formed. The hearse moved slowly down the street, ac- 
companied by the pall-bearers, and followed by a long cortege composed of a 
great number of the ladies and gentlemen of the city. Very many ladies fol- 
lowed immediately after the hearse, thus imparting a peculiar and touching 
character to the spectacle. 

The line of pedestrians was many squares in length, and after these came a 
number of mourners in carriages. The route taken was down Conti Street to 
Rampart, up Rampart to Canal, up Canal to Chartres, down Chartres to St. Pe- 
ter, and thence to the ferry-boat, upon which the remains were to bo placed. 
The utmost decorum pervaded the masses of the people who were assembled on 
the sidewalks to witness the procession ; and the feeling was manifested to such 
an extent that the transit of the street-cars and other vehicles was stayed along 
the whole route. "When the coffin was transferred to the ferry-boat many per- 
sons embarked with it, and numbers of others were only prevented from doing 
so in consequence of the incapacity of the boat to accommodate them. 

Upon the arrival of the remains at Algiers they were placed by the pall- 
bearers in the ladies' parlor of the depot-building of the Opelousas Railroad, 
where they were left in charge of Lieutenant John Crowley, who lost a hand at 
Belmont and an arm at Shiloh, and others who were maimed while serving 
under the deceased in his last great battle. 

Among the pall-bearers, besides Beauregard, Bragg, Buckner, and 
Hood, were Generals Richard Taylor, Longstreet, Gibson, and Harry- 
Hays. 

All the papers were full of testimonials to the goodness and great- 
ness of the deceased. 

On the morning of January 24th the Texas committee, consisting 
of Colonel Ashbel Smith, Hon. D. W. Jones, Hon. M. G. Shelley, and 
Major Ochiltree, took charge of the remains of General Johnston, and 
conveyed them by the Opelousas Railroad to Brashear City. At Terre- 
bonne, some fifty ladies, headed by Mrs. Bragg, strewed the cofEn witli 
fresh flowers and wreaths, and decorated it with floral emblems ; and at 
Brashear City it was received by a large body of citizens. It was car- 
ried thence to Galveston by steamer. 

Galveston had been the home of General Johnston at one time, and 
many of its citizens had been his personal friends — some of them 
among the best he had. It was proposed, therefore, and so announced, 
that the public honor of a solemn funeral procession should be accorded 
his body. "When the programme was published, the United States 
general, commanding the district, issued an order prohibiting it. The 
programme is published, as the best evidence that it concealed neither 
treason nor sedition. 



702 GENERAL JOHNSTON IN THE GRAVE. 

PROGEAMME FOR THE RECEPTION OF THE REMAINS OF GENERAL JOHNSTON. 

The following is the programme agreed upon this morning by the committee 
for receiving the remains of General Johnston : 

Band. 

Legislative Committee, 

Remains. 

Pall-bearers. Pall-bearers. 

Hon. James Love, Hon. F. H. Merriman, 

Dr. Levi Jones, Dr. N. D. Labadie, 

Oscar Parish, Esq., Henry Journey, Esq., 

James P. Nash, Esq., Stephen Southwick, 

Colonel Andrew Neil, Colonel John D. Waters. 

Clergy and Orator. 

Mayor and Aldermen. 

Reception Committee. 

City and County OfBcers. 

Judges and OflBcers of the Supreme Court. 

Members of the Bar. 

Civil, Military, and Naval officers of the General Government. 

Press. 

Howard Association. 

German Benevolent Association. 

Hibernian Benevolent Association. 

St. Andrew's Society. 

Galveston Literary Association. 

Turners' Association. 

Draymen's Benevolent Association. 

Stevedores. 

Fire Department. 

Citizens. 

The procession will form on Twentieth Street, head of column resting on 
Strand. To close up so soon as the reception committee reach the Strand from 
the wharf. 

LINE OF MARCH. 

Up Strand to Bath Avenue. 

Bath Avenue to Broadway. 

Broadway to Tremont. 

Tremont to Church. 

Church to Presbyterian Church. 

Where appropriate religious services will be celebrated under the direction 
of Rev. Dr. McNair. During the time the City-Hall bell will be tolled, and it is 
requested that the church-bells will also be tolled. 

During the progress of the ceremonies it is requested that all stores be closed 
and that all business be suspended. 

The remains will arrive on Friday morning by the steamer Matagorda. — 
Galveston Bulletin. 



OFFICIAL BRUTALITY. 703 

This is General Griffin's order : 

Headquarters District of Texas, ( 
Galveston, Januart/ 24, ISCG. ) 

Sir : My attention has been called to the programme published in the morn- 
ing papers, for the reception of the remains of General Albert Sidney Johnston, 
now en route from New Orleans to Austin. / 

Although there is a sacredness surrounding the remains of all deceased per- 
sons which makes it exceedingly delicate to interfere with their funeral cele- 
brations, it becomes my duty, owing to the position that General Johnston oc- 
cupied toward the United States Government, during the latter period of his 
life, to forbid the funeral procession. 

If the body can be taken quietly, without any ringing of bells, public or 
popular demonstration, from the point of its arrival, direct to the point of its 
departure from the city, no objections will be made. 

I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

Charles Griffin, Brevet Major- General commanding. 

Hon. C. n. Leonard, Mayor of Galveston, Texas. 

This order was ■without warrant of law. It was represented to Gen- 
eral Griffin that no military or political significance was intended in the 
honors proposed ; that the ashes of a great man, a soldier, a Texan, -were 
on the way to their last resting-place, and that it was unrighteous to 
forbid the people to lament for their dead. It was pointed out to him 
that a soldier, who fell under his flag, was entitled to the honors of war. 
Federal officers had received them at the hands of the Confederates 
while the flames of cf\il war burned fiercest. Wainwright and Lea 
were so buried in Galveston. Colonel Baylor stated that he buried 
Colonel Mudd and Colonel Bassett with the honors of war. It was 
argued that a decent respect for chivalric usages could do no harm. 
General Thomas Green, an heroic soldier of the South, had been interred 
with these tokens of respect at Austin, without derogation to the Fed- 
eral authority. Such arguments were in vain. General Griffin was 
inexorable. He affected to mistrust the statements that only a per- 
sonal significance should be given to the demonstration. Ilis sole con- 
cession was, that the body might remain at the wharf until next day. 
An appeal was made to General Heintzelman, who went beyond Griffin, 
and whose conduct is said to have been very coarse and cynical. 

The mayor then appealed by telegraph to General Sheridan. The 
following is the correspondence : 

Galveston, Texas, January 24, 18G7. 
The citizens of Galveston wish to give a civil escort, from steamer to cars, 
to the remains of General Johnston. General Griffin, commanding, has issued 
a prohibitory order. Will you give authority to the citizens here to give civil 
escort to his remains ? 

(Signed) Chaeles H. Leonard, Mayor. 

Major-General P. H. Sheridan, commanding Department of the Gulf, New Orleans, LouiEiaua. 

46 



704 GE^^:RAL Johnston in the grave. 

Sir : I respectfully decline to grant your request. 

I have too much regard for the memory of the brave men who died to pre- 
serve our Government, to authorize Confederate demonstrations over the re- 
mains of any one who attempted to destroy it. 

(Signed) P. H. Sheeidan, Major- General U. S. A. 

Mr. Chaeles H. Leonard, Mayor of Galveston, Texas. 

The Southern people Avere learning that they who have laid down 
their arms have no rights, and that grief may become a crime in the 
eyes of jealous tyranny. 

In the following proclamation the Mayor of Galveston made known 
to the people the edict of their military master. It is well that it 
should be read by those who talk of beneficent despotisms : 

Mayor's Office, Galveston, January 24, 18G7. 

I am in receipt of a communication from brevet Major-General Charles 
Griffin, dated headquarters, District of Texas, Galveston, January 24, 1867, for- 
bidding the contemplated funeral procession in honor of the late General Albert 
Sidney Johnston, and directing that the remains be transported through this 
city without any public or popular demonstration. 

I therefore hereby give notice that the proposed ceremonies will not take 
place. Chaeles H. Leonaed, Mayor. 

When the vessel arrived, and the order of the military commandant 
was communicated to Colonel Ashbel Smith, he directed the body to be 
placed upon the wharf, and, with the committee* and the mayor, called 
on the military authorities. The result of this conference was the 
presentation of the following request, to which General Griffin gave a 
verbal assent : 

Mayoe'8 Office, Galveston, January 13, 1867. 

General : While on the part of the citizens of Galveston I would state that 
they did not intend, by the published programme for the reception of the re- 
mains of General Johnston, any political or party demonstration, I pledge that 
there shall be no music by bands, ringing or tolling of bells, public or private 
demonstrations, of any organized associations in the procession should the body 
be conveyed to the church in this city, and thence to the point of its departure. 
All persons appearing in the procession shall be invited and appear as members 
of the deceased's family or friends. Respectfully, etc., 

(Signed) Charles H. Leonard, Mayor. 

General Griffin, commanding District of Texas, Galveston, Texas. 

Mayor's Office, Galtestow, January 25, 1S67. 

The citizens of Galveston are hereby respectfully requested to implicitly con- 
form to the terms of the above request. Charles II. Leonard, Mayor. 

Subsequent to the above, a meeting was called at the office of Mr. James 
Sorley, Mayor Leonard in the chair, when Colonel Smith moved as follows: 



PUBLIC RESPECT AT GALYESTOX. 705 

Out of deference to the wishes of his old personal friends, the remains of 
General Albert Sidney Johnston will lie in state on the Central Wliarf, where 
they may be visited. They will be moved by the pall-bearers and committee to- 
morrow morning, Saturday, 26th instant, at ten o'clock a. m., from their present 
resting-place on Central Wharf to the depot, thence to be conveyed by special 
train to Houston. The friends of the family are invited to attend their removal. 

This was carried unanimously. 

While these conferences were going on, Major McKnight says, in his 
letter to the Kew Orleans Times : 

During the conference up-town, thousands of ladies and gentlemen went 
down to the wharf and exhibited the most unequivocal evidence of their 
respect for the memory of the deceased. I saw some thirty or thirty-five 
negroes, with mourning streamers upon their hats and arras, walk slowly and 
solemnly around the coffin, and several of them, standing near the head of the 
bier, freely dropped tears for the hero whose remains were before them. 

The following is the account given by the Galveston JVews of the 
transfer of the body from the wharf to the depot, with editorial com- 
ments which reflected the sentiments of the community : 

OBSEQUIES OF GENERAL ALBERT SIDNEY JOHNSTOX. 

The remains of the distinguished chieftain remained in state on the Central 
Wharf during all of Friday, where it was visited by thousands, and at night it 
was removed into an adjoining warehouse, where it was guarded by the follow- 
ing-named gentlemen : Mtyor E. S. Boiling, Major J. W. Mangum, Messrs. S. B. 
Noble, J. F. Crane, Cyrus Thompson, Charles J. Jankes, M. Stoddart, A. W. 
Hughes, Paul Edmonds, R. W. Belo, John Adriand, Jr., A. D. McArthur, Wil- 
liam C. Carnes, R. J. Johns, William H. Shields, P. C. Baker, A. F. French, 
Charles Spann, A. B. Block, J. K. Spires, William Warren, John Spann, Joseph 
Turner, Sidney Smith, J. P. Davis, A. P. Root, E. S. Alley, and P. P. Brotherson. 

The Aasembling. 

Early yesterday morning, long before the time announced for the removal 
of the remains, thousands of our people could be seen wending their way, in 
the face of a stiff norther, toward the Central Wharf, while every few minutes 
the throng increased in numbers. About half-past nine o'clock the hearse, deco- 
rated with black plumes, and having its sides appropriately draped with mourn- 
ing, pulled by four black horses, made its appearance. This was the signal for 
the crowd to close up together, and the coffin was removed from its resting- 
place to the hearse by the legislative committee and the pall-bearers, composed 
of our citizens. 

The Start. 

The hearse slowly commenced to move off, and, without any one directing, 
the multitude formed a column by twos, and marched behind. Along the 
Strand and Centre Street hundreds of ladies and children were waiting to take 
their places in the procession, and for a while we thought they were doomed to 



706 GENEKAL JOHNSTON IN THE GRAVE. 

disappointment, so many males were moving in the line of march, and there did 
not appear to be any one willing to make room for them. They, however, 
moved on the sidewalk, parallel with those in the street. On every corner hun- 
dreds were standing, and as they saw the opportunity would take their places 
in the procession. The route of the cortege was up Centre Street, then along 
Market Street to the depot of the Galveston & Houston Railroad. 

The Ealt. 

"When the procession reached Tremont Street, it halted, and the ladies had a 
place assigned them directly behind the legislative com'mittee, who were fol- 
lowing the hearse. It requires no httle effort to walk in the middle of our sandy 
streets. On plodded our fair and noble women, slowly but happily, never seeming 
to have a care about the tierce, cold wind blowing at the time, or the sand through 
which they were wading ankle-deep. Never before did Galveston witness such 
a scene. Ladies and children, who would not have dared to venture out in the 
cold on any other occasion, turned out en masse to pay respect and do homage 
to the illustrious dead. And it was a befitting tribute to departed worth. Dis- 
heartened., crushed^ oppressed^ as we are, and as we felt on this particular occa- 
sion, such a sight served to encourage every one, inasmuch as it plainly declared 
that, while laws and the bayonet might restrict a demonstration that would have 
been, these forces were utterly powerless (as they always will be) to restrain 
the natural feelings of the human heart, and a proper display of self-respect, 
always admissible on such occasions, and which will continue to be seen, in 
proportion to the opposition made against the wishes and rights of the people 
enacted by a detested military despotism. 

Scenes at the Depot. 

"When the head of the column reached the depot, the rear of it was just turn- 
ing Centre Street, and the whole width of the street, for that distance, was 
packed with the seething mass of human beings. "We could not form an esti- 
mate of the number of persons engaged in this ovation, but we are sure we are 
not exaggerating when we declare that thousands participated in the sad funeral 
rites. The cars and engine were beautifully draped in mourning, and, as soon as 
the pall-bearers had placed the remains in the car, the ladies filed to the left and 
occupied the platform, while many passed into the car to catch a last glimpse of 
the remains of him who had ndbJij fought^ sadly hied, gloriously and gladly died, 
for a cause dear to him and us. A car had been prepared especially for the 
ladies, and many of them accompanied the remains to Houston, also a number 
of prominent citizens not composing the committees. The whistle blew, and 
off started the train with its precious dust, while every head was uncovered. 
So ended the honors paid by the people of Galveston to the remains of General 
Albert Sidney Johnston. 

A deep sense of both humiliation and indignation was aroused by 
General Griffin's arbitrary action. Insults cannot be offered with im- 
punity to a free people. The excitement increased ; and when the re- 
mains of General Johnston arrived at Houston, another city where he 
was well kno-vvn and much beloved, bitter wrath was mingled with the 



CEREMONIES AT UOUSTOX. 707 

public sorrow. The body arrived at Houston January 2GtIi, and re- 
mained there until the 28th. 

The following account of the funeral at Houston is taken from the 
correspondence of the Kew Orleans Times, and was written by Major 
McKnight, better known as "Asa Hartz: " 

The train arrived at the latter phice at about one o'clock in the afternoon, 
when it was met by a similar committee of the city of Houston. The remains 
were placed in a hearse drawn by four white horses, and, followed by an immense 
procession of ladies and gentlemen, carried to the Houston Academy, where 
they were placed in state, and remained until ten o'clock on Monday morning, 
the 28th. 

Immediately after the coffin was deposited upon the stand, Miss Moore, a 
poetess of no ordinary rank, and a native of the Lone-Star State, placed upon 
the bier a manuscript, of which the following is a copy: 

ALBERT SIDNEY JOHNSTON. 

Texas, like Mary, a worshiper 

Comes sorrowing ! 
Ha ! who keeps her away from the sepulchre 

Of her shrouded king ? 
They strike, like cowards, her galling chains, 

And sneer that her lips are so strangely dumb ! 
Christ ! Will the blood keep calm in our veius 

Till the end is come ? 

Alas, my brothers, whose brave forms moved 

In the battle-flame ! 
Alas, my sisters, whose hearts were proved 

When the midnight came ! 
He comes, whose arm was so firmly steeled ! — 

warrior, what of the hidden past ? 
Are you come as a messenger from the field 

Where thy sword shone last ? 

Oh, silent and royal, that mad day died 

In a sudden night ! 
But the valley was grand in the glow of thy pride ! 

Is it not our right — 
The laurels, thy name and thy sword have won us, 

The trust our fetterless soil will keep ? 
But the eyes of our masters are upon us. 

And we may not weep ! 

No " glorious pomp " in the guarded street — 

No roll of drums — 
Naught save the echo of mournful feet 

\^Tiere our hero comes — 
Silent bells in each guarded steeple ! 

Met like a prisoner hanged for crime ! 
But a vengeance cometh, my people — 

Let us bide our time ! 



70S GENERAL JOHNSTON IN THE GRAVE. 

The same order issued at Galveston was sent to Major Pease, commanding 
at Houston, but it was not strictly enforced ; and the demonstration, though fer- 
vent, was entirely of a civil character, and totally devoid of political mean- 
ing. The sons and daughters of Texas wanted to honor the memory of their 
great citizen, and they did it. 

The following' extract, from a private letter from a gentleman in 
Houston, dated January 28, 1867, but published by the recipient, shows 
the feeling in that city : 

It is my sad and mournful pleasure to relate to you the funeral obsequies paid 
to all that is left of the earthly remains of Albert Sidney Johnston, that great 
and good Southron, by the citizens of Houston, Texas. Excitement ran to a 
terrible pitch, owing to the edict issued per order of Phil Sheridan, through a 
"Griffin " of Galveston, that there should be no "lying in state, tolling of bells, 
or parading of societies," which order was not very quietly submitted to by the 
citizens of Galveston ; but, when the remains reached the territory occupied by 
the pure, unadulterated Texans, the people had run mad in their sorrow, and 
no power could restrain them. Snch a universal outburst of feeling I never saw. 
Early Saturday morning every house was draped in mourning from turret to 
foundation, with long streamers of crape and illusion ; each store waved its dark 
plumage; no business was done, and the city presented the appearance of a vast 
sepulchre. On the arrival of the train from Galveston, the citizens rushed to 
the depot and the remains were carried to the Academy, while placards were on 
the street, " Our honored dead must and shall be respected." The remains lay 
in state until to-day on the rostrum in the Academy. From tall, silver candle- 
sticks at the head and foot burned tapers night and day. The coffin was covered 
with flowers of the richest kind, and directly behind it on the wall hung the 
portraits of Jefferson Davis at the head, Robert E. Lee on the right, and Stone- 
wall Jackson on the left, draped in mourning, all ; and in the centre, a master- 
piece — " The Weeping Confederacy ; " while the coffin among the flowers was 
literally studded with photographs of Confederate generals of lesser grades. At 
ten o'clock to-day the remains were escorted by five hundred ladies on foot, and 
the gentlemen's procession a mile in length ; then came carriages, carrying the 
decrepit and infirm. The hearse was of the most gorgeous manufacture and 
material, with six long, black plumes, arranged systematically at equal distances ; 
six milk-white horses — the finest in Texas — draped in mourning, walked off as 
if conscious of the noble burden they bore. Bells were rung, and if Texas were 
an independent power they could not have carried matters to a greater extent. 

A press telegram, among other points in regard to the funeral, says : 

The bells are tolling. The solemn cortege is one mile in length. Five hun- 
dred ladies and little girls are on foot in the procession. No military officials 

AEE SEEN ON THE 8TKEETS. 

It would do no good to reproduce the fiery denunciations of the 
press which were leveled at Sheridan and Griffin. The following 
extracts from the journals of the day are given to show the earnest- 



CEREMONIES AT HOUSTON. 709 

ness and universality of the people's grief. The Jferehcoits^ Tran- 
script said : 

IIo was received — received in Houston by the outpoiiring of the entire peo- 
ple. All joined in — mother and daii{,'hter, father and sou — to swell the great 
anthem of grief that breaks from the popular heart when an idol is overthrown. 
No one cared for precedence. All were content to solemnly fall into the mourn- 
ful line, and all foolish preeminences, or ideas of such, Avere dismissed in the 
presence of the solemn dead. Petty jealousies, animosities, foolish pride, dis- 
appeared, and one by one the solemn cortege increased its numbers at every 
step it took. 

The bells rang from their different turrets, the houses along the road were 
enshrouded in mourning emblems; the young and the old participated, and the. 
ovation of the people attested a nation's love, as well as the folly of those who 
■would, by a military order, attempt to control the reverence and affection of a 
people that illuminate the sable plumes that wave solemnly over the hearse that 
conveys Albert Sidney Jolinston to his last resting-place. 



The following is from the Telegraph: 

In the large Academy Hall of tliis city the honored soldier, taking his last 
sleep, remained Saturday evening, through Sunday, and until yesterday morning. 

Thousands of those who admired his wisdom, his goodness, and his courage, 
thronged around his bier, and gazed upon the coffin, bending under the weiglit 
of the floral offerings of Texas women and maidens. Fit shroud, these flowers, 
for so grand a form, for flowers are love's truest language — and it was the hand 
of undying love for the heroic soldier that placed them there. 

On yesterday morning the streets leading to the Academy were thronged by 
gathering thousands of every age and condition. All thronged around the build- 
ing where the cherished dead hero lay in his peaceful state of blessed repose. 
Soon the building was thronged to its utmost capacity, and the adjacent grounds 
and streets were also filled by those unable to oljtain admission. A deep silence 
seemed to pervade all hearts, and every one was impressed with the historical 
sacredness and solemnity of the occasion. "We noticed that tears were in the 
eyes of many^of the aged especially. 

The bearers were composed of our best citizens. Immediately following 
were the delegations, etc., and after them a long array of hundreds of women and 
children, followed by thousands of citizens. The procession passed through the 
principal streets, and everywhere deep solemnity prevailed. All of the princi- 
pal public and business houses were tastefully decorated with the insignias of 
mourning. All stores were closed, and business generally suspended. It was 
the grand ovation of the whole people to the " honored dead." The body was 
conveyed to the Central Depot, placed upon a car prepared for the purpose, and 
all that is mortal of this immortal man is now speeding onward, amid the grief 
of Texas, to its last resting-place. 

The following article, from the iVtio Orleaiis Crescent of January 
27, 1867, exhibits very well the feeling of both the press and the peo- 



710 GENERAL JOHNSTOX IX THE GRATE. 

pie in relation to General Griffin's order. It is from the pen of General 
S. B. Buckner : 

THE REMAINS OF GENERAL JOHNSTON. 

The name of Albert Sidney Johnston is consecrated in the memory and in 
the hearts of the Southern people. His virtues have provoked unwilling admi- 
ration even from his foes, and the civilized world is filled with his fame. Few 
men, in any age, can claim a reputation so fair as his, and there was a serenity in 
the greatness of his character which placed him above the petty passions of 
ordinary men. He was conscientious in all his actions ; and, having determined 
for himself what was right, he pursued the just path, regardless alike of the 
unjust criticisms of friends and the denunciations of his enemies. His hand- 
some and imposing presence, the dignity and the greatness of his character, his 
fine intellect and his lofty virtues, displayed 

" A combination and a form indeed, 
Where every god did seem to set his seal, 
To give the world assurance of a man." 

It might be supposed that a character so pure would be held up, even by his 
former enemies, as a true type of manly virtues. And, if, during his life, ani- 
mosities may have existed against him in any ingenuous mind, we had supposed 
they would have been buried in his honored grave. 

In some savage tribes, it is true, there once prevailed a belief that he who 
succeeded in slaying a great and a noble man became at once the inheritor of the 
virtues of the slain. If such a belief were entertained in the present age, we 
might conceive of persons who, possessed of small merit themselves, might seek 
to acquire some nobility of soul by thus falling heir to the high virtues of Albert 
Sidney Johnston. It would seem, from recent events, that some remnant of this 
faith still lingers upon earth, and that men who would have quailed before the 
fixed gaze of Sidney Johnston when living, now seek to acquire an ignoble fame 
by attempting an indignity to the dust of the illustrious dead. 

.... Now, in a time of profound peace, when it has been promulgated 
by the highest authority in the land that civil law prevails throughout its 
length and breadth, a mandate has gone forth at Galveston, from a subordi- 
nate military commander, that the house of God shall be closed against the 
bones of Albert Sidney Johnston, and that no processions of his countrymen, 
whom he served so long and so faithfully, shall follow his remains to their last 
resting-place. 

We say nothing now of the lawlessness of this usurpation of authority. We 
do not ask on what pretense the officer assumes the power of closing the churches 
against religious ceremonies, and of attempting to stifle the sighs of sorrowing 
friends, and to suppress demonstrations of admiration, of love, and of esteem, 
for one so gifted with every quality that makes man illustrious. The generous 
and the brave among all nations love to honor these qualities wherever they are 
found. The envious and the ignoble alone, among men, would seek to detract 
from the just fame of the departed, as the wolf and the hyena, among animals, 
prey upon the dead. 



PUBLIC OPI^'ION. 711 

But oven if tlio military officer at Galveston were vested with authority to 
do as he has done, how impolitic, ahsurd, and impotent, has been his action ! He 
may close the doors of the churches, he may disperse the assemblage of those 
who delight to honor the nobler virtues that dignify human nature, he may ex- 
cite in ingenuous minds pity for his own weakness and scorn for his inhumanity, 
but he cannot detract from the fame of Albert Sidney Johnston, nor diminish in 
the minds of just and good men the esteem in which the memory of the illus- 
trious hero is held. The more lie seeks to suppress that feeling of reverence for 
so honored a name, "the bigger bulk it shows; " and, the more nearly he comes 
in contact witli the name of the illustrious dead, the more rapidly does he dwin- 
dle into insignificance. 

Despite the littlenesses that disfigure human nature, it is men like Albert 
Sidney Johnston who make us proud of our kind. 



" His nature was too noble for the world : 
He would not flatter Neptune for bis trident, 
Or Jove for his power to thunder." 



In life he possessed a serenity of soul which could have viewed with com- 
posure the dissolution of the world and a revolution in the universe. With 
what indifference, then, must his calm spirit view the futile attempts of petty 
power to disturb the remains that once held so great a soul ! 

At Houston there was fortunately no interference and no disturb- 
ance. In looking back at those days, good men in the North ■will 
regret that the interests and public peace of one section, and the honor 
of the other, were committed to such keeping. A year later, General 
Griflfin fell a victim to the yellow fever at Galveston. No mark of dis- 
respect was shown ; but a strong public sentiment studiously withheld 
everything that might be construed into mourning, or the customary 
honors to public characters. The people refused to show an esteem 
which they did not feel. 

The State Gazette gave a full account of the arrival of the commit- 
tee in Austin, on the 2d instant, with the remains of General Johnston, 
and the ceremonies which were observed in honor of his memory. The 
remains were received in the hall of the House of Representatives by 
the Governor, his Excellency J. W. Throckmorton. On presenting 
the remains, Colonel Ashbel Smith, on the behalf of the committee, 
said : 

GovEBXOR : The committee who were honored by the Legislature of Texas, 
on behalf of the citizens, to perform the pious duty of superintending the re- 
moval of the remains of General Albert Sidney Johnston from their temporary 
resting-place in the city of New Orleans, to be interred in the bosom of Texas, 
the land of the people whom in life he loved and served so well, and vrho so loved 
and honored him in death as in life, have to announce to your Excellency that 
they have performed this duty. The committee have the honor here to present 



Y12 GENERAL JOHNSTON IN THE GRAVE. 

to your Excellency the remains of General Albert Sidney Johnston. The com- 
mittee will, at an early time, make to your Excellency a written report in detail 
of their action under their appointment. 

The duty of the committee, under their legislative appointment, is finished. 

To this the Governor responded in the following beautiful and impressive 
address : 

THE GOVEENOE's ADDEES3. 

Gentlemen of the Committee : The solemn duty imposed upon you by 
the representatives of the people of Texas, that you should repair to a neigh- 
boring State, and, in the name of Texas, receive and convey to the early 
home of his adoption the mortal remains of Albert Sidney Johnston, has been 
accomplished. 

As loving friends, and as honoring countrymen, without the splendor and 
pageantry of public or official ceremonies, we receive his honored dust. 

All that is left to us of his once manly form, wrapped in the habiliments of 
death — a death made glorious by lofty conduct in life — now lies lowly in the 
midst of mourning countrymen, who knew his worth, and who honor his memory, 
not alone for his achievements as a warrior, who led mighty hosts to battle, but 
also for the many and rare virtues that adorned his character as a citizen, and 
made him preeminent among the noblest of men. 

His reputation as a public man belongs to history and to his country — with 
it to-day we have no concern. 

However desirable it might be to commemorate his distinguished and useful 
public career, through a total misconception of the honor and fidelity of the 
people of Texas, we are denied the sacred and blessed privilege of testifying that 
homage in the manner which the people of- every clime and nation, Christian or 
barbarian, civilized or savage, whether free or in bondage, have been wont to 
exhibit when consigning to the tomb the ashes of their illustrious and great 
men. 

With truth may it be said that General Johnston lives in the hearts of the 
people of Texas. He is enshrined in the holiest of their aflTections. The show- 
ering tears, shed by thousands of our noble women and brave men, and the 
countless testimonials that have everywhere greeted the funeral procession on 
its melancholy way, attest the affectionate regard entertained for him by our 
people. But our tears do not alone moisten the memories that cling around the 
departed hero. The tears of the lovely and noble ones of other lands mingle 
with ours in paying holy tribute to the worth of one so pure in all tbe private 
walks of life, and so exalted in every attribute of noble manhood. 

"When the pen of history shall record the deeds of the fathers who made 
Texas a nation, the name of him whom we mourn will occupy one of the most 
prominent niches in that distinguished array. 

When generations have passed away, and the memories of the present hour 
have been softened and purified by time, and the student of history lingers with 
admiration over the characters of the great men brought upon the stage of ac- 
tion by the recent war, no one name will command greater respect than that of 
Albert Sidney Johnston. 

May the purity of his private life be an exemplar for our young men in all 
time to come! May the spotless integrity of his conduct as a public man be 



GOVERNOR THROCKMORTON'S ADDRESS. 713 

emulated by all in authority! And may his unsullied fame, as an American 
citizen and soldier, teach us that we cannot, and should not, share it alone ! 
His fame, with that of his many distinguished contemporaries, whether won 
under the Stars and Stripes, or under the Stars and Bars, is the common heritage 
of the American people. It is the proud representative of American character, 
and is alike honorable to the North and to the South. 

Many of the heroes of the lat6 civil war grew up in arms together, and shared 
glories mutually won upon other fields; and, notwithstanding the follies of their 
fellow-citizens caused them to lead contending armies of countrymen against 
each other to carnage and death, yet in their hearts they were brothers in 
affection. Their deeds — the deeds of other heroes — the gallantry and endurance 
of the soldiers from every section, and the glories won by the armies of the 
North and the South — all, should teach us that we cannot be two people, that 
we should remain, as our fathers desired — one nation. 

I trust in God that the afflictions we have suffered may purify us, and that 
the hearts of the American people may once more beat in perfect unison and 
accord over the prosperity and harmony of a reunited and happy people, and 
thrill with pride at the mention of the virtues and achievements of every Ameri- 
can name, regardless of the section that may give it birth or prestige. 

Gentlemen of the committee, you are entitled to and will receive the thanks 
of the people of Texas, for the very acceptable and praiseworthy manner with 
which you have discharged the delicate mission confided to your care. 

In the next number of the Gazette the following account is given 
of the final burial of General Johnston : 

The final funeral rites over the remains of General Albert Sidney Johnston 
were performed on last Saturday at the Capitol. All that was mortal of him 
now rests in the State Cemetery. There his honored dust must remain in a 
humble tomb, without monument or inscription, until the time shall come when 
it will be no crime to erect memorials, or to speak well of the illustrious dead. 
That it cannot now be safely done, we know, nor is it worth while, perhaps, to 
speak of these things. The orders of General Sheridan or General Grifiin are 
not without precedent, and the Telegraph is mistaken in supposing them so. 
Burial-rites were refused to the remains of the mighty Montrose, and his body 
was drawn and quartered. A British king had the remains of Oliver Cromwell, 
the mightiest ruler who ever pressed the Enghsh throne, exhumed from their 
tomb in Westminster Abbey, and disgracefully and ignominiously buried. But 
history has preserved the memory of these deeds for no other purpose than to 
heap its curses on their authors, and hand down their names to the scorn of all 
the coming ages. 

But now it may not be entirely safe to treat further of this subject; these 
things must be left for posterity. Under the present condition of things, we are 
forcibly reminded of the celebrated and terrible passage of Chateaubriand, when 
commenting on a similar state of affairs in France. He says : " In times like 
these the historian appears to be charged by Fate with the vengeance of the na- 
tions. It is in vain that Nero triumphs. Tacitus has been born into the em- 
pire, and already an uncompromising Providence has handed over to an obscure 
child of Genius the glory of the master of the world." To time, the great 



714: GENERAL JOHNSTON IN THE GRAVE. 

avenger ; to history, the appointed agent of that vengeance ; and to the future, in 
whose presence the righteous retribution will take place, we commit the case of 
Sidney Johnston, as against Sheridan and Gritiin. lie will fare no worse with 
posterity than has that glorious old rebel Montrose, whose bones were refused 
a Christian burial; or that stout old traitor Oliver Cromwell, whose remains 
were thrown upon a dung-hill. 

After the beautiful and appropriate remarks of Governor Throckmorton, 
published in our last issue, the body was taken charge of by him, and lay in 
state in the Representative Hall of the Capitol, until Saturday, at twelve o'clock, 
under the charge of a guard of honor, appointed by his Excellency, and com- 
posed of the young men of Austin — soldiers who had battled bravely for the 
" lost cause." The bier was visited by many ladies and gentlemen, and wreaths 
of cedar, laurel, and fresh flowers, were strewed above it. Among the number 
of inscriptions placed upon the cofBn, all indicative of the deep affection and 
even veneration in which the deceased was held by those who knew him, none 
was more expressive or appropriate than the following : 

" On fame's eternal camping-ground 
Their silent tents are spread, 
And glory guards, with solemn round, 
The bivouac of the dead." ' 

The pall-bearers were selected from among the oldest and most honored of 
our fellow-citizens. The Governor and State officers were the chief mourners. 

The Episcopal burial-service was read by Eev. J. W. Phillips, Chaplain of 
the Senate. 

The choir of ladies and gentlemen, who kindly volunteered for the occasion, 
sang with fine eifect two sacred anthems. 

Nearly all the ladies of the city were present, and the hall of the Capitol 
was crowded. 

The procession was at least a half-mile in length, and composed of children, 
of ladies and gentlemen on foot, and also many others in carriages and on horse- 
back. It proceeded from the Capitol down Congress Avenue, and then by 
Pecan Street to the State Cemetery, where the grave awaited its honored tenant. 
There was no sound of bells or of music heard during the moving of the pro- 
cession, though the unheard voices of many hearts chanted the virtues and the 
valor of the dead. Dr. Pvobertson, Captain William Walsh, and Mr. Thornton, 
and other gentlemen, kindly assisted in forming the procession. Upon the whole, 
the ceremonies were exceedingly impressive, and as well calculated to paint the 
scene on the memory of the beholders as if there had been a parade, a pro- 
gramme, the tolling of bells, the sound of martial music, and a well-pronounced 
eulogy. Silence is sometimes more eloquent than words. 

His restless life, as has been seen, was not succeeded by quiet 
sepulture. Borne from the field of victory and death to a distant 
though friendly city, when his mourning State came to ask for his 
ashes, her pious task was interrupted and the sacred rites broken 

1 From verses written on another occasion by Colonel Theodore O'Hara, one of Gen- 
eral Johnston's staff. 



MONUMENT AT NEW ORLEANS. 715 

in upon by an unjust and unlawful military order. Yet, for all 
this— 

" After life's fitful fever he sleeps well." 

The people of New Orleans have continued to do honor to the 
memory of General Johnston. On the 10th of April, 1874, the Con- 
federate Tomb, completed by the Ladies' Benevolent Association of 
New Orleans in Greenwood Cemetery, was unveiled. It is a mauso- 
leum of masonry, fifteen feet square and six feet high, with sloping 
sides, turfed. It is surmounted by a granite gallery, eight feet square, 
in the centre of which stands a marble pedestal nine feet high. 
On this stands the statue of a Confederate soldier, fully armed, in the 
attitude of an outpost sentinel. It is of Carrara marble, and is seven 
feet in height. It is said to be a work of rare excellence. On the four 
sides of the monument are placed busts : General Polk on the east side, 
General Lee on the south, General Jackson on the west, and General 
Johnston on the north. After solemn prayer by Dr. Palmer, and an elo- 
quent oration from Mr. H. N. Ogden, the monument was unveiled. It 
is a great honor to be cherished in the hearts and memories of the 
people who erected this monument. 



CHAPTEPt XXXVII. 



THE EXD. 



It has been the writer's aim in this biography to let a truthful nar- 
rative of facts reveal the character of its subject. He has not been 
prepossessed with any especial ideal to which he has striven to conform 
General Johnston's acts or motives. Whatsoever of error or incon- 
sistency these facts may exhibit in a character very simple and noble 
— let it stand. Although the writer has made a study of General 
Johnston's life, in a spirit and temper which he hopes has been as 
nearly judicial as was possible under the circumstances, yet he is aware 
that his relations were too close, and his attachment too strong, to offer 
an impartial portrait of the man. Hence, he has chosen, often at the 
cost of brevity and with the sacrifice of artistic effect, to speak, where 
it was possible, in the words of others. Delicacy, or rather fairness, 
seemed to require that the evidence for his opinions, instead of merely 
his conclusions, should be laid before the reader. This has been done ; 
and he who has read these pages has a better conception of what Gen- 
eral Johnston really was than the most labored characterization could 



716 THE END. 

give. Nevertheless, it may not be deemed amiss that he should now 
supplement this memoir with some incidents and anecdotes which have 
not fallen into place in the course of the narrative, and with some esti- 
mates of its subject which have not been included in the bodj of the 
work. 

Immediately after General Johnston's death the opinion prevailed 
that the unjust censures of the press and people had driven him to des- 
peration, and that he had lost his life through reckless exposure. The 
idea, originally suggested by popular regret, could only be held by 
those unacquainted with the facts and with the serene strength of his 
character. It is believed that it has effected no lodgment in the public 
mind, though it has been repeatedly published. His staff, and many of 
his officers, indignantly contradicted it at the time, and since. General 
Johnston was moved solely by a sense of duty and the requirements of 
the situation. He held his own life at no higher value than that of the 
humblest private in the ranks, where duty called. And his notion of 
duty was that of a soldier — that general, as well as private, ought in 
battle to be and to go where most effective, and that the question of 
danger was not to be considered. 

Colonel Munford, in his address, spoke as follows : 

The impression is almost universal at tho South that General Johnston, 
stung to madness by the bitterness with which he had been denounced, reck- 
lessly exposed his life. Nothing could be further from the truth. If the narra- 
tive of simple facts already given is not sufficient, other proofs are abundant, 
and in Justice to his memory shall be given. 

After narrating an anecdote already given (page 515), illustrating 
General Johnston's perfect confidence in the result of the campaign. 
Colonel Munford continues : 

Another reason why / hnoio he was not "affected to recklessness" by all 
this clamor is, the unflinching firmness with which the President stood by him 
from its outbreak, and General Johnston's perfect knowledge of that fact. At 
Decatur, Alabama, the day before we left for Corinth, the general handed mo 
for perusal two private letters to him from President Davis, assuring him of his 
continued confidence in his ultimate triumphant success, and of tbe resolute pur- 
pose of the Government to sustain him. lie therefore had nothing to fear. It 
was in reply to one of these letters from the President that he used those noble 
words: " With the people there is but one test of merit in my profession, that 
of success. It is a hard rule, hut I thinh it right.'''' Surely the man who thus 
felt, and thus wrote under the circumstances, was not capable of being made 
" reckless." It will be noted, too, that when he fell a most brilliant victory was 
already his, and every motive would have prompted him to live. He did not 
secure himself from any legitimate danger, but at no moment was he reckless, 
or even imprudent in unnecessarily exposing himself to injury. The pressure 
upon Sidney Johnston was from no selfish thought or narrow feeling, but from 



^yAS HE RECKLESS? 717 

the circumstances under which he had " ordered the battle for to-morrow morn- 
ing at daylight," and the disparity of his forces compared with those of the 
enemy. If witli a thoroughly-trained army, under skillful leaders, devotedly 
attached to tlieir chieftain, and accustomed to victory, the first Napoleon at 
Jena excused himself for taking personal risks, by saying, "I must needs see 
how things are going," surely Albert Sidney Johnston at Shiloh. will not be 
misinterpreted. Surely, there, he " must needs see how things were going.'''' No, 
no, he fell in the path of duty, thinking not of self. 

General Preston wrote : 

I felt at Shiloh, when your father fell, that our last hope of victory perished, 
and that his place would never be supplied. 

Major Haydon, in his " Rough Notes on Shiloh," says: 

Thus fell one of the greatest generals of the age. He fell where heroes like 
to fall — in the arms of victory upon the battle-field. It is a mistake to suppose 
that the censure of ignorant men about his recent manoeuvres drove him to a 
rash exposure of person. In this battle he was elated from the very beginning; 
he knew tliat victory was certain, and his countenance gleamed with the en- 
thusiasm of a great man who was conscious that he was achieving a great suc- 
cess, that was carrying his name down to the " latest syllable of recorded time." 

His aide-de-camp, Lieutenant (afterward Colonel) T. M. Jack, writ- 
ing to Judge Ballinger, from New Orleans, soon after the battle, thus 
closes an account of General Johnston's death : 

How much of manliness, and virtue, and patriotism, and heroism, and high 
resolve, were cut down by that random ball ! There was no rashness or des- 
peration in his conduct. 

He regretted certain censures against him, but they did not actuate his 
motives, or affect his plans. He was sustained by the President. He had the 
approval of his military brethren. He looked with confidence to the final 
approbation of all his countrymen. 

On the field of battle, and in the hour of trial, he seemed not forgetful that 
he was a Texan, remarking that Moore's regiment must have a chance at the 
enemy, and specially ordering it forward to the attack. 

His remains lie here in state, to be placed in the vault to-morrow. He will 
no doubt be buried in Texas. He once remarked, in the presence of his military 
family, that he desired of his country six feet of Texas soil. Surely that noble 
State will bo all the nobler with such bones resting in its bosom ! 

Colonel Jack, in a letter addressed to the writer in 1877, says : 

The only orders, now remembered, which I carried for your father on the 
field, were to direct Breckinridge through the woods and to place him in line; 
to order forward a Texas regiment to an effective position ; and to move a bat- 
tery, on the left, so as to play on a point where the enemy offered stubborn 
resistance. Up to this time I had been almost constantly with him on all parts 



718 THE END. 

of the field. In tlie execution of this last order, I was separated from him; 
and, changing his position "with the changes of the battle, when I rejoined him, 
he had already received the fatal ball, and his life-blood was rapidly flowing. 
Before this he had remarked to me, slapping his thigh and smiling, upon a spent 
ball which had struck and stung him. 

No special incident of the battle of Shiloh survives in my memory having an 
important bearing on the general result. The entire scene is, of course, as vivid 
as of yesterday ; the advance ; the forward movement of troops, quick and 
eager ; the line of battle ; the shock of arms ; the thundering of the gunboats ; 
the retreating lines of the enemy ; and the victorious shouts of the Confederate 
troops. But these are all familiar to you ; and so are the conduct, bearing, ac- 
tion, and appearance, of your father on the field — composed, self -poised, cheer- 
ful, and confident of the devotion and courage of his men. He appears to me 
now, as he did then, like an inspired genius of battle and victory, lit up and 
glowing along his lines; a matchless example of a great man on a great occa- 
sion, and rising loftily and steadily to all the duties of that day when the fate of 
his flag and the cause of his country seemed to rest upon his sword. 

The following- extracts are taken from Colonel Munford's "Histori- 
cal Address before the Confederate Association of Memphis," delivered 
November 21, 1871. Though an account has been elsewhere given of 
General Johnston's personal appearance, Colonel Munford's quick ob- 
servation and graphic force entitle his remarks to reproduction. The 
writer thinks the description of General Johnston's ej'es inaccurate. 
They were deep set, but not small or dull. Heavily shadowed by his 
brows, they were wonderfully calm and steady, and by some considered 
searching, in repose ; but under excitement they flashed with an elec- 
tric light, which changed their color from blue to gray : 

In person General Johnston was tall, square-shouldered, full-chested, and 
muscular. He was neither lean nor fat, but healthily full, without grossness, 
indicating great bodily strength. His bust was superb, the neck and head 
mounting upward from the shoulders with majestic grace. His compact jaws 
terminated in a chin somewhat prominent and but slightly square, above which 
one of the very few really ornamental mustaches ever worn by man partly con- 
cealed, but could not render ferocious, the sweet and genial expression of his 
mouth. Over this stood somewhat boldly forth the clear-cut and expanded 
nostrils of a broad-based nose which, slightly inclining upward, grew out from 
beneath his prominently developed brow where thought sat as upon a throne. 
His full and angular though rounded forehead rose upward till its high " wind- 
ow's peaks " were lost under dark-brown hair a httle mixed with gray, extremely 
fine and wavy almost to curls. His deep-set, blue-gray eyes, small, and, when 
nnexcited, somewhat dull, were of that sort which Campbell describes as "melt- 
ing in love and kindling in war." Over these features a skin naturally soft, 
white, and clear, though now slightly bronzed from exposure, completed a pict- 
ure of more than ordinary manly beauty. Courage and modesty, intellect and 
goodness, cheerfully divided the empire over his expressive face. 

"When absorbed in thought his head leaned forward and his body slightly 



"MINISCEXCE3. ^19 

bent. At all other time;. Tly erect. His soldierly port, devoid 

of stiflfness, was character. ''ed and benevolent repose, at once 

calm, self-poised, simple, anu ^ 'nLtif^ I do not remember a man filling 

high position so utterly uncontaminated by that vulgar "divinity which doth 
hedge a king." There was, in both his appearance and bearing, that nameless 
something which, while it chastened impertinence, invited confidence, and ren- 
dered even the humblest at perfect ease in his presence. He was eminently 
approachable to everybody of every rank and condition in life. Neither his 
movement while walking, nor his manner in repose, could justly be called awk- 
ward, yet neither was light and airy ; in fiict, there was in both something too 
ponderous for grace. On horseback his appearance excited universal admira- 
tion. A cavalier by instinct and training, he sat upon a horse as if, centaur- 
like, he had grown up part of him. Whenever his soldiers caught sight of him 
in the saddle their shouts were irrepressible. 

Ordinarily his conversation was grave, the style being simple, vigorous, and 
rigidly concise. Ilis manner of talking was slow, measured, and thoughtful, 
evincing an anxious care to choose the very words which would express only 
his exact meaning. From this care to say just the thing he meant he never 
departed. Still, socially, ho was one of the most interesting of men. His 
scholarship was ripe — his knowledge of books, of men, and of things, was ex- 
tensive and varied. His views, always comprehensive and clear, never failed in 
their expression to rivet attention and confer pleasure. To his cheerful temper 
was superadded a fund of the richest humor, which not unfrequently sparkled 
into diamond-pointed wit. The prominent and distinguishing features of his in- 
tellect, however, were an intense perception and realization of surrounding cir- 
cumstances ; a power of analysis which no complication of facts could baffle ; a 
logical accuracy of thought which could follow the most delicate clew through 
the mazes of any labyrinth ; and a solid judgment which correctly estimated 
forces and values. Of the use of these faculties he was perfect master. They 
were thoroughly disciplined — enlightened by extensive knowledge, and per- 
fected by a larger experience. His sound sense, therefore, was of that perfect 
kind which constitiates wisdom. 

To strangers, his intellectual action seemed to be slow. This was a misap- 
prehension, requiring for its correction only a better knowledge of the man. 
In communicating his thoughts to the outer world, in the use of the mere 
machinery of words, he was simply unready. "Where words were not to be 
used, but things were to be done ; where his thoughts were to be translated 
directly into acts, they moved with all the quickness and force of the electric 
flash. Of oratorical power he had none. Like Moses, he was " slow of speech," 
and could write better than he spoke. Some men can both speak and write 
greatly above their true intellectual worth. In neither could Sidney Johnston 
approach the very high mark of his own, and he was fully conscious of the de- 
fect. In counsel he was always great — in action, greater still ; as at Shiloh, 
where in penetrating the designs of the enemy, and thwarting them — in seizing 
at a glance the decisive points of the battle-field, and concentrating upon them 
more troops than could be opposed to him — in grasping his army, hurling it like 
a thnndei'bolt upon the foes and scattering all opposition from before him — his 
genius blazed forth in all its full-orbed splendor and glory. In his short career 
as a Confederate general, that victory is his greatest monument. Alas ! that 
the "proud temple he builded there" should have crumbled into dust at his 
47 



720 THE EXD. 

death. But its memory and his will live in the bosoms of his countrymen as 
long as there is left on earth one true Confederate heart-beat. To these high 
intellectual gifts was united a large-hearted goodness of which he was " full as 
the dew-drop of the morning beam." Together they shed upon his name a lus- 
tre belonging of right only to the immortals. Such was Sidney Johnston — the 
model soldier, gentleman, and patriot. I close this sketch with a few illustra- 
tive anecdotes. 

While we were at Bowling Green, a man claiming to hail from Nashville 
presented himself at headquarters and inquired for me. Being shown in, he 
said a certain friend of mine had directed him to make my acquaintance, as he 
had something important to communicate. I soon saw he only desired to get 
into communication with the general, and presented him. He was a glib 
talker, but had a countenance at once acute, sinister, and malignant. I saw 
the general fix his gaze upon him as the fellow went on to tell how " above all 
earthly things he had the Southern cause at heart ; that he believed Andrew- 
Johnson was the most dangerous enemy we had in Tennessee, if not in the 
whole South, and that his death would be a public benefaction ; that he knew 
just where he was in Southeastern Kentucky, and that he could be easily dis- 
posed of at a trifling cost of money." The general rose up and said : " Sir, the 
Government which I serve meets its enemies in open and honorable warfare. 
It scorns alike the assassin's knife and the debased scoundrel who would suggest 
its use! " It is scarcely necessary to add that there was a vacant seat instanta- 
neously in that room. The general turned to me and said, " That scoundrel 
wanted me to bribe him to assassinate Andrew Johnson." 

On another day, while riding, we came unexpectedly upon a colonel who 
was a West-Pointer, and had made a most favorable impression at headquarters. 

He was in the midst of a portion of his regiment, cursing and d ning the men 

at a furious rate. After we had passed, the general remarked : " That man has 
not as much sense as I had believed ; he does not know how to command men. 
It is an error to suppose it can be done by fear. The true secret of command 
lies in the exercise of moderation, united with superior sense and justice. ISTo 
man can command others with permanent success unless he has learned to com- 
mand himself. Nor is this a regular army ; these are people who have left 
their homes to fight for their independence. All they require is a Httle patient 
instruction." And few officers know this. 

General Johnston's piety was a principle. I shall not discuss, with those 
who see nothing but impiety in others who do not adopt their cherished dog- 
mas, whether or not his views were orthodox. I know, however, that his piety 
was deep and sincere, and, as illustrative of this trait, state that he and myself 
had been at work till long after midnight, when he proposed to me to "adjourn 
to his bedroom, take a drink, say otir prayer's, and go to sleep." I told him T 
would take that night a glass of water, and feared he would find me no better 
at praying than drinking. He bent on me a look of almost paternal tenderness, 
and said solemnly, " I never lay my head upon my pillow at night without re- 
turning thanks to God for his protecting care, and invoking his guidance in 
future." 

The following reminiscences of General A. S, Johnston were fur- 
nished by Rev. R. M. Chapman : 



REMINISCENCES OF EEV. R. M. CHARM AN. 721 

I spent the first half of tbo year 1839 at Houston, Texas, where I boarded at 
the house of Colonel Gray, in company with President Lamar, General A. S. 
Johnston, Secretary of "War in Lamar's cabinet, and several other distinguished 
gentlemen. The opportunity thus afforded me of seeing much of General John- 
ston was enhanced by his kindness in conversing with me often in a manner less 
public than at a large table. Of that kindness I have ever retained a most grate- 
ful remembrance, in connection with a profound admiration of the nobleness of. 
his character. Especially do I cherish in my memory his last words to me. 

When the time came for me to go away, I was undetermined whether or not 
I should return to make my permanent residence in Texas. In taking leave of 
me, General Johnston pressed my hand and said : " Come back ; and, if I have 
only a blanket, you shall have half of it." 

It was in the spring of that year that Bishop Polk, then missionary Bishop 
of the Southwest, made his first visitation in Texas. During his stay in Houston 
he was entertained at Colonel Gray's. His meeting there with General John- 
ston was particularly gratifying to them both, as they had been contemporaries 
at West Point, and for a part of the time room-mates. 

•Of course, at such an interview (and I believe it was the first they had had 
since leaving the Academy), no topic of conversation would so readily present 
itself as recollections of their student-life. I remember one exceedingly inter- 
esting conversation of that kind which they had one day, as we sat on the porch 
after dinner. They had been recalling one and another of their old comrades, 
and telling what each knew of their later liv^es and fortunes, when the bishop 
said, in an impulsive manner, "It is remarkable, general, that out of the three 
composing our staff at the Point two are in the ministry and you are left alone." 
General Johnston was affected by the words, and replied, with evident sensibil- 
ity : " It is true, bishop, and I cannot say that it is not my fault. But I assure 
you it is not pride or any such thing that keeps me from confessing the same 
faith. If I could be convinced, I would preach from the house-tops." To this 
the bishop replied, warmly, "I know you would, general — I know you would." 

Shortly after. General Johnston left us to go to his ofiice ; and then Bishop 
Polk, by way of apology for his confidence, so feelingly expressed, in his friend's 
sincerity even of unbelief, related to me the history of his own conversion. 

While he was in the Academy a very considerable religions awakening oc- 
curred among the cadets under the ministry, as chaplain, of the Rev. C. P. 
Mcllvaine, afterward Bishop of Ohio. Polk was one of the first to feel this new 
concern, and, being entirely ignorant of the first principles of Christian belief, 
he set to work to inform himself on tlie subject, beginning with the study of 
" Christian Evidences." 

Johnston had no feeling in the matter, but, seeing his room-mate so deeply 
interested, he read with him such books as the chaplain put into their hands. 

The event was Polk's entire satisfaction, followed by his joining the church, 
and determination to leave the army for the ministry, which he did. 

Though General Johnston paid small attention to dogmatic theology, 
it has been seen that he was deeply impressed with certain fundamental 
religious truths, and that his religious aspirations were simple, as they 
were fervent and direct. 

During General Johnston's residence at Austin, the Rev. Edward 



722 THE END. 

Fontaine was the Episcopal minister at that place. He was a gentle- 
man of culture, of military education (I believe), and of great zeal and 
enthusiasm. He saw a good deal of General Johnston, and, after his 
death, published some reminiscences of him in the Jackson Jlississip- 
pian, from which the following has been clipped : 

If I were selected by the South to award the palm of merit to the most 
worthy of all the illustrious dead who compose " the noble army of martyrs " 
who died in defense of our constitutional liberty, I would lay the sacred symbol 
of peerless excellence upon the tomb of Albert Sidney Johnston. If he were 
living, and in arms, with Stonewall Jackson, Eobert E. Lee, Joseph E. Johnston, 
and Beauregard, ready to take the field again, and I had to appoint one of these 
illustrious heroes the generalissimo of our ai-my, I would not hesitate a moment 
to give him the command of the whole, with a feeling of confidence that each 
one of them would obey his orders willingly, and that no master of the art of 
war could improve the orders he would give. In all the virtues which constitute 
the true patriot and chivalrous hero, these idols of the Southern States were 
endowed by Nature with equal measures ; and whether it be attributable to 
blood or education, or both, although differing widely in personal appearance, 
they will be exhibited to future ages by history as much alike in character. Of 
all his living compeers among our country's defenders, General A. Sidney John- 
ston resembled, most in disposition and all his marked characteristics, his 
namesake, General Joseph Eggleston Johnston. They were not at all related by 
blood ; but two men were never more alike in everything except personal ap- 
pearance. General Joseph E. Johnston is well formed, but under the medium 
size. His head is unusually large ; and, to a painter, it seems a little out of pro- 
portion when compared with his body. General A. Sidney Johnston was a very 
large man — not corpulent, but well proportioned — and weighed at least two hun- 
dred pounds. He would have been observed among a thousand good-looking 
men, as one formed to command others. His was 

" The lofty port, the distant mien, 
Which seems to shun the sight, yet awes if seen ; 
The solemn aspect and the high-born eye, 
That checks low mirth, yet lacks not courtesy." 

The eyes of our living hero, I believe, are dark hazel. Those of him who 
fell at Shiloh, while lighting his hosts to victory, were like those of Napoleon 
and Washington — clear gray. They were deeply set, and the heavy shadows of 
the projecting brows gave them a dark-blue shade. Both possessed the same 
temperament — full of fire, but so smothered by perfect self-control that few of 
their most intimate friends have ever witnessed its flashing under any circum- 
stances. But none could doubt that enough of it was embodied to make its 
possessor formidable as a sleeping lion or silent volcano. A wife, child, or ser- 
vant, or intimate associate in private life, might be with General Sidney John- 
ston for a lifetime without ever discovering the slightest manifestation of ill- 
temper. It has been said that " no man appears great to his valet." This say- 
ing, which might have been true when applied to Charles XII., Frederick the 
Great, or the Duke of Marlborough, was not so in regard to him. He was the 
same great man in private and public ; and it was his unselfish, generous amia- 



REMINISCENCES OF REV. E. FONTAINE. 723 

bility, his strict regard to truth and justice, liis warm and sympathetic friend- 
ship, his tender regard for the rights and sensibilities of others, and the self- 
control which governed his words and actions, which made his comi)anions love 
liim. Ilis profound learning, his strong common-sense, and the quickness, clear- 
ness, and the originality of his thoughts upon all subjects, excited thoir respect 
and admiration. 

I will leave to the historian the task of assigning to him his just position 
among men as a public servant and as a general ; I shall speak of him only as I 
saw him in pi'ivate life, and mention a few circumstances which will perhaps 
illustrate his character. 

Soon after the Mexican War, a large number of the officers of the United 
States Army, who had distinguished themselves and received promotion for their 
gallantry during that struggle, were assembled in Austin, where General John- 
ston was then stationed. The citizens gave these heroes a splendid ball. But, 
when the company met, General Johnston was absent, and his presence was 
considered almost indispensable on such an occasion. The committee of arrange- 
ments were much mortified when it was ascertained that, in issuing tickets of in- 
vitation to the officers of the army, they had forgotten to send one to General 
Johnston. They were greatly embarrassed to know how to apologize to him for 
their neglect. The truth was, that he had lived among them so long, and tliere 
was so little of the "pomp and circumstance" of the officer about him, that he 
was regarded by them as a plain citizen, and as one of themselves; but they did 
not know how he would be pleased with such an excuse. When he learned the 
difficulty he was evidently much gratified, and told them not to feel in the least 
unpleasant about it, as they had paid him, without intending it, a high compliment. 

Rev. Mr. Fontaine also relates the following anecdotes : 

I never heard Sidney Johnston make a public speech. Ilis modesty made 
him averse to any display of his talents; but he was highly gifted in conversa- 
tion ; and, whether his companions were ladies or gentlemen, he never failed to 
amuse and to instruct them. He spoke fluently but deliberately, and always 
used the most correct and appropriate words to express his ideas. In the course 
of many years, in camp, in garrison, in his own parlor, and while traveling with 
him through the wilds of Texas, I never heard him say a rude or silly thing, or 
utter an expre^^sron obnoxious to the most refined Christian lady. Yet his con- 
versation abounded with anecdotes, and was spiced with wit and humor. His 
knowledge of ancient and modern history, and especially that of our country, 
was thorough ; and his acquaintance with every department of natural science 
was very extensive. He was particularly fond of discussing the merits of all 
the recent discoveries in geology, and the various branches of natural history. 

I recollect an incident which will give you some idea of his humor : A 
clerical friend, who was often his companion in his angling-excursions in the 
Colorado bottom, brought upon himself a severe attack of intermittent fever by 
indulging too freely in this innocent amusement during the "dog-days." Wad- 
ing in the cold water with nn August sun burning upon his head at noon, and 
inhaling the miasmatic vapor from the decaying moss and aquatic plants left 
dead upon the sand-bars of the river, shrunk within its narrowest limits in the 
dry season, had given him " the chills." The general, with some other friends. 



724 THE END. 

called to see him during his illness. One of them asked him how he made him- 
self sick. He replied that he could not account for the attack, unless it had 
heen caused by getting wet in Barton's Creek and the Colorado River, Gen- 
eral Johnston then said: "I will answer your question for my friend. I know 
his habits well, and I have been with him frequently lately, and but for a very 
strong constitution I would probably be now in his condition; but he is a 
clergyman, and as such he does not like to confess that he has made himself sick 
by frequenting too much low 2^l(i-ces.'''' 

He was a regular attendant at church; but I never knew him to commune 
at the sacrament of the Lord's supper. His wife was a very pious and useful 
member of the Episcopal Church. I do not recollect ever to have heard him 
express his opinion upon the subject of religion but once. I dined with him 
Sunday after preaching a sermon upon " The Doctrine of a Special Providence," 
to which he listened with profound attention. After dinner, and while con- 
versing with him and Mrs. Johnston, he remarked: "Your sermon to-day in- 
terested me very much. I believe firmly in the doctrine of a particular Provi- 
dence which directs or controls the destiny of the worlds or atoms; and I will 
relate an incident in my own life, which, with many others of a similar char- 
acter, has confirmed me in my belief, and which I think will serve to illustrate 
the truth of your sermon. As the paymaster of this department of our army, 
I have for the last four years visited Fort Croghan, Fort Worth, and other gar- 
gisons in Texas, regularly once in three months, to pay our troops. I have gen- 
erally had the same escort of soldiers whom I can trust. I have had the same 
ambulance, the same mules, and the same driver; and, during each quarterly 
trip between Fort Croghan and Fort Worth, I have invariably camped about 
one hour before sunset under a certain post-oak tree, near a fine spring, at the 
end of my first day's journey from Fort Croghan. The mules were so accus- 
tomed to the spot that, whenever I reached it, they went to the oak-tree, and 
turned the wagon around in a position suitable for unloading and pitching the 
tent under it. I used the body of the tree as a support for the tent, one end of 
which was fastened to it. In order to reach this camping-place in proper time, 
I was in the habit of starting punctually at eight o'clock in the morning, and I 
do not remember to have deviated five minutes from that hour in four years 
except on one occasion. The ambulance and escort were all ready and willing 
for the order to march. But I sat conversing with the officers and ladies of the 
post one hour later than usual. I remember thinking several times that I had 
better be off ; but I felt an aversion to starting, for which I could give no good 
reason. At length I found that I had idled an entire hour, and gave the order 
to move. One hour later than usual, traveling four miles an hour, I was at a 
distance of four miles from the camping-place when I met a furious storm from 
the northwest. The wind, rain, and hail, accompanied with tremendous thunder 
and incessant lightning, beat full in our faces with such violence that I was 
compelled to halt in the prairie, turn the front of the ambulance and the heads 
of the mules from the storm, and remain where we were until it was over. It 
continued until late in the night ; and we remained upon the spot in a very un- 
comfortable situation until the next morning. As soon as it was light, I ordered 
a move to our usual camping-place, where there was plenty of wood and water, 
and where I intended to breakfast. In an hour we reached it. But the post-oak 
was gone. A flash of lightning had shivered it in fragments, and torn many of 



ANECDOTES. 725 

the roots of it out of the ground ; and from the effects of the terrible stroke I 
am confident that I shouUl have been killed, and all with me would have perished, 
if I had reached it at the usual time, and if the tent had been pitched where it 
had been once in every three months for four years. I felt truly thankful for 
my escape. Xow, sir, I can only account for it in this way : I suppose, uncon- 
sciously to myself, the Great and all-pervading Spirit influenced my own spirit, 
and kept me employed or amused in conversation at Fort Croghan. Jt was neces- 
sary that the particular spot of earth where T usually camped should be electri- 
fied ; but it was not necessary that I should then he killed. Hence a Divine 
Providence interrupted the regularity of my movements, and saved my life." 

General Johnston's deliberation is illustrated by his remark to a 
precipitate friend ■who was about to run across a street in front of a 
carriage driving rapidly : " There is more room hehmd that carriage 
than in front of it," 

Dr. D. W. Yandell, General Johnston's medical director, furnishes 
the following incident : 

"While at Corinth, the owner of a drug-store, living in Tennessee, near to 
Donelson, represented to tiie general that his entire stock of drugs had been 
taken by a Confederate quartermaster for the use of his command, and paid for 
in Confederate money, which was useless to him. He had come to ask the 
general if he might not bo paid at least its equivalent in Tennessee funds, the 
difference between the two being then ten or fifteen to one. General Johnston 
requested me to look over the druggist's account, and see if the prices, etc., 
were honestly stated. He said, "Scrutinize every item." I had at the time an 
experienced druggist acting as clerk in my office. He examined the accounts 
and found them square. I so reported to the general. He directed his quarter- 
master to take back the Confederate money, and give instead its equivalent in 
Tennessee currency, remarking to me at the time, "It wouldn't be honest to 
pay a man in the enemy's lines in money which had no value to him." 

After he had written at Tuscumbia, Alabama, his report of the operations 
of the army from Bowling Green, he read it to General Preston and myself. I 
was struck with the expression, "Success is the test of merit," and objected to 
its use. He said, " Well, critically perhaps it is not correct, but, as the world 
goes, it is true, and I am going to let it stand." 

The following brief and discriminating description is an extract 
from an article in Harper's Weekly, published at the time of the Utah 
Expedition : 

Colonel Johnston is now in the matured vigor of manhood. He is above six 
feet in height, strongly and powerfully formed, with a grave, dignified, and 
commanding presence. His features are strongly marked, showing his Scottish 
hneage, and denote great resolution and composure of character. His com- 
plexion, naturally fair, is, from exposure, a deep brown. His habits are ab- 
stemious and temperate, and no excess has impaired his powerful constitution. 
His mind is clear, strong, and well cultivated. His manner is courteous, but 
rather grave and silent. He has many devoted friends, but they have been won 
and secured rather by the native dignity and nobility of his character than by 



726 THE END. 

his powers of address. He is a man of strong will and ardent temper, but his 
whole bearing testifies the self-control he has acquired. As a soldier he stands 
very high in the opinion of the array. As an instance of this it may be men- 
tioned that, in a large assembly of officers and gentlemen, the gallant and im- 
petuous Worth, when asked who was the best soldier he had ever known, re- 
plied, " I consider Sidney Johnston the best soldier I ever knew." 

Colonel Thomas F. McKinney, the Robert Morris of the Texan Rev- 
olution, in a letter from Austin, dated December 28, 1872, writes thus : 

General Johnston's life will bo a difficult one to write, as in his action he 
was always up to the full measure of purity, excellence, and high moral tone. 
It has often been remarked that General Albert Sidney Johnston possessed more 
good and high qualities, in an eminent degree, than any man we have ever 
known ; and, though I have heard it repeatedly said where many were present, 
no one was ever found who did not approve the assertion. 

General Johnston's ability and conduct were recognized by some 
persons and public journals at the North, even through the white heat 
of civil war. A San Francisco paper said : 

THE LATE GENERAL A. S. JOHNSTOK. 

Elsewhere in our columns will be found the message from Jeff Davis to 
the Confederate Congress, notifying that body of "the irreparable loss" sus- 
tained by the South, in the death of the above-named distinguished officer. 

Those of our citizens who had the pleasure of his acquaintance during his 
brief sojourn in our city will truly grieve for his untimely end. 

From an able and dispassionate article in the New York Times, re- 
viewing the career of General Johnston, we take the following ex- 
tracts : 

He was the man who, of all others, had been until lately looked upon in the 
South as a commander without a peer for active field-work — combining in him- 
self science, skill, daring, coolness, resoluteness, experience, and whatever other 
characteristics or elements of success are supposed to belong to a great leader. 
This was the fourtb war in which he had seen and done service ; and in each of 
the previous wars he had gained only renown and achieved always success. 
. . . He perpetually threatened our army with assault and annihilation, kept 
Louisville, and even Cincinnati, for a time, in a state of perturbation, and de- 
layed the progress of our arms until it seemed his end was on the eve of accom- 
plishment. 

Speaking of the battle of Pittsburg Landing, the New York Times 
also said : 

It is clear tliat, while the rebel generalship of Sunday was the best, and ours 
of that day all but the worst ever seen on this continent, the steady valor of 
most of our soldiers and the gallant bearing of their officers, converted what 
would naturally have been a terrible Union disaster into a decided Union victory. 



DR. GALLEHER'S LETTER. 727 

And, again, the Times declared that " the rebels, led by their very 
ablest General, Albert Sidney Johnston, were pressing 30,000 disor- 
ganized Unionists down a steep bluff to a deep river, in which the great 
mass of them nmst have been drowned, but for the timely arrival of 
two gunboats." 

The writer having found among General Johnston's papers a very 
complimentary testimonial to the services of Colonel John N. Galleher 
so well and favorably known as General Buckner's chief of staff, sent 
it to him. Colonel Galleher, who has, since the war, entered the min- 
istry of the Protestant Episcopal Church, replied in the following note : 

Baltimore, December 12, 1872. 

My dear Colonel: Yonr note, with the inclosure, reached me this morn- 
ing. Please accept my warm acknowledgments for your thoughtful kindness. 
The document is one that I shall treasure always as a testimony of your honored 
father's kind interest in me. He was the commander to whom I first presented 
myself at the opening of the war, and from him I sought advice as to the selec- 
tion of duty in the army. I recall distinctly the circumstances of my interview 
with him. He was then at Columbus, Kentucky, his headquarters, on a hill 
overlooking the town and the river. As I climbed the hill and approached the 
house, I began to feel some tremors, and was almost ready to turn back for very 
diffidence, and fear lest he should be annoyed. But I went on, and found him 
in his office, apparently at leisure. At first, I thought there was something 
stern and severe in his manner ; but it was only the deep calmness and gravity 
which wrapped him round as it had been the mantle left to him by some grand 
old viking who knew how to rule himself and others. When I had told him that 
I was from Mason County, he spoke with evident interest of his birthplace and 
mine, asked after the people there whom he remembered, and said that the 
topography of the county was strangely fresh in his memory, although he had 
long been absent. He was extremely kind, and relieved me of my embarrass- 
ment by his manner. He advised me to repair to Bowling Green, where the 
Kentucky troops were, intimating his anticipation tliat active work with the 
enemy would ere long be found somewhere in that direction, and adding that he 
would soon be there himself. I went away, feeling that I had met a man 
in whose inspiring presence it would be a glorious joy to suffer any hardship. 
He had magnetized me ; and to this hour his splendid person stands out in my 
thought as the incarnation of that " Confederacy " to which my heart yielded 
its utmost love and loyalty. Ho was and is to me as royal Arthur to Eng- 
land's brave romance. Thus reverencing him, and remembering him, the writ- 
ten words which connect me with his approbation and confidence are precious 
in my sight. I thank you for them again and again. 

Respectfully yours. 
Colonel William P. Johnston, Lexington, Virginia. J. N. GALLEnER. 

Some extracts from an editorial article of Colonel J. W. Avery 
will be pardoned, as they disclose in part the secret of General John- 
ston's wonderful influence over his soldiers, which stirred every man 
with the conviction that he was under the eye of his commander. 
This gentleman says : 



728 THE END. 

The records of no vrar show a knightlier warrior than the one whose name 
heads this sketch. "We may be pardoned for laying a leaf upon his bloody yet 
most honorable grave. 

He was the first general to whom we reported, as the youthful leader of a 
cavalry band of gallant Georgians. We bad raised this company, and it was 
unarmed, and we went to him for munitions. 

Passing by some eulogy by the author on General Johnson's forti- 
tude in the retreat from Nashville, and compliments to the affability of 
his staff, we come to his description of General Johnston : 

General Johnston reminded us of the pictures of Washington. ITe was very 
large and massive in figure, and finely proportioned. He measured six feet two 
inches in height, and had flesh to give him perfect symmetry. His face was 
large, broad, and high, and beamed with a look of striking benignity. His feat- 
ures were handsomely moulded. He was very straight, and carried himself with 
grace and lofty and simple dignity. He dressed neatly, but always in full Con- 
federate-gray general's uniform, that suited him admirably. His whole appear- 
ance indicated, in a marked degree, power, decision, serenity, thought, benevo- 
lence. We thought him then at first flush, and thought it unvaryingly afterward, 
and think now, in the hallowing memory of his noble manhood, made sacred 
by the consecration of his thrilling and heroic death for the Southern cause, that 
he was one of the sweetest and most august men we ever met. His character 
was entrancing in its pure nobility. We thought him an object for deep venera- 
tion ; and, whenever we look at the familiar and majestic features of the great 
Pater PatricB, we always think of Albert Sidney Johnston. 

We stated our name, and presented our introductory note from General Har- 
dee, when, greeting us courteously and kindly, General Johnston requested us 
to be seated. It was pretty early in the war then — in November, 1862. Old 
army-officers were wont to assume much pretension and style, to the great awe 
of civilian officers, upon whom they generally looked with very unconcealed dis- 
dain. To have been a West-Pointer was the grandest of earthly accidents ; and 
to have grown up an unmilitary civilian was an unspeakable and ignominious 
misfortune. It will be remembered how many of the first class lorded it over 
the latter. But in Johnston there was none of it. Simple as a child, unassum- 
ing and modest as a pure woman, he affected nothing for his high rank. 

We were inexperienced in tactics, and apprehensive, though ardent in the 
cause and eager for service. We told this to the general, and asked him to deal 
gently with our military ignorance in consideration of our zeal. There was 
something in his manner that emboldened confidence, and, when we got through, 
nothing could exceed the fatherly manner with which he replied, encouraging, 
instructing, and assuring us of his kindness. He offered to help us with his 
counsel, or otherwise ; invited us to call on him at any time, and, giving us 
necessary orders, we left. 

It was tliat gentle politeness that won everybody who approached him, and 
endeared him to his people. Often, afterward, we met him at his headquarters, 
and in the field, and he always was the same affable, considerate, fatherly gen- 
tleman, inspiring the gravest reverence, winning the fondest regard, and exciting 
the highest admiration. 



COLONEL J. W. AVERY'S REillNISCEXCES. 729 

We Lave not time to tell all the incidents of our experience of this rare 
gentleman and great captain. We never knew of any one being refused admis- 
sion and a kindly hearing, and we venture that no distinguished leader ever left 
a tenderer personal memory than Johnston. 

But we must hasten on to our last interview with him. It was at Corinth, 
Mississippi, a few days before the bloody battle of Shiloh. We had some im- 
portant business, and rode to his headquarters. lie met us with his usual cor- 
diality, but stated that, in consequence of very pressing matters, he would bo 
unable to give us bis personal attention, and must, for once, refer us to his adju- 
tant-general; but that we must not feel slighted, and he would always be glad 
to see us hereafter with the same freedom. 

The consideration of his manner and remarks amid the engrossing occupation 
of preparing that great movement to Shiloh, upon which he depended so much 
to retrieve the disasters of Donelson and Nashville, prove how thorough a gen- 
tleman he was, and how kindly was his heart. He bade us good-morning with 
a friendly grasp of the hand, and wo never spoke to him again. 

That mighty struggle at Shiloh came on. AVe saw him once in the dread 
carnage, flashing across the field, the incarnation of the splendid warrior. He 
always rode large and magnificent horses. His favorite steed was a gray; and 
when he was mounted upon the noble animal he was the heau-ideal of a general. 
His firm, graceful seat in the saddle, his majestic proportions, his soldierly 
carriage, his handsome uniform, his noble countenance, the radiant bearing of 
knightly chivalry that marked every movement and feature, all leave a proud 
remembrance of gallant and striking manhood, for those to dwell upon who 
knew and loved him. 

He was killed about twelve o'clock in the first day's fight. His death was 
kept concealed from the army, as it Avas feared it would dampen their ardor and 
chill their confidence. 

But when it was known — near the close of the second day's battle — it cast a 
gloom that fell over every heart. And coming, as it did, with the dismal order 
to retreat, a sense of heavy woe pervaded every bosom. How that fight would 
have ended if he had lived, is a matter of speculation. That he would have 
pushed the first day's advantages to the bitter end no one doubts. Our cavalry 
were hurtling resistlessly upon the enemy's shattered fragments, huddled on the 
banks of the river, when we were inexplicably and unwillingly withdrawn. 
Night came. Eeenforcements strengthened the foe. Unusual camp luxuries 
demoralized our men; and the next evening, crippled, worn out, decimated, our 
army straggled back to Corinth, and the golden chance was gone. 

That stainless and imperial blood was shod only to illustrate a cause it failed 
to win. And, in coming days, when the historian sits to write what will be the 
fair chronicles of the turbulent war of those times, he will lovingly dwell upon 
no character more shining, illustrious, and exalted — upon no hero more lumi- 
nous for chivalry, patriotism, genius, and sublime manhood — than Albert Sid- 
net JonxsTox. 

General W. C. Whitthorne says, March, 1876 : 

Allow me to say, as I do from a feeling of reverence and affection for the 
memory of your father, that he was one of the three great men whom it has 



730 THE END. 

been my fortune in life to meet. His death was the severest loss the Confed- 
eracy sustained prior to its ultimate defeat. 

Mr. J. M. Fairbanks writes that he was a lieutenant of engineers in 
the Confederate army, and sends the following anecdote : 

I was chief clerk in General Hardee's adjutant-general's office, and confi- 
dential secretary for General Hardee. In common with all who came in con- 
tact with your father, I was inspired by the highest respect and veneration for 
his noble character. 

Just before the main attack at " Shiloh," a countryman, who had been in- 
tercepted between the lines, was placed in my charge, with directions by Gen- 
eral Hardee to conduct him to General Johnston. On reaching him, he asked 
a few questions of the man, "How many troops have the enemy?" "Oh, 
many thousands," replied the man. " Do you think they have 100,000 men? " 
asked the general. " Oh, yes," was the reply. " They won't be a mouthful 
for us ! " remarked the general, smiling. 

At that moment he was watching with great anxiety the progress of our 
line of battle, across an open field, expecting any moment when fire would be 
opened from the woods on the other side. This was the last time I saw him 
alive, and his appearance then is stamped on my memory. 

Hon. Jefferson Davis told the writer that Mr. Buchanan asked him 
if he could advise him who was the best man to appoint to the com- 
mand of the Utah Expedition, He recommended General Johnston. 
"But if not Johnston, who then?" inquired the President. "Persifer 
F. Smith, if his health will allow," answered Mr. Davis, " Whom else 
could you recommend, if neither of these could be sent ? " asked the 
President. "Robert E. Lee." Mr. Buchanan then said, "Do you and 
General Scott ever by an}- possibility agree?" "I should not like to 
think that I did not often agree on military affairs with a man of 
General Scott's experience," replied Mr. Davis. " Well," said Mr. 
Buchanan," you have named the same persons for this service, though 
not in the same order." 

Judge William P. Ballinger, of Galveston, Texas, writing in 1873 
of General Johnston, says : 

His impression on me was very strong and lasting. I was a boy of eighteen, 
and your father was the first great man I was ever thrown in association with, 
I saw a great deal of him for several years — I was his adjutant in Mexico. Since 
then I have met a number of the so-called great men of the day. Very few have 
excited in me any high degree of admiration. But I have a veneration for your 
father that classes him with the very loftiest historical ieau-ideals. If I were to 
construct a Parthenon for perfect nobility, lofty, true, genuine, pure, undeviat- 
ing— 

" Standing four square 
'Gainst all the winds that blow " — 

his would be the statue enshrined. 



FRIENDLY ESTIMATES. 731 

Colonel Wharton J, Green, of North Carolina, some anecdotes from 
whose pen have already been inserted in this memoir, in a letter to the 
present writer says, in regard to General Johnston : 

Portray him as ho was — great, good, single-minded, and simple. He was the 
devotee of duty, but disposed to soften its asperities to others. His was a char- 
acter with few counterparts in ancient or modern story. It has been said that 
the noblest eulogy ever written consisted of a single word — "the just." All 
who ever knew General Johnston will condrra that he was as well entitled to 
that epithet as the old Athenian, and, coupled with it, to another, "the gen- 
erous." Talleyrand's saying, " No man is a hero to his valet," is true in the 
main ; but General Johnston would have been a hero to his very shadow. Those 
who knew him best admired him most. His peerless, blameless life was long 
enough for glory ; and but one brief day, perhaps one hour only, too short for 
liberty. One hour more for him in the saddle, and the Confederate States 
would have taken their place at the council-board of the nations. 

Governor Harris thus notes some of the points he had observed in 
General Johnston in the last half-year of his life : 

From the day that General Albert Sidney Johnston assumed command of 
the Department of the "West, in September, 1861, to the moment of his death, 
I was in almost constant intercourse with him, either in personal consultation or 
correspondence by letter or telegram. 

Our official positions necessarily brought us in contact, and official inter- 
course soon warmed into personal friendship, and, on my part, into decided ad- 
miration for the great ability, unselfish and self-sacrificing patriotism, and exalted 
chivalry, of the general. 

I was with him when the telegram announced the surrender of the Confed- 
erate forces at Donelson, and had occasion to admire the philosophic heroism 
with which he met, not only the disaster, but the unjust censure and complaints 
of both army and people, the coolness and energy with which he set about the 
work of reorganizing the remnant of his army, and the establishment of a new 
and different hne of defense. I was with him most of the time of his retreat 
from Nashville to Corinth, and was not unfrequently astonished at the coolness, 
vigilance, and untiring energy with which he struggled to overcome the numer- 
ous obstacles and difficulties which surrounded him. 

The following is an extract from Dr. Craven's " Prison Life of Mr. 
Davis " (page 210) : 

Had Albert Sidney Johnston lived, Mr. Davis was of opinion our [the Federal] 
success down the Mississippi would have been fatally checked at Corinth. This 
officer best realized his ideal of a perfect commander — large in view, discreet in 
council, silent as to his own plans, observant and penetrative of the enemy's, 
sudden and impetuous in action, but of a nerve and balance of judgment which 
no heat of danger or complexity of manoeuvre could upset or bewilder. All 
that Napoleon said of Dessaix and Kl^ber, save the slovenly habits of one of 
them, might be combined and truthfully said of Albert Sidney Johnston. 

President Davis, in speaking of him to the writer in August, 1863, 
said his consistency of action and conduct differed from any other man's 



732 THE END. 

he ever knew. In every other man he had seen inconsistency ; in him, 
none. He said his was the onlv arm he ever felt able to lean upon with 
entire confidence. It was a severe struggle to let him go West — he 
wanted him as Secretary of War — but the West was a field vast and 
distant, where the chief must act without advice or aid, and he seemed 
the only man equal to it. 

If allowance is to be made for the unlimited confidence of Mr. Davis 
in General Johnston, it must be remembered that the admiration "was 
mutual, and that their friendship was founded on long and intimate 
acquaintance, and tried by many tests. Alfiiend, in his " Life of Da- 
vis " (page 334), says : 

Few of the eminent soldiers who had sought service under the banners of 
the Confederacy had a more brilliant record of actual service ; and to the advan- 
tages of reputation General Johnston added those graces and distinctions of 
person with which the imagination invests the ideal commander. He was con- 
siderably past middle age, his height exceeded six feet, bis frame was large and 
sinewy, his every movement and posture indicated vigorous and athletic man- 
hood. The general expression of his striking face was grave and composed, but 
inviting rather than austere. 

The arrival of General Johnston in Richmond, early in September, was a 
source of peculiar congratulation to President Davis. Between these illustrious 
men had existed for many years an endearment, born of close association, com- 
mon trials and triumphs, and mutual confidence, which rendered most auspicious 
their cooperation in the cause of Southern independence. 

The late Prof. A. T. Bledsoe, a very able and eminent writer and 
thinker, in one of his publications, says : 

Albert Sidney Johnston, who, take him all in all, was the simplest, bravest, 
grandest man we have ever known, once said to the present writer, " Ti)ere is no 
measuring such a man as Davis ; " and this high tribute had a fitting counterpart 
in that which Davis paid Johnston, when discussing in the Federal Senate the 
Utah Expedition. 

This tribute has been already quoted. 

General Richard Taylor, in the advanced sheets of his "Reminis- 
cences," published March, 18T8, in the " Southern Historical Society 
Papers," says : 

sniLon. 

Shiloh was a great misfortune. At the moment of his fall, Sidney Johnston, 
with all the energy of his natiue, was pressing on the routed foe. Croucliing 
under the bank of the Tennessee Eiver, Grant was helpless. One short hour 
more of life to Johnston would have completed his destruction. The second in 
command — Beauregard — was on another and distant part of the field, and, before 
he could gather the reins of direction, darkness fell and stopped the pursuit. 
During the night Buell reached the northern bank of the river and crossed his 
troops. Wallace, with a fresh division from below, got up. Together they ad- 
vanced in the morning, found the Confederates rioting in the plunder of captured 



GENERAL R. TAYLOR'S ESTIMATE. 733 

camps, and drove them back with loss. But all this was as nothing compared 
with the calamity of Johnston's death. Educated at West Point, Johnston 
remained in the United States Army for eight years, and acquired a thorough 
knowledge of the details of military duty. Resigning to aid the cause of the 
infant Republic of Texas, Le became her adjutant-general, senior brigadier, and 
Secretary at War. In the war with Mexico ho raised a regiment of Texans to 
join General Zachary Taylor, and was greatly distinguished in the fighting 
around and capture of Monterey. General Taylor, with whom the early years 
of his service had been passed, declared him to be the best soldier he had ever 
commanded. More than once I have heard General Zachary Taylor express this 
opinion. Two cavalry regiments were added to the United States Army in 1854, 
and to the colonelcy of one of these Johnston was appointed. Subsequently, a 
brigadier by brevet, he commanded the expedition against the Mormons in Utah. 
Thus he brought to the Southern cause a civil and military experience far sur- 
passing that of any other leader. Born in Kentucky, descended from an honor- 
able colonial race, connected by marriage with influential families in the West, 
where his life had been passed, he was peculiarly fitted to command Western 
armies. With him at the helm, there would have been no Vicksburg, no Mis- 
sionary Ridge, no Atlanta. His character was lofty and pure ; his presence and 
demeanor dignified and courteous, with the simplicity of a child ; and he at once 
inspired the respect and gained the confidence of cultivated gentlemen and rug- 
ged frontiersmen. Besides, he had passed through the furnace of ignorant 
newspapers, hotter than that of the Babylonian tyrant. Commanding some 
raw, unequipped forces at Bowling Green, Kentucky, the accustomed American 
exaggeration represented him as at the head of a vast army, prepared and eager 
for conquest. Before time was given him to organize and train his men, the 
absurdly-constructed works on his left flank were captured. At Fort Donelson, 
on the Cumberland, were certain political generals, who, with a self-abnegation 
worthy of Plutarch's heroes, were anxious to get away and leave the glory and 
renown of defense to others. Johnston was in no sense responsible for the con- 
struction of these forts, nor the assignment to their command of these self- 
denying warriors, but his line of communication was uncovered by their fall, 
and he was compelled to retire to the southern bank of the Tennessee River. 
From the enlighteners of public opinion a howl of wrath came forth. Johnston, 
who had just been Alexander, Hannibal, Ca?sar, Napoleon, was now a miserable 
dastard and traitor, unfit to command a corporal's guard ! President Davis sought 
to console him, and the noblest lines ever penned by man were written by John- 
ston in reply. They even wrung tears of repentance from the pachyderms who 
had attacked him, and will be a text and consolation to future commanders who 
serve a country tolerant of an ignorant and licentious press. As pure gold he 
came forth from the furnace, above the reach of slander, the foremost man of 
all the South ; and had it been possible for one heart, one mind, and one arm, to 
save her cause, she lost them when Albert Sidney Johnston fell on the field of 
Shiloh. As soon after the war as she was permitted, the Commonwealth of 
Texas removed his remains from New Orleans, to inter them in a land he had 
long and faithfully served. I was honored by a request to accompany the coffin 
from the cemetery to the steamer, and as I gazed upon it there arose the feeling 
of the Theban who, after the downfall of the glory and independence of his 
country, stood by the tomb of Epaminondas. 



734 THE END. 

The following has been sent to the writer from New Orleans : 

No eulogy has been composed, no tribute has been rendered, giving more 
fitting expression to the lofty qualities that marked the illusti'ious dead, when 
living, than the following beautiful epitapli, which was found pasted on a rough 
board attached to the tomb, by a lady passing through the St. Louis Cemetery 
of this city, and which was first published in the Kew Orleans Times : 

IN MEMORIAM. 

BY JOHN B. S. DIMITEY, OF NEW OBLEANS. 



BEHIND THIS STONE IS LAID, FOE A SEASON, 

ALBERT SIDNEY JOHNSTON, 

A GENEEAL IN THE ARMY OF THE CONFEDEEATE STATES, 

Who fell at Shiloh, Tennessee, 
On the sixth day of April, 
Eighteen hundred and sixty-two. 
A man tried in many high offices 
And critical Enterprises, 
And found faithful in all ; 
His life was one long Sacrifice of Interest to Conscience ; 
And even that life, on a woful Sabbath, 
Did he yield as a Holocaust at his Country's need. 
Not wholly understood was he while he lived ; 
But, in his death, his Greatness stands confessed 
In a People's tears. 
Eesolute, moderate, clear of envy, yet not. wanting 
In that finer Ambition which makes men great and pure ; 
In his Honor — impregnable ; 
In his Simplicity — sublime ; 
No country e'er had a truer Son — no Cause a nobler Champion ; 
No People a bolder Defender — no Principle a purer Victim, 
Than the dead Soldier 
Who sleeps here ! 
The Cause for which he perished is lost — 
The People for whom he fought are crushed — 
The Hopes in which he trusted are shattered — 
The Flag he loved guides no more the charging lines ; 
But his Fame, consigned to the keeping of that Time which, 
Happily, is not so much the Tomb of Virtue as its Shrine, 
Shall, in the years to come, fire Modest Worth to Noble Ends. 
In honor, now, our great Captain rests ; 

A bereaved People mourn him ; 
Three Commonwealths proudly claim him ; 
And History shall cherish him 
Among those Choicer Spirits, who, holding their Conscience unmixed with blame. 
Have been, in all Conjunctures, true to themselves, their People, and their God. 



A SON'S ESTIMATE. 735 

With the apology already ofTered in the beginning of this chapter, 
and with the explanation that the writer does not profess that his de- 
lineation is unbiased, he ventures to call attention to those points in 
General Johnston's character which struck him most forcibly, and in 
the contemplation of which a young man may find his profit. Let this 
estimate go merely as the writer's Jilial claim for General Johnston to 
certain great qualities of mind and soul, unless this biography has made 
his title to them as clear as day. Wherein he is not justified by the 
facts, the reader will readily perceive that he errs, and lay it to the 
frailty of our common humanity. 

There is, however, one relation in which he is entitled to speak with 
authority: General Johnston was to him not only a tender father, but a 
wise counselor and a safe friend. His whole conduct was marked by 
kindness, confidence, and unselfish devotion. In all their intercourse, 
memory can recall no angry word, no unkind act, not even a harsh 
look, to sully the untarnished record of mutual affection. Such is be- 
lieved to be the experience of all his familj'. 

He was gentle to women and children ; tender to the weak and 
suffering, gracious to subordinates and dependents, just and magnani- 
mous to equals and rivals, respectful to superiors, and tolerant to all 
men. Not envious, jealous, or suspicious; yet so high strung was his 
spirit that he could ill-brook personal indignity or insult. Such was 
his self-respect, however, that he rarely had to check a want of respect 
in others. It has been seen with what patience and fortitude, indeed 
with what serenity, he bore private griefs and public contumely. His 
nature, his education, his philosophy, his religion, had so finely tem- 
pered his soul that at last he had in him no fear, except of doing 
wrong. 

He had no love for and little need of money, and was generous and 
liberal in its use. In matters immaterial he was facile ; in things of 
import, scrupulous and just ; and his quick intelligence never failed to 
perceive the doubtful dividing line. 

Naturally of a high, courageous, and resolute spirit, he found it 
difficult to swerve from a line of action he had marked out ; and the 
more so, because his opinions were formed after deliberation. Yet, 
that his mental processes were rapid is seen b}' the decision with 
which he acted. He was not proof against the love of glorj^; but in 
him it was transmuted to a fine ambition to be and to do, not simply 
to seem. Results he left to take care of themselves, if only he could 
do his duty. All this came from his love of truth, which was with him 
a passion. He sought the truth, striving to know it, and to live up to 
it in greater and smaller things. Hence, though perceiving that suc- 
cess is the world's test of merit, he could square his acts by another 
standard. 

48 



736 THE END. 

As a general, his tactics were skillful, and his strategy was bold 
and sagacious. In council, he was enterprising, yet wary ; in assault, 
audacious, impetuous, and unrelenting ; in disaster, tenacious, resource- 
ful, and composed. While he knew and regarded all the details of his 
profession, his skill in handling large bodies of troops was remarkable ; 
and he grasped with ease the broadest generalizations of war. Time 
will add to his reputation as a general. Above all, his life and char- 
acter were self-contained, perfectly consistent, and complete in their 
rounded fullness. 

He did many great and noble deeds, and won rank, power, and ap- 
plause, without tarnish to his modesty and simplicity. He suffered 
much in mind, body, and estate, without repining; not only with 
patience, but in silence. Like some great tree, which finds in earth, 
and air, and storm, and sunshine, nourishment for its growth, he drew 
sweetness and strength from every element of Nature, and from every 
dispensation of Providence. He was a man to be loved, to be rever- 
enced, and to be emulated. 

General Johnston dared to say in the midst of immeasurable disas- 
ters: "The test of merit in my profession, with the people, is success. 
It is a hard rule, but I think it right." Perhaps, with still wider scope, 
success is the test of merit in a human life. But, even measured by 
this hard rule, the most adverse criticism cannot pronounce his life 
a failure. Rejecting patronage, standing on merit alone, inflexible 
in right, and devoted to duty, a whole people regard him as the very 
pattern of a noble citizen, an able leader, a splendid soldier, a great 
general, and an upright man. Millions wept for him. The ablest and 
the best wrote for him the proud ejDitaph that on his arm rested the 
sinking fortunes of the state. Who will, then, dare to say he did not 
achieve success ? If money, if office, if luxury, if rank, if power, alone 
go to make it up, then he did live in vain. But none of these did he 
value highly. He won the crown for which he strove — the approval 
of the wise and good. 

" 'Tis only the actions of the just 
Smell sweet and blossom in the dust." 

And, finally, those Avho loved him will find consolation for his end, 
in a sentiment borrowed from the civil law, that may well be a common 
heritage to the South in thinking on her martyrs : 

" Qui pro republica ceciderint, in perpetuum, 
Per gloriam vivere intelliguntur ! " 

" We know tliat those who for their country die, 
Through glory live again immortally." 



INDEX. 



A EorrED anny. 404. 

Abandonment of Kentueky, 45T-495. 

AbatUs, 441, 44S, 5*5. 

Abolitionism, 189, 190. 

Abortive sortie, 454, 4S5. 

Accounts, 17S-180. 

Acts of the Apostles. .322. 

Adams, Daniel W., 595, 603, 657. 

Adams, "SVirt, 506, 595, 60S. 

Adjutant of the Sixth Infantry, 21. 

Administration, Houston's, 74, passim ; Lamar's, 
9S, passim (see Buchanan, Floyd, Z. Taylor) ; 
military (see Second Cavalry, Mormons, Camp 
Floyd, etc.). 

Administrative ability (see same), 610. 

Advance, Buell's, 535, 536 ; Federal, 357-859 ; Con- 
federate, 810-812, 863 ; at Shiloh, 551-573. 

Adventures, perilous, IS, 69, 143. 

Adversity, 159, 165, 4S4-522. 

Advice to Governor Harris, 499 ; to a filibuster, 
194. 

Affability, 283, 726-729. 

Affairs of honor, 73-SO, 121, 122, 193, 194. 

Affection for family, 243. 

Affliction, 182. 

Aide-de-camp, offer of appointment, 17, 

Aids to science, 226. 

Alamo, the. 68, 64. 

Albany, skirmish at, 855. 

Alcatraz, 261, 2t!>, 265, 267. 

Alcorn. J. T., 849, 360. 423. 

Alexander. General, 36-41 ; E. B., 212 ; T. L.,21. 

Alfriend, Frank, 732. 

Alienation, popular, 434, 505, 510-514. 

Alignments at Shiloh. (See Array.) 

AU-Souls'-day, 6SS, 689. 

Alleghany Mountains, 813. 

Allegiance, 243, 257-259, 272. 

Allen, Henry W., 605. 

Allen, Captain, 611. 

Allison, Captain, 618, 619. 

Alternative, a dread, 275. 

Ambiguous oracle, 63S ; policy, 289. 

Amenities in war. 659, 660. 

Americaiyiggressiveness, 114; prosperity, 158, 190. 

Ammen, G., 536, 624-626, 630, 646. 



Ampudia, General, 1.32, 143, 144. 

Anahuac campaign, 59. 

Ancient saw reflled, 873. 

Anderson, Benjamin M., 584 ; Patton, 573, 595-59T, 
601, 606, 607, 621, 622, 644, 648, 650, 651 ; Robert, 
36, 303, 804. 

Anecdotes : Spartan simplicity, 3 ; rapacity re- 
buked, 4 ; kindness to animals, 8 ; bootless rage, 
9 ; graduating under difficulties, 12 ; chess vs. 
cards, 14 ; a sleigh for a target, 18 ; angry mu- 
sician, the, 21 ; pride of Black Hawk, 31 ; rebuke 
to a blackguard, 46 ; sense of responsibility, 54 ; 
kills a puma, 69 ; impromptu dueling, 73 ; a 
peacemaker on horseback, 73 ; coolness in danger, 
78 ; magnanimity, 79 ; not a hostler in uniform, 
63 ; a big talk, 89 ; Indian diplomacy and humor, 
89; Indian courage and cannibalism, 90 ; an offi- 
cial death-warrant, 90 ; the baby's footprint, 90 ; 
Indian fear of " Old Hickory,"' 103 ; stopping a 
runaw.iy, 118 ; American aggressiveness, 114; 
Texan horsemanship, 131 ; " Rough and Ready," 
135; fruitless oratory, 136 ; a Texau father, 186 ; 
General Johnston at Monterey, 139 ; a charge of 
lancers, 139-141; a friend in need, 140; recon- 
ciliation ■with Ilamer, 142; a hair-breadth escape, 
143 ; pomp and pilfering, 144 ; a dangerous cos- 
tume, 144 ; paternal generosity, 146 ; vindication 
of manual labor, 143; a too luxurious ancestry, 
150; plentiful shooting, 150 ; the cunning wood- 
cock, 150 ; eagle and turkey-cock, 151 ; Rogers 
at the Black Fort, 152; the universal instinct, 
175; compulsorj' testimony, 173 ; the patient an- 
gler, 181 ; the murdered pet, 132; legal right to 
be mean, 137; a bloody brawl prevented, 198; a 
filibuster reclaimed, 194 ; aids to science, 226 ; 
parting with army, 243 ; gift refused, 243, 244 ; 
nomination declined, 244-246 ; his Texan citizen- 
ship, 240 ; patchwork peace-offering, 246 ; the 
Japs, 246; a trust discharged, 264-206; citizen- 
ship, 265 ; General Scott's opinion, 266 ; miscar- 
ried letter, 263 ; self-denial, 2^2 ; w.is ho a stage- 
driver ? 233 ; an artful dodger. 236 ; a narrow 
escape, 286; the skinned panfer, 286, 287; no- 
lens-tolens, 237 ; prophetic words, 289 ; Presi- 
dent Davis's estimate, 291 ; Polk a bom leader, 
322 ; Acts of the Apostles, 322 ; angels unawares, 
822 ; a lifetime friendship, 322 ; estimate of char- 
acter, 322; appreciation, 323; a long-tailed kite, 



738 



INDEX. 



S26 ; the work in hand, S26 ; the revolutionary 
point, 340 ; disbanding volunteers, 340 ; death of 
Cleburne, 854 ; sagacity, 3bO ; Jack Hays's revol- 
vers, 359 ; a pious old woman, 362 ; the bridge 
saved, 364 ; a good old saying, 873 ; " gone to 
get his musket," 3S0 ; rebuke, 8S9 ; lances and 
red tape, 3S9 ; generals not plentiful, 496 ; remedy 
for distrust, 512 ; a Congressman's contrition, 512 ; 
how to refute calumny, 615 ; treatment of Floyd 
and Pillow, 515; Davis and Lee, 621; offer to 
Beauregard, 549 ; self-reliance, 550 ; " This is not 
war ! " 503 ; the council of war, 565-572 ; " Fire 
low," 506 ; " A mere reconnaissance in force," 
579 ; winged words, 582-584; manufacture of 
zouaves, 589; Breckinridge and Harris, Oil; the 
spoils of war, 012 ; the bayonet, 012 ; love your 
enemies, 615 ; brave boys, 636 ; Forrest on picket, 
637 ; the crisis of the war, 058; "A handful of 
Texas earth," 699 ; a villain rebuked, 720 ; the 
secret of command, 720 ; simple piety, 720, 721 ; 
half his blank'et, 721 ; genuine simplicity, 728 ; a 
lowly Christian, 724 ; special providences, 724, 725; 
deliberation, 725 ; fair and square, 725; affability, 
720-729 ; cheerfulness, 730 ; Scott and Davis al- 
most agree, 730. 

Angels unawares, 822. 

Angling, 181. 

Angry musician, 21. 

Animals, kindness to, 8. 

Annexation of Te.\as, 128. 

Annoyances, 171. 

Apaches, 2S3. 

Apathy of the South, 334, 3ST, 33S, 843, 851, 410, 
416, 552. 

Appeal for Fort Henry, 416. 

Appeals for troops and arms. 328-843. 

Appearance, personal. {See Personal appearance.) 

Appendices, 3G5, 360, 555-557, 661-687. 

Appointments, 9, 13, 21, 60, 71-75, 184, 130. 137, 
142, 167-169, 183-185, 20S, 229, 292. {See Eank.) 

Appreciation, 328. 

Apprehensions. Federal. 577-579. 

April 3, 1862, 558-5BS, 574. 

April 4, 1802, 559-560, 574-580. 

April 5, 1S62, 562, 566-580. 

April 6, 1862. {See Battle of Shiloh.) 

April7, 1862, 613. (") 

Archer, Branch S., 62. 

Archives of Tennessee, 499. 

Ardor of army, 558. 

Arizona, 278, 291. 

Arkansas. 824. 

Armament, 544. 

Armament efforts, 414, 427. 

Armistead, L., 282, 289. 

Arms, appeals for, 828-348; deficiency in, 809, 829- 
333, 336, 338, 847. 861, 411, 548 ; disparity in, 408- 
405, 528, 548 ; supply of, 831-S36, 842, 847, 348, 
502, 559. 

Army at Corinth, 534, 537, 589; at Pittsburg Land- 
ing, 584, 587, 588 ; enters Salt Lake City, 229 ; in- 
adequate, 484, 548 ; increase of, 183; of invasion, 
529, 530, 584; severance of. 485-487, 500-502; 

Array, Confederate, at Shiloh, 572, 578, 601,648; 
Federal, 530, 581, 600, 643 ; precision of, 580. 



Texan, 69, 70, 73, T4, 81, 82 ; of the Cumberland 
(see T. H. Van Home). 

Ai rival at Corinth, 539; at Richmond, 291 ; in Con- 
federacy, 290 ; of Bueil at Pittsburg, 624. 

Artful dodger, 286. 

Artillerists, 427, 430-432. 

Artillery, 465; at Shiloh, 654; heavy. {See Ord- 
nance.) 

Assault on Fort Taneria, 137-139 ; Smith's at Don- 
elson, 464. 

Assaults. {See Battle of Shiloh.) 

Assignment to command, 74, 75, 136, 137, 229, 292. 
{See Eank.) 

Atkinson, Henry, 18, 19, 21. 27, 83, 35, 45, 50. 

Attack at Fishing Creek, 401, 402 ; at Shiloh— ori- 
gin, 551-555. 

Austin, city of, 113, 114, 170, 186. 

Austin, John, 59, 60. 

Austin, Moses, 53. 

Austin, Stephen F., 55, 58, 60, 02, C3, 100. 

Author's estimate, 786. 

Authors standpoint, the (Preface), 716, 717, 735. 

Avery, J. W., 728, 729. 

B. 

Bacon, Albert, 886. 

Bad Axe, battle of, 41. 

Badeau's " Life of Grant," 368, 372-376, 421, 422, 
438, 443, 478, 576, 577, 602, 624, 625, 641, 657. 

Bailey, James H., 485, 436, 442, 450, 466, 467. 

Baldwin, W. E., 454, 457, 459, 461. 

Ballinger, William P., 730. 

Barboursville, skirmish at, 355. 

Bark road, 555-558, 572. 

Earksdale, E., 699. 

Barren River, 314, 844, 3S7, 487, 48S. 

Bartlett, W. H. C, 11, 12. 

Bate, William, 592-594. 

Battle, J. A., 355, 401, 403, 610. 

Battle-flags, 004 ; battle-song, 604, 606. 

Battles : 
Bad Axe, 41; Belmont, 859, 366-378; Bethel, 
256; Carthage, 294; Dover, 457-469 {see Fort 
Donelson) ; Elkhorn, 524, 525 ; Fishing Creek, 
890-405 ; Fort Henry, 407-433 {see Fort Henry) ; 
Fort Donelson — the trenches, 446-448 ; gunboats, 
450-454; Lexington, 295; Logan's Cross Roads 
{see Fishing Creek) ; Manassas, 254, 255 ; Mill 
Springs, 395-406 {see Fishing Creek); Mon- 
terey, 137-140; Oak Hills («#e Wilson's Creek) ; 
Palo Alto, 132 ; Pea Ridge, 524, 525 {see Elk- 
horn) ; Piketon, 358 ; Resaca de la Palraa, 132 ; 
S.an Jacinto, 66; the Nechcs, 110-112; Wilson's 
Creek, 294, 295. 

Battle of Shiloh : General Johnston's prediction, 
489,490; anticipation of it, 506 ; strength of Fed- 
eral position. 531-585; Beauregard's report, 543; 
Bragg's sketch of preliminaries, 548, 549; the 
resolve to attack, 551 ; its origin, 551, 552 ; Gen- 
eral Lee's letter, 551, 552 ; preparations, 552 ; at- 
tempt to employ negroes, 552 ; General John- 
ston's telegram, 554. 

Befop.k the Battle, 558-580; orders of march, 
558-560 ; enthusiasm of troops, 558 ; army march- 
es, 558, 559 ; field-map, 559 ; distributidft of arms, 



INDEX. 



739 



S-'O: bad roads. 569, 560; skirmish on April 4th, 
SCO ; explanation of orders, 560 ; providential 
storm, 6C0, 501 ; under arms, 561 ; reckless fusil- 
lade, 561, 562 ; careless pickets, 562 ; first line of 
battle, 562 ; personal movements of General 
Johnston, 562, 563 ; morning of the 5th, 503 ; 
" This is not war ! " 568 ; delay, 563 ; its causes, 
664, 505 ; rawness of army, 504, 505 ; a majestic 
presence, 506 ; encouraging the troops, 560 ; ad- 
dress to army, 506 ; the council of war, 560-572 ; 
Eeauresard for retreat, 567 ; Johnston's decision, 
and reasons, 507-572; Confederate array, 572, 
573 ; Shermans theory, 574-5S1 ; reconnaissance, 
574 ; false security, 574-581 ; was it a sur[irise ? 
575-5S0; Federal array, 580,581 ; the opponents, 5S1. 

SuN'DAT Morning. — A glorious dawn, 5S2 ; ex- 
ultation of the commander, 582 ; the issue formu- 
lated, 5S2 ; map, 5>3 ; winged words, 582-584 ; 
chieftain and clansmen, 5S4, .5S5 ; valor and en- 
thusiasm, 635 ; the first gun, 585 ; the start, 585, 
580 ; Beauregard's summary, 5S6 ; difficulties of 
description, 580 ; skirmishing, 587 ; the first col- 
lision, 587 ; the onset, 5S8 ; Ilildebrand routed, 
5'^8 ; Prentiss driven back, 5811 ; the surprise, 
590, 591; reCnforcements, 591, 592; Sherman's 
stronghold, 592 ; Cleburne's assault, 592, 593 ; a 
repulse, 593, 594; General Johnston on tho right, 
595; rout of Federal front, 595 ; Sherman broken, 
596 ; Sherman routed, 597 ; Confederate right, 
698 ; Federal left turned, 598 ; plan of battle dis- 
cussed, 599. 

Mid-day. — New line of battle, 600, 001 ; second 
cng.igement, OOl ; Polk on the centre, 001 ; Con- 
federate alignment, 001 ; terrible fighting, 002 ; 
Grant's personal movements, 002 ; Grant and 
Buell, 602, 003 ; Federal left falls b-ack, 603 ; the 
combat, 604 ; " the hornet's nest,". 604-606 ; Wal- 
lace and Prentiss, 004-606; Gibson's assaults, 
6'io ; Anderson's, Polk's, and Cheatham's assaults, 
606 ; Hardee and Sherman, 606, 607 ; the Ken- 
tuckians, 600, 607 ; Cleburne's brigade, 607 ; con- 
fusion there, 607 ; Confederate centre and right, 
COS; Hurlbut's position, 609, 610 ; the Federal key, 
609, 610 ; Statham's attack, 009, 610 ; stubborn 
resistance, 611; a memorable charge, 611; Gov- 
ernor Harris's account, 611 ; Breckinridge's rally, 
611 ; General Johnston leads tho charge, 612 ; 
victory and death, "613 ; Harris's narrative, 613, 
614; iucidentsof death, 615 ; Beauregard in com- 
mand, 616. 

Afteenook. — Dislocation of commands, 610; 
regularity in development of plan, 016 ; Duke's 
comments, 616-618; map (third position), 617 ; de- 
velopment of plan, 613 ; regularity and impetu- 
osity, 618; impulse of leadership, 618 ; slaughter, 
613 ; momentum of success, 619 ; the crisis, 619 ; 
lull along the line, 619 ; third engagement, 619 ; 
Ruggles masses artillery, 619 ; Polk and Bragg 
against Wallace and Prentiss, 619-622 ; crushing 
assault— Wallace killed, Prentiss captured, 620- 
C22 ; Bragg's and Hardee's summaries, 622 ; the 
field swept. 621-623 ; the rout, 023 ; the last as- 
sault, 623-627 ; Buell at Pittsburg Landing, 624 ; 
a routed army, 625, 626. 

A Victory lost.— Beauregard's theory of Shi- 



loh, 627, 637 ; his report, 627 ; fatal order to re- 
tire, 627, 628 ; Jordan's statements, 628 ; errors 
corrected, 629, 630 ; the evidence — Governor Har- 
ris, 631 ; Hardee and Cleburne, 631 ; Polk's re- 
port, 631, 632; Bragg's report, 632; Bragg's 
sketch, 633 ; Jordan's statement, 634 ; Withers's 
and Kuggles's reports, 634; Gibson's and Gil- 
mer's letters, 635; Duke's "Life of Morgan,'' 
636 ; Jordan's " Life of Forrest," 636 ; Chalmers's 
account, 637 ; consequences of tho mistake, 638, 
039 ; a fruitless field, 639. 

The Nigut of the Gth. — The withdrawal, 
039 ; estimated losses, 039 ; Polk's position, 639 ; 
bombardment and tempest, 040 ; Beauregard's 
headquarters, 640 ; recnforcements, 640, 641 ; the 
respite improved, 641 ; Federal orders for attack, 
641, 642; Buell's statements, 642; the remnant 
of Grant's army, 641, 642. 

The Battle of Monday. — Renewal of battle, 
643 ; Federal alignment, 64^3 ; Confederate right, 
643 ; the attack on it, 643, 044 ; the battle, 644 ; 
individual heroism, 645; contradictory orders, 
646; Buell's attack, 646; battle at tho centre, 
047 ; attack by Grant's army, C4S-G51 ; Polk's de- 
fense at Shiloh Church, 648, 649 ; Bragg resists 
Lew Wallace, 650; the Kentucky Brigade, 650, 
651 ; Beauregard retreats, 651, 652 ; the rear- 
guard, 653; abortive pursuit, 653; Forrest re- 
pulses Sherman, 653 ; the artillery, 654 ; Rev. 
Kobert Collyer's account, 054, O.J5 ; losses, 655- 
057 ; the fiercest fight of tho war, 057 ; the con- 
sequences, 657, 658 ; Grant, Sherman, and Buell, 
658 ; amenities in war, 659, 660 ; end of the cam- 
paign, 660, 661. 

Appendix. — Beauregard's report, 661-068 ; Ap- 
pendices, 609-087. 

Baylor, John E., 287, 238. 

Bayonet, the, 612. 

Beau-ideal of a general, 489. 

Beauregard, G. T., 480, 4S7, 493, 495, 501, 502, 506, 
525-527, 537-539, 540-543, 549, 651-557 (see Bat- 
tle of Shiloh) ; succeeds to command, 614-616. 

Beauregard's plans, 541, 542 ; funereal order, 639 ; 
letter to General Johnston, 501 ; to Bragg, 542 ; 
advises retreat, 567-572 ; report, 543, 586, 661-668 ; 
headquarters, 607; theory of Shiloh corrected, 
62T-639. 

Bee, B. E., 87, 92. 

Beech Grove, 393-400, 403, 404. 

Before the battle, 558-580. 

Begging for arms, 323-333 ; for troops, 338-34S. 

Belief, religious. (See Religion.) 

Belligerent rights, 311, 312, 877. 

Belmont, battle of, 359, 366-378. 

Beltzhoover's battery, 367-369. 

Benjamin, J. P., 824, 831, 832, 336, 333-843, 886, 887, 
415, 500, 502-505, 516, 540. 

Benton, Mrs. T. H., 23, 47. 

Bethel (Tennessee), 2.>4, 530, 542, 556-558. 

Bethel (Virginia), battle of, 2.56. 

Big Sandy Kiver, 390, 392. 

Birds, 147, 150, 151, 175, 220. 

Birge's sharp-shooters, 447. 

Birth, 1. 

Bishop-soldier, 321. 



740 



INDEX. 



Black Hawk, 50, 20-45, 50; war, 25-43. 
Blair, Frank P., 293, 294. 
Blair, Montgomery, 267, 26S. 
Bledsoe, A. T., 732. 
Blessings, national, 158, 190. 
Blind confidence, 490. 
Blood, the first, at Shiloh, 5S7. 
Bold resolve, 400, 620. 

Bombardment of Fort Brown, 132 ; of Fort Henry, 
431, 432 ; of Fort Donelson, 449-454 ; at Sbiloh, 
621, 622, 640. 
Books, 152. 

Border States, 251-256. 
Boundary of Tennessee, 408. 
Bowen, John S., 4S9, 490, 495, 498, 573, 593, 601, C09, 

610, 647, 657. 
Bowie, James, 62-64. 
Bowie-knife and bayonet, 584. 
Bowles, the chief. (See Cherokee War.) 
Bowling Green, 308-311, 315-317, 334, 344, 349-366, 

379, 387, 421, 425, 485, 4S7, 4S8, 492-494. 
Boyhood, 2, 3. 
Boyle, J. T., 397. 
Boynton's " History of the Navy," 418 ; " Sherman's 

Historical Raid," 420, 532, 533, 578-580. 
Bragg, Braxton, 830, 513, 518, 525, 589, 540, 548-540, 

552, 553, 556-500. (See Battle of Shiloh.) 
Bragg's bold project, 541, 542 ; character, 544-54S ; 
change of orders, 564, 565 ; sketch of Shiloh, 590, 
633 ; promotion, 633. 
Brave boys, 636. 
Breckinridge, Cabell, 611, 612. 

Breckinridge, John C, 297, 379-881, 888, 494, E08, 
549, 556, 557, 559, 560 (see Battle of Shiloh) ; his 
charge, 608-012. 
Brevet rank, 220, 282. 
Bridge saved, the, 364. 
Bridge-burning, 864, 3S3. 
Bridger, James, 211 ; Fort, 211, 214-217. 
Brigadier-general, 229. 
Brigadier-general, Texan Army, 74. 
Bristow, Benjamin H., 619. 
Brothers and sisters, 2, 5, 7, 8, 57. 
Brown, John C, 354, 858, 359, 441, 448, 461, 462, 407, 

468, 491. 
Brown, Joseph E., 830. 
Brown, William M., 454. 
Buchanan, James, 1S9-191, 201, 207, 208, 221, 222, 

239, 240, 252. 
Buckland, K. P.. 500, 574, 578-5S0, 606, 623. 
Buckner, D. P., 329, 380, 500. 

Buckner, S. B., 29S, 802, 30-3, 308-311, 317, 334, 849, 
350, 379, 425, 433, 436-438, 440-442, 447, 453-456, 
460-464, 466, 460-475, 477, 519, 520, 710. 
Buell, D. C, 263, 378, 379, 382, 887, 390, 897, 308, 
406, 420, 425, 443, 499, 527, 528, 534-538, 551, 554, 
581, 602, 624-626, 641-647, 058. 
Buffalo-hunting, 176. 
Bureau interference, 836, 338, 340-342. 
Burleson, Edw.ird, 66, 106-112, 118, 123, 124, 128, 

175. 
Burnet, David G., 63, 92, 100, 101, 109, 110, 113, 123. 
Burnley, A. T., 130, 155, 167-169. 
Burnaville, 530, 559. 
Bursting of a gun, 332. 



Bustamante, General, 50, 99, 100. 

Butler, Edward, 373. 

Butler, William O., 138-142, 157. 

C. 

Cadet-life, 9-13. 

Cairo, 296, 305, 313, 814, 349, 390, 421, 422. 

Caldwell, John W., 651, 654. 

Calhoon, 360. 

C.ilifornia, 241, 247, 248, 256, 261, 262. 

Call for brigade, 541 . 

Camp Boone, 302 ; Dick Eobinson, 302-804, 307, 314, 

856, 368. 
Camp-diseases, 39, 47, 296, 834, 337, 860, 861, 4^3, 

493. 
Camp Floyd, 229,233-243; Jiickson, 298, 204. 
Campaign, Utah, 207, etc. ; review of Tennessee, 

503,504; ended, 659, 660. 
Campaigns, Bragg's, 545, 546 ; offensive, 528, 530 ; 

offensive-defensive, 542. 
Cannonade, noisy, 621, 622. 
Capitulation of Monterey, 143, 144. 
Captious conduct, 225. 
Care of troops, 218, 220. 
Carefulness, 171, 178, ISO. 
Carroll, W. H., 8C4, 865, 368. 
Carter, S. P., 807, 393, 403. 
Carthage, battle of, 294. 
Cass, Lewis, 43, 100. 
Cassville, 524. 
Casualties. (See Losses.) 
Cavalry, 8S8-3S6, 465, 508, 509, 660, 606, 607, C21 ; 

charge, 461, 621 ; Second, 183, etc. 
Cedar Valley, 229, 283. 
Censure, public, 484. (See Eage.) 
Challenge, 75, 122, 121, 103, 194. 
Chalmers, James Pv., 530, 540, 572, 589, 595, 598, 

509, 601, 603, 608, 020, 623, 624, 630, 637. 
Chahners, E. M., 721. 
Change of orders, 504 ; of tactics, 658. 
Chapman, E. M., 721. 

Character (see Albert Sidney Johnston) ; of Braxton 
Bragg, 544-548 ; John C Breckinridge, 207 ; 8. B. 
Buckner, 208; John B. Floyd, 455; J. F. Gilmer, 
412, 413; William J. Hardee, 853, 854; Sam Hous- 
ton, 65, 97; Felix Huston, 74,79, 81; Josiah S. 
Johnston, 51; M.B.Lamar, 93; Leonidas Polk, 
818-3i2 ; Humphrey Marshall, 890 ; Zachary Tay- 
lor, 45 ; F. K. Zollicoffer, 894, 395, 404, 405. 
Character, value of, 169. 
Charge, a memorable, 611-61S; cavalry, 461, 021, 

653; g-illant, 449 ; of lancers, 139-141. 
Cheatham, B. F., 67, 526, 567, 553, 564, 573, 595, GDI, 

606, 622, 639, 648, 649, 657. 
Checkmate, 60S. 
Cheerfulness, 215, 259, 780. 
Cherokee War, 98-118. 
Chess, 14, 54, 131. 
Chief of staff, Bragg, 544. 
Chieftain and clansmen, 584, 585. 
Children, 25, 36, 51, 53, 146, 147, 149, 151, 155, ISO, 

182, 280. 
China Grove plantation, 129, 14.5-169. 
Choice of a profession, 5, 9, 48-50, 54, 55, 154 
Choice of route, 507-510. 



INDEX. 



741 



Cholera, 39, 47. 

Cinciiniad Gazette, C27, 628. 

Citizens, rijjhts of, 811, 508. 

Citizenship, its price, 246, 266. 

City of refuge, a, 21 T. 

Civil rights, 311, 508. 

Civil War : Premonitions, 49, 194, 24T ; causes of 
the, 249, 250 ; beginning of, 251 ; early operations, 
254 ; in Missouri, 293-296. (See Contents of vol- 
ume.) 

Civilian prisoners, 826. 

Civilization, nature of, 246; productiveness of, 45. 

Clanton, Colonel, 562, 572, 598. 

Clark, Charles, 323, 3b8, 415, 434, 556, 558, 564, 573, 
596, 608, C39, 657. 

Clark, "William, 23, 23. 

Clarksville, 302, 359, 413, 414, 416, 419, 424, 425, 429, 
433, 434, 485, 50O. 

Clay, Henry, 296. 

Cleburne, P. E., 8.t4. 362, 508, 512, 542, 592-694, 596, 
601, 607, 621, 647. 

Climate, 47, 74, 113, 122, 146, 165, 173-175, 211-215, 
225, 226, 243. (See Winter.) 

Cobb, Robert, courage of, 451. 

Collecting troops, 689, 540. 

Collision at Shiloh, 587. 

Collyer's (Robert) account of Shiloh, 654, 655. 

Colonel in Texan Army, 72, 73. 

Colonel in Mexican War, 134. 

Colonel of Second Cavalry, 185. 

Colonelcy refused him, 180, 

Colonization, 58, 99. 

Colorado Desert, 279-283. 

Columbia (Kentucky), 337, 395, 897. 

Columbia (Tennessee), 535, 536. 

Columbus (Kentucky), 296, 305-309, 813, 814, 817, 
818, 824, 325, 349, 359, 866-378, 388, 390, 407, 408, 
411, 412, 415, 421, 422, 425, 485, 487, 526. 

Comanches, 88, 89, 114-118, 191, 192. 

Combined movement, 534-636. 

Comet, 281-283. 

Command of men, 211, 215. 

Command tendered Beauregard, 549 ; devolves on, 
614-610. 

Commendations, 231. 

Comments on Shiloh, by Duke, 616, 617. 

Commissary Department, 218, 603. 

Commissions. (See Rank.) 

Communications, 485. 

Composure, 495-498. 

Comte de Paris, 310, 540, 541, 554, .^j94, 599, 657. 

Concentration, 433, 484, 436, 434-486, 500-509, 519, 
620 ; at Donelson, 433 ; at Corinth, 500-509, 516- 
622, 625, 528, 538-557 ; at Corinth— Bragg's ac- 
count, 548, 549 ; at Murfreesboro, 504, 505, 508 ; 
final, 539 ; obstructions to, 503. 

Conduct of life, 119, 154, 155; in battle, 112, 141; 
in family, 149, 151, 243. 

Confederate Congress, 495, 512, 091-694; Govern- 
ment, 250, 251, 254; tomb, 715; lines, 807-809, 
312-317. 

Conference at Bowling Green, 4S7 ; at Donelson, 
470^73 ; conferences with Beauregard, 486, 487, 
500, 543 ; conference with Bragg at Monterey, 
562. 



Confidence at Shiloh, 507-572 ; at Nashville, blind, 

496. 
Conflict of duties, 48, 243, 260, 206, 267, 275, 276; 

of authority, 236-240. 
Conflicting policies, 221. 
Confusion, 664, 505, 607. 
Congratulations, 378. 
Congress, Confederate, 512. 
Congressional inquiry, 512. 
Consequences of withdrawal, 038, 639 ; of Shiloh, 

656, 657. 
Conservatism, 257, 253. 
Consistency, 10. 
Conspiracy, 261, 268, 269, 271. 
Consultation, general, 62, 100, 101, 107 ; at Donel- 
son, 456. 
Contrition, 512; public, 689, 716. 
Conversation, 719, 728 ; with Bowen and Schaller, 

489; with John C. Brown, 491; with Edward 

Munford, 490, 491 ; with Sam Tate, 5U6, 507 ; with 

W. C. Whitthorne, 605. 
Cook, Colonel, 447. 
Cook, Louis P., 92, 94, 115. 
Cook, R. v., 094-697. 

Cooke, Philip St. George, 210, 211, 214, 215, 230. 
Cooper, Samuel, 292, 351. 
Cooperation, plans of, 484, 485, 519, 520 ; want of, 

291, 292. 
Cordova's rebellion, 105. 
Corinth, 491, 500-509, 680, 531, 534, 538, 539-543, 

653,660,661. 
Council at Donelson, 469-475; at Shiloh, 666-572. 
Council of war, 400, 453-456, 469-475, 480, 437, 500. 
Counting the cost of battle, 657, 658. 
Cradlebaugh, Judge, 236, 237, 239. 
Credit system, 270. 
Creed. (See Religion.) 
Crisis of the war, 638-689, 65?, 717. 
Critical moment, a, 463, 609, 010, 619. 
Criticism, hostile, 231 ; military, 436 ; of Shiloh, 

Collyer's, 654, 665 ; on Senate, 55. 
Crittenden, George B., 357, 382, 896^06, 604, 503, 

523. 
Crittenden, Thomas L., 303, 385, 387, 536, 581, 624, 

625. 641, 64.3-646. 
Crooked policy, 275. 
Crosman, George H., 46, 54, 234. 
Cruft, Charies, 460, 462, 609. 
Crump's Landing, 602, 641. 
Crushed, an army, 619-626. 
Crushing coil, a, 619,620. 
Cumberiand City, 237-239. 
Cumberiand Gap, 806, 808, 809,318,814, 315, 349, 

855, 857. 
Cumberland Mountains, 508, 509. 
Cumberland River, 314, 317, 363, 395, 407^16, 487, 

488. 
Gumming, Alfred, 201, 209, 210, 223-223, 285-288. 
Curtis, S. E., 890, 524, 525. 



D. 



Dancing with a lady, 237. 
Dangerfield, William H., 55. 
Danites, 200. 



43 



INDEX. 



Darkness, 639. 

Davis, Garrett, 301. 

Davis, Jefferson, 8, 11-14, 26, S6, 42, 44, 75, 77, 138- 
144, 183-185, 213, 251, 201, 292, 303, 324, 331, 341, 
342, 378, 496, 505, 510-513, 516-522, 540, 551, 552, 
658, 689, 690, 780-732. 

Dawn of Shiloh, the, 582. 

Dawson's massacre, 127. 

Deas, Z. C, 603, 643, 644, 657. 

Death, effect of General Johnston's, 827 ; how to 
meet, 122 ; of child, 162 ; of Edward Butler, 378 ; 
of P. K. Cleburne, 364; of Gladden, 589 ; of Gov- 
ernor George W. Johnson, 651 ; of Albert Sidney 
Johnston, 609-615, 688-715; of J. S. Johnston, 50, 
51; of Ben McCulloch, 525: of Mcintosh, 525; 
of T. B. Monroe, 651 ; of Terry, 884 ; of wife, 53; 
of Zollicoffer, 401, 404, 405. 

Death-warrant, official, 90. 

Debarkation at Fort Henry, 423 ; at Pittsburg 
Landing, 528. 

Debatable ground, SCO. 

Debating societies, 153. 

Debt, 155. 

Decentralization, 503, 

Decision, important, 566-572. 

Decision of character, 566-572. 

Decision to leave Kentucky, 490. 

Decisive battles of the war, 4SG, 656. 

Deed, a golden, 615. 

Defense, lines of, 487-491, 500-509. 

Defense of fortified places. (See Columbus, Fort 
Donelson, Fort Henry, New Madrid, Bowling 
Green, Nashville.) 

Defense of Tennessee, 806-310, 343, 345, 855. 8S7, 
388, 895, 407-482, 485, 436, 487, 490, 491. (See 
Defense of Mississippi Valley, of fortified places). 

Defense of Mississippi Valley, 291-293, 322-324, 
540. 

Defensive policy, 355, 833, 895, 400, 484, 4S5, 541, 
542. 

Deficient armament, 809, 329-333, 836, 338, 347, 861, 
411, 543. 

Dejection, 165, 178. 

Delay, causes of, 549, 551, 554, 560, 563-565. 

Deliberation, 54, 725. 

Delusions, Confederate, 255,338; Federal, 862, 363. 

Delusive statesmanship, 251. 

Demand for General Johnston's degradation, 496, 
503, 505, 510-514. 

Democrat, St. Louis, 231. 

Democratic p.arty, 177. 

Demoralization, 435, 496-499, 510, 516, 622-626, 635- 
637 ; alleged, 627-639. 

Denunciation, popular, 484, 505, 510-514. 

Department No. 2, C. 8. A., 292, 298. 

Dependence on staff, 413. 

Deployment at Shiloh, 562. 

Description of a battle, difficulties of, 586. 

Deseret Ji^ews, 235. 

Desert, the, 281-283, 290. 

Desert journey, the, 275-291. 

Desert march, a, 213-215, 280-283. 

Desertion, 186, 187. 

Desperate fighting, 459. 

Despotism, Mexican, 59-61. 



Detachment of Floyd, 425. 

Details of battle-plan, 553-557. 

Detection of robber, 178. 

Detention, 559-565. 

Dick PkObinson. (See Camp Dick Eobiuson.) 

Difference of opinion, 496. 

Difficulties of organization, 549. 

Difficulty of communic.ition, 395. 

Dignity of labor, 148, 156, 159, 161. 

Dilemma, 860, 361, 899, 400. 

Dimitry, John B. 8., 734. 

Diplomacy (see Mormons), 296 ; of the sword, 841. 

Disaster, 406. 

Disbanding volunteers, 340. 

Discharges, 242. 

Discipline, 70, 71, 73, 81, 187, 218, 220, 225, 337, 428- 

425, 508. 
Discouragement, 456. 
Diseases of camp, 296, 337, 860, 301, 443. 
Dislike to politics, 120, 121. 
Disposition of troops, 485. 
Distant control, 336, 338-342, 353, 854. 
Distribution of arms, 559. 
Disunion, 189, 251, 258. 

Divided responsibility, 453, 454 ; counsels, 455, 455. 
Dixon, Joseph, 410-414, 416. 424, 426, 427, 436, 449. 
Doctrine of moderation, 163, 164. 
Dodge, General James, 37-41. 
Domestic affections, 48, 53, 155, 243, 247. 
Donelson, Daniel 8., 407. 
Donelson, Fort. (See Fort Donelson.) 
Dougherty, H., 370-378. 
Douglass, K. H., 107, 110, 111, 113. 
Downey, John G., 261, 203-205. 
Dragoon Springs, 284. 

Drake, E. L., 453, 459, 464, 562, 594, 597, 607. 
Dream dissolved, a national, 638. 
Duck Eiver, 535. 

Duel with Felix Huston, 75-SO ; averted, 121, 122. 
Dueling, 73, 75, 121, 122, 193. 

Duke, Basil W., 883, 497-499, 585, 606, 016-618, 636. 
Duties as paymaster, 170 ; at Camp Floyd, 233. 
Dutifulness, 54, 193, 260-264, 266, 275. 
Duty to the public, 48. 

E. 

Eastport, gimboat, 417. 

East Tennessee, 806, 316, 817, 344, 857, 364, 365, 388, 

502, 504. 
Eaton, N. J., 10, 11, 86, 186, 218, 231, 232. 
Echo Cafion, 212. 
Eddyville, 358, 360. 

Education of children, 149, 151, 159-161. 
Educational systems, 94. 
Efforts to get arms and troops, 828-848. 
Elections, presidential, 160, 167 ; Texas (see Texas); 

military, 184. 
Elizabethtown, advance on, 863, 
Elkhorn, battle of, 524, 525. 
Embarrassments, pecuniary, 129, 180, 158, 169. 
Encouragement, 436. 
End of campaign, 659, 6G0. 
Enforcement of law, 236-240. 
Engagement at Shiloh, second, 601. 



INDEX. 



743 



Engineorirp, 403-41T. {See Defense of fortified 
places. Defense of Tennessee, J. F. Gilmer, Jo- 
seph Dixon.) 

Enlistments prevented, 339-841. 

Enthusiasm of troops, 55S, 572, 5S5. 

Epidemics, 89, 47, 296, 834, 837, 800, 361, 443, 493. 

Epitaph, a classic, 734. 

Eqiillibriiim of judgement, 44S. 

Equipment of troops, 887, 3G1, 492, 5C5. 

Equivocal password. 401. 

Error.s, military, 553-555. 

Errors of fact, 4S6, WO, 544 ; corrected, 629-039. 

Escape from California, 277-291 ; narrow, 2S6 ; of 
commanders, 473 ; of Crittenden, 403, 404 ; of 
Grant, 375 ; of Lord and Moore, 2S7, 2S3. 

Estimate of character (gee Albert Sidney John- 
ston) ; President Davis's, of General Jonnston, 
213, 291, 496. 

Estimates, friendly, 194, 195, 322. 

Evacuation of Bowling Green, 437-495 ; of Colum- 
bus, 526 ; of Nashville, 497-499, 503, 504. 

Evidence about Shiloh, 627-639. 

Exchange of arms, 549, 621 ; of prisoners (see 
Prisoners). 

Executive difficulties, 603. 

Exodus from Nashville, 497. 

Expeditions : Against Fort Henry, 422 ; McCIer- 
nand and Smith's, 421, 422; up the Tonnesseo, 
527; Long's, 57 ; Magee's, 57 ; Mier, 127; Nica- 
ragua, 194. 

Expenditures, 119. 

Experience, 104. 

Explanation of orders, 560. 

Exploration, 213, 241. 

Exultation, mistaken, 255. 

Eye for country, 177. 

F. 

Fagan, General, 005. 

Fairbanks, J. M., 730. 

Faith, 158, 183, 243, 290. 

Faithful slave, 248. 

False reports, 862, 400, 401, 405. 

False security, 532-534, 574-5S1. 

Family, his, 1-14, 147, 149, 151, 155, 132, 243, 247, 

276. 
Fanaticism, 189-207, 241, 242. 
Fannin's massacre, -64. 
Farm at St. Louis, 54. 
Farmer's life, 52, 54, 122, 123, l.^O-lSg: 
Fatal pause, 463 ; order to retire, 027, 628, 683, 

639. 
Father, his, 1, 2. 
Faults in tactics, 553-.555. 
Fayetteville, 524. 
Federal base, 539 ; plans. .317 ; policy, 207-280 (fiee 

Mormons and Camp Floyd) ; rout, 373-370, 5S8, 

595, 597, 593. 
Feint, 361. 

Fiction, historical, 4S6. 
Fighting, 459^62; fierce. 371, 372, 402, 602, 612, 613, 

644-649, 657 ; In detail, 539. 
Filial claim, a, 735, 736. 
Filibusterism. 194. 
Finance, Texan, 94. 



Fire-arms, handling, 72 ; untimely discharge of, 661, 
502. 

Fire-eater, 612. 614, 615. 

" Fire low," 566. 

Firmness of Jefferson Davis, 490, 512. 

First gun, the, 5s5. 

Fisher, William S., 80, 85, 110, 117, 176. 

Fishing, 181, 723. 

Fishing Creek, 898, 400; battle of, 390-40.'>. 

Fleet at Belmont, 418, 419, 422; fresh-water (we 
Gimboats, Fort Henry, Fort Donelson, and Shi- 
loh). 

Flight of citizens, 497. 

Floods, 485, 50S-510. 

Florence, 534. 

Flowers, love of, 84, 153, 173, 175, 089. 

Floyd, John B., 207, 203, 231, 239, 240, 247, 248, 
408, 409, 425, 429, 433-440, 453-456, 463, 464, 466, 
469-474, 485, 486, 496, 498, 499, 504, 50S, 515-520, 
540. 

Flute-playing, 21. 

Fogg, Major, 401. 

Fontaine, Edward, 181, 722-725. 

Footo, Andrew II., 418, 421, 430^32, 444, 449, 450, 
452. 

Foote, Henry S., 513. 

Foresight, 419. 

Forrest, N. B., 861, 3S.'5, 390, 433. 436, 447, 401, 402, 
464, 409, 472-474, 499, 50S, 030, 037, 041, 058, 054. 

Fort Bridger, 211, 215-21T. 

Fort Brown, bombardment of, 132. 

Fort Donelson, 309, 849, 359, 800, 407-423, 
4-33-434; preparations for defense, 433-436; coa- 
centration, 434-436; Federal strength, 486, i44; 
demoralization, 435 ; military criticism, 436 ; 
encouragement, 436-433, 453 ; skirmish, 436; 
strength of position, 436-140 ; plan to abandon, 
437-439; General Johnston's orders, 437, 433, 

453 ; vacillation, 433 ; Floyd's explanation, 439 ; 
Floyd's plan, 439 ; General Johnston's plan, 439 ; 
defenses and topography, 440-442 ; Confederate 
troops, 441-443 ; Federal troops, 444 ; design of 
advance, 443 ; delay, 444 ; advance, 444. Battle 
of the Trenches, 446-443; apathy of defenders, 
447; gunboat disabled, 449; death of Di.xon, 449. 
Battle of the Gunboats, 450-453 ; repulse, 453 ; 
important order, 453 ; authority and responsibil- 
ity, 453, 454 ; a quiet day, 4.'>4 ; abortive sortie, 

454 ; divided counsels, 455, 403, 464 ; Federal re- 
enforcements, 455, 450 ; exaggerated reports, 

455 ; discouragement, 450; sortie agreed on, 456. 
Battle of Dover, 4o1-i69 ; the attack, 457, 458; 
Federal strength, 453 ; well-matched antagonists, 
453 ; fight on the left, 459, 400 ; Brown's assault, 
401; Hanson's assault, 461, 402; Wynn's road 
cleared, 402 ; cessation of conflict, 403 ; the criti- 
cal moment, 403; recall of troops, 404; Grant's 
advance, 464; Grant and Smith, 465; assault by 
Federal left, 464-469; capture of outwork, 466; 
close of battle, 407-409; losses, 409, 471, 474; 
Confederate victory telegraphed, 409 ; sortie 
planned, 409 ; Forrest's reconnaissance, 469, 470 ; 
council of war, 470-473 ; discussion of surrender, 
470-473 ; escape of Floyd and Pillow, 472-474 ; 
the breaking up, 473-475; prisoners, 474; sur- 



/ 



744 



INDEX. 



render, 474-477; consequences, 4TG; terms of 
Burrender, 477 ; Confederate strength and losses, 
478, 479 ; Federal strength and losses, 482, 483 ; 
value of the fort, 4S5 ; separation of army, 487 ; 
news of surrender, 495-497 ; Congressional in- 
quiry, 513 ; General Johnston's inquiry, 515-520. 
Governor Johnson's opinion, 550. 

Fort Henry, 309, 311, 343, 349, 359, 390, 407-428, 
430-433, 487. 

Fort Pillow, 325. 527. 

Fortress, natural, 531. 

Franklin, B. C, 130. 

Fraudulent land-claims, 94. 

Fredonian War, 58. 

Fremont, John C, 295, 296, 314, 824-S26. 

Frenzy, popular, 495-499, 510-515. 

Freshets, 409. 

Friend of youth, the, 193. 

Friendly portraiture, 194, 195. 

Friends, 3, 8, 11, 14, 129. 

Friendship, loyal, 514, 515, 517, 520, 522. 

Friendship of Davis, 496, 512. 

Frontier defense, 183, 186, 190-192. 

Fruitless iield, a, 639. 

Furloughs, 230, 241. 

Fry, Speed S., 401. 

Funeral honors, 659, G60, 6S8-715. 

Fusillade, reckless, 562, 563. 

G. 

Gaines, E. P., 81, 36. 

Galleher, John N., 727. 

Gardening, 150, 158. 

Garfield, James A., 390, 392-394. 

Garrisons, 414, 429. 

General C. S. A., 292. 

General consultation, 62, 100, 101, 107. 

Generous letters of Davis, 517,522. 

Geography, military, 513, 514 ; of Utah, 233-241. 

Gibson, Pvandal L., 354, 573, 583, 695, 601, 605, 635, 

644, 648, 649. 
Gibson, General (Federal), 646-648. 
Gift, George W., 277, 278, 281-237. 
Gifts : To his sisters, 15 ; to his children, 146 ; 

to his friends, 119, 120 ; from L. Groce, 183 ; at 

Monterey, 139 ; declined, 243, 244 ; of silver, 

276. 
Gilmer, J. F., 887, 412-417, 426-428, 432, 435, 436, 

440, 452, 473, 507, 567, 569, 670, 635. 
Gilpin, Henry D., 80. 
Gilpin, Mrs. Eliza, 15, 16, 273. 
Gladden, A. H., 562, 572, 589, 595, 601, 658. 
Golden deed, a, 615. 
Goliad, massacre at, 64. 
" Gone for his musket," 380. 
Gorgas, J. G., 332. 

Government, American, 158, 256-258. 
Governor of Alabama, 829 ; Arkansas, 334, 840 ; 

Georgia, 880 ; Mississippi, 334, 340 ; Tennessee 

isee I. G. Harris). 
Graduation, 12, 13. 
Grand army of invasion, 534-536. 
Grandfather, 1; 
Grant, U. S., 305, 307, 314, 824, 849, 857, 366-378, 390, 

421, 422, 430, 432, 433, 443, 444, 459, 463-467, 486, 



626-528, 533, 584, 574-581, 602, 608, 641, 657, 658 ; 

at Shiloh, 602, 603, 658. 
Grasshoppers, 174. 
Grave, the, 660, 688-715. 
Graves, Eice E., 447, 448, 460-463. 
Grayson, P; W., 90. 

Great Bend of the Tennessee, 528-530, 584, 589. 
Great men, 56, 154. 
Green, Wharton J., 731, 

Green Kiver, 814, 316, 358 ; railroad-bridge, 810. 
Gregg, General, 361. 
Griffin, Charles, 703. 

Griffin, John S., 129, 261, 268, 271, 276, 278, 279. 
Groce, Leonard, 69, 133. 
Gunboats, 313, 314, 375, 885, 409, 411, 417-419, 422, 

423, 430^33, 435, 448-450, 621, 622, 627, 628, 632- 

684, 640. 

H. 

Habits, good, 164, 171. 

Hail-storms, 174. 

Halcyon days, 25. 

Haldeman, W. N., 299, 879. 

HaU, Warren D. C, 143. 

Halleck, H. W., 378, 382, 890, 420-422, 443, 444, 

628, 534-538, 540, 576. 
Hamburg, 530, 631. 
Ilamby, William E., 337. 
Hamer, General, 189, 142. 
Hamilton, James, 74, 130, 155. 
Hancock, George, 53, 121, 129, 130, 132, 134, 

155-167, 167, 168. 
Hancock, Mary D., 53. 
Handling troops, 650, 555, 608. 
Hanson, Eoger W., 441, 447, 461, 462, 465-468. 
Hardcastle, A. W., 277, 280, 284, 289, 684, 587. 
Hardee, William J., 185-188, 290, 324, 834, 349, 

354, 861, 487, 493, 495, 496, 508, 509, 549, 556, 

5G0. {See Battle of Shiloh.) 
Hare, A. M., 592, 595. 
Harney, William S., 207, 208, 210, 229. 
ITarper's Weekly, 725, 726. 
Harris, Abigail, 1. 
Harris, I. G., 253, 802, 821, 323, 324, 832, 834, 

345, 365, 407, 413, 416, 499, 506, 554, 569, 610- 

731. 
Hawkins, T. T., 610, 611. 
Haydon, D. M., 317, 544, 586, 589, 695, 615, 

717. 
Hays, John C, 123, 859. 
Hazardous position, 396, 398, 899. 
Hazen, General, 646. 
Head, Colonel, 456, 457, 460, 468, 467. 
Health, 164. 

Heavy artillery. {See Ordnance.) 
Heiman, Colonel, 428, 480, 442, 447, 448, 456. 
Heintzelman, General, 703. 
Helm, Benjamin H., 388, 508. 
Helvetti and Prime, 397. 
Henderson, B. H., 14. 
Henry, General, 86-41. 
Henry, G. A., 413, 414. 
Henry, Fort. {See Fort Henry.) 
Heroism, individual, 431, 451, 645, 647, 649. 
Heth, Henry, 237, 238, 243. 
Hildebrand, J., 580, 587-591, 653. 



527, 



135, 



658, 



840, 
616, 



INDEX. 



llindman, T. C. 854. 884, 3SS, 498, 503, 509, 572, 5S4, 
58T-5'.»1, 59 o, 597, 601, G04, 647. 

Historical orrora, 480. 

Historic figures, 521,522. 

Hobbs, Edward D., 86, 159. 

Hockley. George W., 66, 35, 91. 

Hodge, George B., 879, 494, 508, .^73, 010-C12. 

Home again, 247 ; at Jefferson Barracks, 25, 47, 48; 
on plantation, 144-169. 

" Home Guard," 8i'3. 

Honest dealing, 725. 

Honors to the Dead ; At New Orleans, 688, CS9 ; 
by Beauregard, 089 ; President Davis, 690 ; Con- 
federate Congress, 691-694 ; Legislature of Tex- 
as, 605-699 ; at New Orleans, 700, 701 ; Galves- 
ton, 701-706 ; official brutality, 703-711 ; at Hous- 
ton, 706-711 ; Austin, 712-714 ; New Orleans, 715. 

Hooker, Joseph, 140, 141. 

Hooper, William H., 235. 

Hopkins\ille, 309, 349, 360, 361, 336, 833, 484. 

Hoppin's " Life of Foote," 413, 422, 426. 

Hornet's nest, the, 604-600, 622. 

Horrors of war, 443, 449. 

Horsemanship, 133, 612, 719, 729. 

Horse-marines, 3S5. 

Hospitality, a paradox, 152. 

Hostile correspondence, 75, 76, 121. 

Housekeeping in army, 25 ; on plantation, 146. 

Houston, city of, 706-711, 721. 

Houston. Sam, 62-71, 74, 80, 82, SS, 85, 89-92, 97, 98, 
100-102, 106, 115, 121-127, 130, 133, 151, 224. 

Howard, Major, 335. 

Howison, R. E., 376. 

Hume, F. C, speech of, 698, 699. 

Hunt, H., 829, 330, 652. 

Hunt, W. R., 332. 

Hunting buffalo, 175. 

Hunting on the Brazos, 150. 

Hurlbut, S. A., 531, 591, 692, 595, 593-600, 620, 625, 
643. 

Huston, Felix, 71, 74-31, ilS. 

Hypothetical strategj', 4S4, 455. 



Identity, mistake of, 660. 

Ignored, commander, 543. 

Ill-health, Beauregard's, 542, 543, 549, 552, 

Imaginary plot, 261-274. 

Impersonal generalship, 543. 

Impetus, 617. 

Importance of Corinth, 533. 

Impressment, 417, 503. 

Impulse of leadership, 613, 619. 

lu the snow-drifts, 213-216. 

Inadequate forces, 4S4. 

Incendiarism, 883. 

Indecisive warfare, in Missouri, 293-296, 523. 

Independence of judgment, 164, 165 ; of thought, 
151. 

Indian affairs, 235 ; character, 26, 116 ; fights, 87, 88, 
41, 106, 109, 111. 112, 116-118, 191 ; massacre, 2S5 ; 
policy of United States, 25, 26 ; policy of Texas, 
83, 89, 98, etc. ; treaties, 19, 26, 29, 31, 82, 84, 
83. 39, 98, 101-110, 115, 235, 236 {see Black-Hawk 



and Cherokee Wars) ; tribes, 19, 27, 28, 85, 93, 
103, 104, 191, 246, 2*3 ; WoUa, 2sl. 

Indians, 233, 235, 236. {See Comanches, Cherokeea, 
Camp Floyd, Utah.) 

Indians, expedition against, 19. 

Indignation, honest, 206, 271-275. 

Infallibility of the successful, 533. 

Infantry, Lieutenant of, 13, 13, 83. 

Information of the enemy, 42.5, 520. 

Injustice of President Houston, 125-127. 

Inroad of Zoliicoffer, 355-357. 

Instruction of troops, 425. 

In.sult, official, 124-127. 

Insurrection, 860, 864, 365. 

Intent to attack Grant, 538. 

Interesting interviews, 521, 522. 

Interior lines, 484, 485. 

Invasion, army of, 534-587. 

Invasion of East Tennessee, 817 ; Kentucky, 806; 
Mexican, 64, 65, 81, 86-83, 90, 91, 123; of Texas, 
64,65. 

Island No. 10, 824, 325, 40T, 526, 527, 537. 

Isolation, 145-160, 165. 

Itinerary, 291. 

luka, 552. 

J. 

Jack, Patrick C, 59. 

Jack, Thomas M., 521, 522, 544, 534, 6SS, 717, 718. 

Jackson (Tennessee), .525, 54^^. 

Jackson, Andrew, 43, 44, 50, 100, 103. 

Jackson, Camp, 293, 294. 

Jackson, C. F., 253, 293, 294, 325. 

Jackson, John K., 572, 595, 593, 601, 608, 623, 624, 630. 

Japanese, the, 246. 

Jefferson Barracks, 19, 22, 25, 86,45, ISO. 

Johnson, Andrew, 253, 264. 

Johnson, Bushrod R., 337, 407, 483, 443, 45G-458, 
460, 463, 464, 473, 475, 573, 595. .596, 69fi, 601. 657. 

Johnson, George W., 351, 382, 492, 514, 550,551. 

Johnson, E. A., 584. 

Johnston, Abigail H., 1. 

Johnston, Albert Sidnet : 

Family and Boyhood. 1-14. Birth, 1 ; friends, 
8 ; character, 8-5 ; anecdote, 4 ; education, 4, 5 ; 
Josiah 9. Johnston, 5-7 ; Transylvania, 5, 8 ; an- 
ecdotes, 9 ; West Point, 9-14. 

Early Army Life, 14-25. Chess us. cards, 1 4, 
15; Washington society, 15-18; a song, 16; de- 
clines General Scott's offer, 17 ; Sackett's Harbor, 
18 ; reckless act, 18 ; the Sixth Infantry, 13 ; Jef- 
ferson Barracks, 19-25; Winnebago Expedition, 
19, 20 ; letter-writing, 20 ; quick temper, 21 : 
General Atkinson, 21; "Judge not." 22; St. 
Louis society, 22 ; Henrietta Preston, 22-23 ; 
marriage, 24 ; halcyon days, 25. 

Black-Hawk War, 25-15 ; the Indian polioj-, 
25-27 ; Johnston's journal, 27 (see Black-IIawk 
War) ; colonel of militia, 86 ; visit to family, 36 ; 
pursuit of Indians, 36-41; battle of the Bad Axe, 
41. 

Jefferson Barracks, 45-55. Crosman's opin- 
ion of Johnston, 46; rebuke to blackguardism, 
40; illness, 47; family, 47-55; mental struggle, 
48; letters of J. S. Johnston. 43-50 ; death of J. 
S. Johnston, 00, 51 ; Mrs. Johnston's illness and 



746 



INDEX. 



death, 51-53 ; resigns commission, 52 ; a lady's 
description of him, 53, 54 ; St. Louis — depression, 
54, 55 ; a new career, 55. 

Texan Kevolution, 56-6S. 

As Texan Soldiek, 68-92. Emigrates to Te.xas, 
'^9 ; kills an American lion, 69 ; enlists as a private, 
TO ; the Texan army, 70, 71 ; personal appearance 
and bearing, 71, 72 ; rapid promotion, 72, 73 ; du- 
eling, 73 ; made commander of army, 74 ; duel 
■with FelLx Huston, 74-SO ; management of army, 
81-83; succumbs to wound, 83 ; President Sam 
Houston, S3-S5 ; public policy, 84, 85 ; wound, 85; 
again at the front, 86 ; neglect by the Govern- 
ment, 87 ; talk with Comanches, 88, 89 ; anecdotes, 
89, 90 ; Invasion from Mexico, 90, 91 ; desperate 
resolve, 91 ; Lamar's administration, 91-123. 

Secretary of Wak, 92-118. Views of military 
policy, 95-97 ; Cherokee "War, 98-113 ; General 
Johnston's report, 108-110; battle of the Neehes, 
110-113; a fugitive rallied, 113; foundation of 
Austin, 113, 114; the Comanches, 114-118. 

1840-1845, 118-131. Restlessness, 118; mon- 
ey-matters, 119; his generosity, 120 ; dislike of 
politics, 120, 121; hostile correspondence, 121, 122 ; 
dreams of tranquillity, 122 ; resignation, 123 ; 
politics, 123; Mexican invasion, 123; insult by 
the President, 124^127 ; appeal to the people, 125- 
127 ; more invasions, 127; a pledge, 128; Texas 
history, 128; annexation, 128, 129; second mar- 
riage, 129 ; China Grove plantation, 129 ; private 
business, 129-131 ; James Love, 131. 

The Mexican War, 131-145. General Tay- 
lor's letter, 132, 133 ; General Johnston joins ar- 
my, 183 ; letters, 134. 135 ; regiment disbanded, 
135, 136 ; anecdote, 136 , the battle of Monterey, 
136-141 ; extraordinary hazard, 139, 140; General 
Joseph Hooker, 140, 141 ; recommended as brig- 
adier, 142 ; the capitulation, 142-145; Davis and 
Johnston, 142-144. 

Plantation-Life, 145-169. Eetires from ar- 
my, 145 ; self-abnegation, 146 ; description of 
China Grove, 146 ; Texan scenery, 146, 147 ; fam- 
ily, 14T ; work, 148 ; W. D. C. Hall, 148 ; the 
writer's reminiscences, 143-152; anecdotes, 149, 
150 ; rules of conduct, 151 ; habits and views, 
152; opinions of the w.ar, 153, 154; poverty and 
oblivion, 155; letters, 156-165; Arcadia in the 
swamp, 155-159 ; views on education, 159-165 ; 
the dignity of labor, 161; patriotism, 161, 162; 
law, 162, 163 ; moderation, 163, 164 ; isolation and 
dejection, 1C5; the Whig renaissance, 166; Tay- 
lor elected, 167; queer office-seeking, 167, 168. 

Paymaster, 169-183. Duties, 170 ; the frontier. 
171-177; peril and care, 171-173; the writer's 
reminiscences, 173-179 ; the prairies, 173-176 
study of Nature, 175; unselfish labor, 176 ; men 
tal habits, 176, 177 ; political opinions, 177, 178 
a robber detected, 173, 179; settlement of ac- 
counts, 179, 180; family letters, lSO-182; anec- 
dotes, 181, 182; humility and prayer, 182; the 
stars, 183. 

The Second Cavalry, 183-195. Increase of 
army, 1S3-1S5 ; Jefferson Davis, 188-185; ap- 
pointed colonel, 185, 186; recruiting, 186 ; from 
St. Louis to Texas, 1S7-189 ; ill, 1S9 ; abolition- 



ism, 189, 190; military administration, 190-198; 
the friend of youth, 193,194; a friendly portrait- 
ure, 193-195. 

The Mormon Rebellion, 195-206. 

The Utah Campaign, 207-233. Its inception. 
207-210 ; General Johnston assigned, 208 ; army 
orders, 209 ; arrangements, 210 ; journey, 210, 
211 ; Mormon hostilities, 211 ; winter, 212 ; in the 
snow-drifts, 213-215; rescue of the army, 21-3- 
215 ; Fort Bridger, 215 ; tests of soldiership, 216, 
217 ; winter work, 218-220 ; the salt embassy, 
218, 219 ; conflicting policies, 221 ; Colonel Kane's 
diplomacy, 221-227 ; more salt, 224 ; the weather, 
225, 226 ; peace commissioners, 226, 228 ; sub- 
mission of Mormons, 227 ; General Johnston's 
letter, 227; his proclamation, 228; commendation, 
228 ; movements of army, 229 ; brevet brigadier- 
general, 229; general orders, 230; commenda- 
tion and criticism, 281 ; General Johnston's own 
statement, 282. 

Camp Floyd, 233-248. The position, 233 ; du- 
ties, 233 - 236 ; winter-quarters, 234 ; Indian af- 
fairs, 235, 236 ; conflict of jurisdiction, 236-240 ; 
administration of Utah, 241 ; relieved, 241 ; per- 
sonnel of the army, 242 ; family aflfections, 243 ; 
farewell to his army, 243 ; a gift declined, 244 ; 
political promotion discussed, 244, 245 ; his citi- 
zenship in Texas, 246 ; anecdotes, 246 ; home 
again, 247; the crisis of 1860, 247; assigned com- 
mand of California, 247, 248 ; manumission, 248 ; 
journey, 248. 

Sodtheen Confederacy, 249-256. 

California, 256-274. General Johnston's ideas 
of government, 256-260 ; the right of resistance, 
259 ; the alternative presented, 260, 261 ; resigns 
and is relieved, 261 , 262 ; imaginary plot, 262 ; a 
Blander refuted, 262-274; General Buell's letter, 
263 ; Governor Downey's statement, 264, 265 ; 
General Mackall's letter, 265 ; incidents of resigna- 
tion, 266 ; attempted reparation, 267 ; Hon. Mont- 
gomery Blair's letter, 267; Los Angeles, 268; 
advice to citizens, 268 ; writer's recollections, 268, 
269; General Johnston's correspondence, 269- 
274. 

The Desert Journey, 275-291. Resignation 
accepted, 275 ; impending war, 275 ; a dread al- 
ternative, 275, 276; a cherished gift, 276; sur- 
veillance and escape, 277, 278 ; on the road, 279 ; 
the desert, 280-283 ; the comet, 282, 283 ; Tucson, 
283 ; the Pimos Indians, 283 ; anecdote, 284 ; Fed- 
eral troops, 284, 235; running the gantlet, 284. 285 ; 
an Indian massacre, 285 ; the Rio Grande, 285- 
287 ; anecdotes, 286, 287 ; escape of Moore and 
Lord, 287, 288; Lynde's surrender, 287, 288; 
through Texas, 289 ; anecdotes, 289 ; the journey 
summed up, 290 ; a nation's suspense, 290 ; a na- 
tion's joy, 290 ; arrival at Richmond, 291 ; itin- 
erary, 291. 

Situation in the West, 291-305. Demand for 
his services, 291 ; orders and rank, 292 ; com- 
m!ind, 292, 298. 

The Military Situation in Kentucky, 806- 
318. Arrival in Nashville, 306 ; personal remi- 
niscences, 807 ; the defense of Tennessee, 307 ; 
General Johnston's resources and theory, 308; 



INDEX. 



747 



letter to the President. 80«, 30'.) ; the Confederate 
line, 80a ; ZoUicoffer and Buckner, 809 ; Buckner 
seizes Bowling Green, 810 ; Federal alarm, 810, 
311; Confederate advance, 311 ; General John- 
ston's proclam.ition, 811, 812 ; considerations de- 
termining line, 31'2 ; the theatre of war, 818, 314 ; 
strength of armies, 814, 815; concealment of 
weakness, 315 ; General Johnston's memoranda, 
816 ; Federal plans, 317 ; General Johnston's 
st-iff, 317, 31S. 

Geskeal Polk and Cohtmbus, 818-327. Gov- 
ernor Ri-ynolds"s personal recollections, 325-327. 

Effokts to get Arms and Troops, 828-34S. 
Small resources and powers, 323 ; begging for 
arms, 329 ; scant results and deficient armament, 
380-333 ; recruiting the army, 333 ; concentra- 
tion, 384; requisitions for troops, 834, 835; ob- 
stacles, 336 ; Tennessee troops, 337 ; condition 
of troops, 837 ; embarrassments, 83S ; twelve 
months' volunteers, 839-341 ; distant control, 
841 ; difficulties of the Government, 341, 842 ; 
call for militia, 343 ; General Johnston's urgency, 
84;3-348 ; Southern Executives, 343-346. 

BowLiNii Green, 849-366. Confederate army 
in Kentucky, 849-351 ; organization, 852, 353 ; 
his generals. 853, 354 ; Zollicoffer's operations, 
855-357 ; micor operations, 358 ; anecdote, 359 ; 
general Federal advance, 359 ; left centre of line, 
860, 361 ; delusive demonstnitions, 861-864 ; Sher- 
man paralyzed. 363 ; East Tennessee, 364, 865. 

Battle of Belmont, 866-873. 

Fall Campaign, 873-GS9. General D. C. Bu- 
ell, 873; Kentucky refugees, 879 ; John C. Breck- 
inridge, 3S0 ; Kentucky provisional government, 
881, 8S2; minor operations, 882, 353 ; the cavalry, 
883-386; letters to the Secretary of War, 366- 
883 ; anecdotes, 339. 

Battle of Fishing Creek, 890-406. Western 
Kentucky, 890 ; Eastern Kentucky, 890-393 ; 
General ZoUicoffer, 394, 395 ; his operations, 395- 
402 ; General Johnston's warnings, 396 ; calm- 
ness in misfortune, 406. 

FoET Henev, 407-433. River-defenses, 40T-483 ; 
General Johnston's sohcitude, 411, 412 ; Gilmer, 
412-415 Tilghman, 415, 416 ; preparations for at- 
tack and defense, 412^30 ; attack, 430, 431 ; sur- 
render, 432. 

Fort Donelson, 433-483. Movements of troops, 
483, 434 ; preparations at Donelson, 435-443 ; 
General Johnston's orders, 437-439, 453 ; the 
fighting, 446 ; Confederate victory announced, 
4G9 ; surrender, 475. (iSee Fort Donelson.) 

The Ketreat from Bowling Green, 4S4- 
500. General Johnston's strategy discussed, 434- 
483 ; conference at Bowling Green, 487 ; mihtary 
prophecy, 435-490; plan of retreat, 490-493; ev.ic- 
uation of Bowling Green, 493-495; Nashville, 
495-500 ; panic and mob, 496-493 ; evacuation. 
499, 500. 

From MrRFREESBORo to Cori.vth, 500-522. 
The change in affairs, 500 ; modification of plan, 
601 ; letter from General Beauregard, 501, 502 ; 
reC-nforcements, 502, 503; Johnston's review of 
situation, 50.3, 504 ; plan of concentration, 505- 
507 ; reorganization at Murfreesboro, 503 ; retreat 



from Murfreesboro, 508 ; Morgan'.i first raids, 
509 ; the march, 509, 510 ; public fury, 510-514 ; 
President Davis and Congress, 512, 513; serenity, 
513, 514 ; steadfast friends, 514, 515 ; moral pow- 
er. 515 ; Floyd and Pillow, 516; Davis's generous 
letter, 517 ; Johnston's review of Fort Donelson 
and campaign, 513-521 ; the test of merit, 521 ; 
Jefferson Davis and Robert E. Lee, 521, 522 ; 
concentration completed, 522. 

Pittsburg Landing, 522-538. The war in Mis- 
souri, 5-'3-525 ; Beauregard's operations, 525-527 ; 
Federal army at Pittsburg Landing, 527-530 ; 
topography, 530-532 ; false security, 532-534 ; 
Federal plan, 534 ; Buell's movements, 535, 536 ; 
Federal strength. 537, 533 ; distances, 533. 

Concentration at Shilou, 533-557. Strategic 
Importance, 533, 539 ; the concentration, 539, 540 ; 
the initiative, 540 ; Johnston's objective point, 
541 ; Beauregard's plan and letter, 542 ; Beaure- 
gard's report of Shiloh, 543 ; Van Dorn, 543, 544 ; 
personal staff, 544 ; Bra.\ton Bragg, 544-549 ; 
Johnston's offer to Beauregard, 549, 550 ; Gov- 
ernor Johnson's protest, 550, 551 ; the resolve to 
attack, 551, 552 ; Lee's letter, 551, 552 ; plan of 
battle, 5.'>3 ; comments, 5.53, 554 ; Johnston's tel- 
egram, 554 ; orders, 555-5.")7. 

Battle of Shiloh, 55S-6S7. (For operations, 
«t>« Battle of Shiloh.) 

Personal Movements : April 4th and 5th, 
562, 503 ; on the field, 5G5, 566 ; the council of 
war, 567-572 ; night and morning, 582 ; elation 
at joining battle, 582, 5S3 ; winged words, 582- 
554 ; chieftain and clansmen, 584, 585 ; urging 
the assault, 587-590 ; on the left, 593 ; directing 
the advance, 505 ; on the right, 597. 598 ; fought 
as planned, 599; Johnston and Polk, 601; the 
right, 60S ; checkmate, 608 ; the Federal key, 
609, 610; a memorable charge, 611 ; General 
Johnston leads it, 612 ; victory, 612; death, 613 ; 
the incidents, 613-616. 

General Johnston in the Grave, 688-715. 
From Shiloh to New Orleans. 688 ; sepulture and 
public sorrow, 6S8, 639; General Beauregard's 
order, 659 ; President Davis's message, 690 : Con- 
federate Congress, 691-694 ; Legislature of Texas, 
694-699 ; honors at New Orleans, 700, 701 ; hon- 
ors at Galveston, 701-706 ; official brutality, 703- 
711 ; honors at Houston, 706-711 ; at Austin, 712- 
714 ; at New Orleans, 715. 

The End, 715-736. Not reckless. 71C. 717; es- 
timates of character, by Colonel Munford, 716, 
719, 720; by General Preston, 717; by Major 
Haydon, 717; by Colonel Jack, 717, 713; remi- 
niscences of Eev. E. M. Chapman, 721 ; of Pev. 
E. Fontaine, 722-725 ; of Dr. D. W. Tandell, 
725; description in Ilarper's Weekly, lift, 726; 
estimate by Thom.as F. McKinney, 726: by Xew 
York Times, 726. 727 ; by General William J. 
Worth, 727 ; reminiscences of Eev. Dr. Galleher, 
727; of Colonel J. W. Avery, 728, 729; estimate 
by General W. C. Whitthome, 729 ; anecdote by 
Lieutenant J. M. Fairbanks, 730 ; Scott and Da- 
vis almost agree, 730; estimate by Judge B.al- 
linger, 730; by Colonel W. J. Green, 731 ; by 
Governor L G. Harris, 731 ; by President Jeffer- 



748 



INDEX. 



son Davis, 731, 732; by Major Alfriend, 732 ; by 
Prof. A. T. Bledsoe, 732; by General Richard 
Taylor, 732, 733 ; epitaph by John B. S. Dimitry, 
734; a filial estimate, 735, 736; the end, ToG. 

Johnston, Archibald, 1 ; Eliza A., 15, 16, 273 ; Eliza 
Griffin, 129, 146, 155, 157, 261 ; Henrietta Pres- 
ton, 22-24, 38, 39, 47-58 ; John, 1, 2 ; John Har- 
ris, 8, 50, 51; Joseph E., 247, 292; Josiah S., 
1, 6, 7, 15, 17, 48-51; J. Stoddard, 545-547; Wil- 
liam 8., 51. 

Johnston's wife of Louisiana (sonj::), 16. 

Jordan, Thomas, 567, 573, 590, 606, 628, 684, 636, 
639, 640. 

Journey across the Plains, 210,211; for health, 52, 
53 ; perilous, 171, 178 ; to join Taylor, 133 ; through 
Arizona, 275-291. 

Joy of combat, the, 582-585, 612, 613, 717, 718. 

Junction with Polk projected, 492 ; of Buell with 
Grant, 535, 536, 561, 554. 



Kane, Thomas L., 199, 221-223, 236. 

Karnes, Colonel, 82, 89, 115. 

Keelan, James, 364. 

Kemper, Samuel, 57. 

Kentuckians at Shiloh, 606, 607, 621, 650-652. 

Kentucky : In 1790, 1 ; popular traits, 5, 296; poli- 
tics, 296-304, 803, 309, 381, 3S2, 892; military oc- 
cupation, 803, 804, 808; invasion of, 306, 308; 
troops, 310; apathy, 851; geography, 356-35?, 
892 ; provisional government, SSI, 882, 492 ; refu- 
gees, 492. (^eZollicoffer.) 

Keokuk, 29-85, 44, 45. 

Key, the Federal, 609, 610. 

Kindness to animals, 8. 

Kirk, Colonel, 646-648. 

Kite, the long-tailed, 826. 

Know-Nothingism, 177. 

Know thyself, 245. 

Knoxville, 306, 864, 865. 

L. 

Labor, 148. 156, 159, 161. 

Laborers for army, .343, 410,416, 417,423,424,552,553. 

Lack of everything, 417. 

Lamar, M. B., 66, 67, 71, 90-94, 106, 120, 123. 

Lancers, charge of, 139-141. 

Lances and red tape, 389. 

Last assault of Sund.ay, 623-626. 

Lauman, J. G., 370-378, 466, 469, 600. 

Laurel Bridge, skirmish at, 355. 

L.aw, 162, 164. 

Lawless soldiery, 860. 

Law-making extraordinary, 851. 

Leader, a born, 322. 

Leading a charge, 612, 613. 

Lee, John D.. 205, 206, 286. 

Lee, Robert E.. 185, 521, 522, 551, 552. 

Legislature of Texas, 694-699. 

Letcher, John, 251, 252. 

Letters from General Johnston, 19, 20, 22, 56, 83, 
86-88, 93, 121, 134, 135, 137, 153-163, 171-173, 177, 
180-182, 188, 193, 212-215, 228, 232, 234, 237, 239- 
246, 269-274, 829, 834-336, 338, 350, 851, 859, 3S6- 
888, 412, 42.5, 426, 500, 503-505, 510-522. 



Letter of General Taylor, 132. 

Letters of Davis, generous, 517, 522. 

Letter-writing, aversion to, 20. 

Lexington (Missouri), capture of, 295. 

Liberality, 119, 120, 151, 721. 

Lick Greek, 530, 581, 556-559, 572, 5S0, 598. 

Liddell, St. John, 846. 

Limits of interference, 458, 454. 

Lincoln, Abraham, 86, 252, 267, 801, 303. 

Lincoln's election, 247, 250, 254. 

Line of battle, strong, 601 ; of retreat, 507-510. 

Lines of battle, 554, 562, 572, 573 ; of defense, 48T - 
491, 500-509. 

Lipscomb, Abner, 92, 128. 

Literary pursuits, 49. 

Little, Henry, 525. 

Local interests, 503. 

Location of forts, 824, 325, 407-411. 

Logan's Cross Roads, battle of, 898-406. 

Long's expedition, 57. 

Lord and Moore's escape, 287, 288. 

Los Angeles, 261, 268, 275-278. 

Loss by winter march, 284. 

Losses in Battle : Belmont, 375, 376 ; Donelson, 
469, 474, 478-483; Elkhorn, 525; Fishing Creek, 
403, 404 ; Henry, 431, 432 ; at Shiloh, 639, 653, 655- 
657 (see Appendices, 669-687) ; at Wilson's Creek, 
295. 

Louisiana troops, 294, 295. (^'^^'e SMloh.) 

Louisville, 24, 51-55, 247, 310, 315. 

Love, James, 120, 123, 128, 131, 155, 514. 

Love of Nature, 173-175. 

Love your enemies, 615. 

Lovell, M. S., 337, 425, 502, 503, 539. 

Loyalty, true, 259. 

Loyalty of friendship, 514, 515, 517, 520-522. 

Lynde's surrender, 287, 2S8. 

Lyon, Nathaniel, 293-295. 

M. 

Machine of war, 618. 

Mackall, W. W., 205, 487, 540, 541. 

Mackenzie, Dave, 286. 

Magee's expedition, 57. 

Magnanimity, 79, 85, 113, 406, 549, 550. 

Magnanimous offer, 549, 550. 

Magnitude of the w.ar, 333. 

Magoffin, Beriah, 801-305. 

Mailed monsters, 418, 451. 

Major-general's commission, 207. 

Manassas, battle of, 254, 255. 

Maney, Frank, 448, 461, 465; George, 606. 

M.anson, M. D., 898. 

Manual labor, 148, 156, 1.59. 161. 

Maps, 850, 391, 484, 618, 529, 559, 600. 

Marauding, 508. 

Marches : Across the Plains, 210 ; Buell's to join 
Grant, 585, 536 ; of Second Cavalry, 187, 18S ; 
pursuit of Black Hawk, 33^2 ; retreat from Bowl- 
ing Green, 493, 494 ; retreat from Nashville, 503, 
504; retreat from Murfreesboro, 508-510; to Cor- 
inth, 540; to Shiloh, 558-566, 685, 686; winter 
m.arch in Utah, 212-216. 

Marcy, R. B., 214, 218, 230. 

Marks, A. S., 360. 



INDEX. 



749 



Marmaduke, John S., 354, 5?3, (ir>-2. 

Marmont's "Spirit of Military Institutions," 4S9. 

MaiTiagre, first, "23 ; second, 129. 

Marshall, Humphrey, 293,353, 8G0, 379, 890, 392-394. 

Masked purpose, 507. 

Massacres, Indian, 103-103, 115, IIT, 2S5 ; St. Louis, 
294; San Antonio, 115-117. (See Black Hawk.) 

Mathematics, 162, 164. 

Mayfleld (Kentucky), 421. 

Ma'yfield, James S., 109, 110, 123, 180. 

Mc Arthur, John, 45S-462, 592, 59S, 600, 601. 

McCausland, Colonel, 457, 461. 

McClellan, George B., 255, 256, 378, 421. 

McClernand, John A., 370-378, 421, 414, 447, 458- 
460, 523, 581, 591, 592, 594-596, 600, 601, 606, 607, 
621, 642, 643. 

McClung, Alexander, 137-139. 

McCook, General, 863, 366, 393, 535, 536, 641, G43- 
649. 

McCown, J. P., 526. 527. 

McCrary, George W., vi, 537. 

McCulloeh, Ben, 1S4, 226-228, 294, 295, 324, 835- 
387, 349, 523-525. 

McDowell. Irvin, 230, 255. 

McDowell, J. A., 530, 597, G06, 621. 

McIIenry, John H., 619. 

Mcllvaine, Bishop, 13, 721. 

McKinney, Thomas F., 133, 166, 726. 

McLeod, Hugh. 67, 116. 

Mechanism of battle, 61 S. 

Mecklenburg Declaration, 318. 

Meeting with President Davis, 291. 

Memoirs, Sherman's, 363. 

Memorandum, 816; of conference, 4S7. 

Memorials, 6S9-715. 

Memphis, 313, 832, 527, 528. 

Memphis & Bowling Green Eailroad, 539. 

Memphis &, Chai-leston Eailroad, 523, 580, 534, 535, 
539. 661. 

Menace, 861, 362. 

Mesilla, 2S5-289. 

Meteorology, 174, 175, 183, 225. 226, 281-233. 

Mexican invasions, 64, 65, 81, 86-91, 123. 

Mexican politics, 59, 96, 99. 

Mexican village, 286. 

Mexican War, the, 131-145, 158, 162. 

Mickey's, at, 55.5-573. 

Mid-day at Shiloh,-599. 

Milburn, 421. 

Middle Tennessee, 534-536. 

Mier Expedition, 127. 

Milam, Benjamin E., 62, 100. 

Military conjectures, 337; crudities, 408; educa- 
tion, 9-14, 257; Infallibility, 533; journal, 27-45; 
jurisdiction, 227, 228, -im, 236-240 ; policy, views 
on. 84-83, 95, 96, 134, 185, 152-154, 157, 181, 8a3, 
884, 844-348, 851 ; situation in the West, 291-296, 
802, 803, 344, 360, 361, 378, 886-390, 420, 421, 425, 
426, 433-435, 484, 485, 500-505, 518-528, 528, 535, 
538, 539, 542. 

Militia. 343. (See Troops.) 

Miller, H., 620. 

Mill Springs, 395-406. 

Min-i's revolution, ii"!. 

lliscalculation, 554. 



Mississippi Central Railroad, 539 ; river, 824, 527 ; 
troops {see Trooiis). 

Missouri, 298-296, 824, 523-526 ; troops {see 
Troops). 

Mistakes in battle, 401, 402. 

Mitchell, O., 535-587. 

Mob at Nashville, 495- 499. 

Mobile & Ohio Eailroad, 539, 651. 

Moderation, 168, 164. 

Momentum of success, 618, 619. 

Monday's battle at Shiloh, 643. 

Money-matters, 119, 158, 272. 

Monroe, Mayor, 683. 

Monroe, Thomas B., 651. 

Monterey, battle of, 137-140. 

Monterey (Tennessee), 523, 531, 548, 555-565. 

Monument at New Orleans, 715. 

Moore, A. B., 329. 

Moore, David, 587. 

Moore, Miss Mollie, 707. 

Moore and Lord's escape, 287, 288. 

Moral power, 230, 515. 

Morale, 361, 583. 

Morehead, Charles A., 879. 

Morehouse, Colonel. 76, 77. 

Morgan, John H., 888, 497, 499, 503, 606, 607, 653. 

Morgantown, 858. 

MoRMOKS : Eebellion, 195-246 ; campaigns among 
the, 195-246; rise of the sect, 195-198; fanat- 
icism and tyranny, 199-207, 241, 242 ; quarrels 
with Federal officials, 199, 200, 237-239 ; oratory, 
199-203, 242 ; declaration of war, 201-203 ; hostil- 
ities, 202, 204, 211, 227 ; General Johnston's opin- 
ions, 212, 214, 219-223, 226, 227, 239, 240 ; diplomacy 
of Brigham Young, 218, 219, 222, 223, 226; Fed- 
eral policy, 207-210, 221, 226-228, 239-241 ; peace 
commissioners, 226-223; submission, 227 ; Moun- 
tain Meadow massacre, 205, 206 ; orders, 209, 229, 
230 ; journey across the Plains, 210, 211 ; in the 
snow-drifts," 213-21 6; Fort Bridger, 211, 215-227; 
reply to Brigham Young, 218, 219 ; salt embassy, 
218, 219, 223, 224 ; Kane and Gumming, 221-226 ; 
army enters Salt Lake City, 229; Camp Floyd. 
233-243; Indian affairs, 235; slanders, 2^35; en- 
forcement of law, 236-240 ; geography, 233, 241 ; 
climate, 243. (See Joseph Smith, Brigham Young, 
etc.) 

Morrison, William E., 448. 

Morton, John P., 8. 

Morton, John W., 465. 

Mosquitoes, 279. 

Mountaineers, 204, 813. 

Mountains, Alleghany, 313; Eocky, 211-217, 225, 
226. 

Mountain storms, 211-216, 225, 226 ; streams, 217. 

Movement of troops, 294-296, 305, 309, 310, 346, 349, 
855-364, 367, 863, 333-388, 890-395. 406, 421, 422, 
425, 429, 433^16, 493-405, 499. 502-504, 508-510, 
518-530, 535, 536, 539, 540, 554-553. 

MuldroQgh's Hill, 315, 316. 

SluUigan, Colonel, 295. 

Munford, Edward W., 266, 829, 887. 840, 428-490, 
491, 495, 496, 499, 615, 549, 552, 562, 563, 5T0, 5S5, 
607, 608, 615, 633, 716, 717. 

Murfreesboro to Corinth, 500-522, 540. 



750 



INDEX. 



N. 

NashvUle, 806, 808, 3SS, 416, 41T, 425, 426, 485, 487, 

495-499, 519, 535, 536. 
Nashville, mob at, 496-499. 
National blessings, 158, 190. 
Nature, study of, 173-175. 
Nauvoo, 197. 
Navajo Indians, 283. 
Naval battle, 430-432, 449-454. 
Navy. (See Gunboats.) 
Navy, predilection for, 5. 
Neches, battle of the, 110-112. 
Negroes for the army, 848, 410, 416, 417, 423, 424, 

552, 553. 
Nelson, William, 802, 303, 814, 858, 366, 536, 581, 

602, 625. 626, 641, 643-646, 649. 
New levies, 539, 540. 
New Orleans, 688, 689. 
JVew Orleans Picayune, 700. 
News of surrender, 495. 
Nicaragua Expedition, 194. 
Night-march, 280-282, 400-404. 
Night on the battle-field, 639. 
Nolens-volens, 2s7. 

Nominations decUncd, 90, 120-123, 244-246. 
Non-combatants, 893 : care for, 500, 608. 
North Alabama, 416, 509. 
North Carolina, 253. 
Northers, 174, 188. 
Number of troops. (See Strength of Armies.) 

O. 

Oak Hills, battle of, 294, 295. 

Objective point, 538-541. 

Obloquy, 484, 505, 510-512. 

Obstacles, 560. 

Obstructions in rivers. 410, 412, 414, 416, 423, 435. 

Odium, popular, 4S4, 495-499, 505, 510-515. 

Offensive campaigns, 436, 484, 485, 528, 530. 

Offensive-defensive plans, 542. 

Offer of appointment, 17. 

Offer to Beauregard, 549. 

Office-seeking, 90, 123, 167-169, 184, 244-216. 

Official approbation, 229-281, 496. 

Official injustice, 125, 238; rebuke, 415; report, 108. 

Oglesby, K. J., 367, 808, 458, 461, 462. 

O'Hara, Theodore, 544, 584, 615, 638. 

" Old Hickory," fear of, 103. 

Old sajing revamped, 373. 

Omniscient generals, 451. 

Onset at Shiloh, first, 588. 

Opinion in the South, 251. 

Opinions. {See Military, Political, and Kepubli- 
can.) 

Oratory extraordinary, 199-208, 224, 242. 

Orders (Confederate), 317, 318, 334,339, 3.51-853, 361, 
878, 412, 433, 434, 437-439, 453, 494, 495, 500, 525, 
526, 555-557, 560 ; contradictory, 645 ; change of, 
564 : explanation of, 560 ; important, 453. 

Orders (United States Government), 209, 229, 230, 
247, 292, 527, 535. 

Ordnance, 328, 332, 414, 418, 431, 432, 485-437, 440, 
450-452. 



Organization, 73, 81, 82, 218, 220, 234, 823,351-358, 

361, 492, 508, 544, 548, 549, 565. 
Origin of attack at Shiloh, 551-555. 
Origin of civil war, 249, 250. 
Ornithology, 147, 150, 151, 175, 220. 
Overweening confidence, 528, 530. 
Owl Creek, 530, 531, 555-563, 572, 573, 580, 598, 602, 

607, 650. 

P. 

Pacific counsels, 194, 268 ; republic, 261-271. 

Paducah, 305, 807, 808, 824, 390, 40S. 

Paintsville, 890-894. 

Pahner, Colonel, 441, 447, 467, 468. 

Palo Alto, battle of, 132. 

Panic at Nashville, 495-498 ; prevented, 139-141. 

Paris, Comte de. {See Comte de Paris.) 

Partiality, 806. 

Parties, Confederate, 251. 

Parting with the army, 243. 

Password, equivocal, 401. 

Patience, 176, 180, 181. 

Patrimony, 15. 

Patriotic soldier, a, 548. 

Patriotism, 48, 161, 162, 244-246, 256-258,321, 822. 

Patronage, 17, 54, 55, 69, 70, 85, 86, 145, 146, 155, 160, 
167-169, 184, 185, 232, 242, 807. 

Paymaster, 107-182. 

Peabody, Everett, 588, 589. 

Pea Pvidge, battle of, 524, 525. 

Pearce, N. B., 294, 295. 

Pecuniary embarrassments, 129, 130, 177. 

Pelopidas at Belmont, 373. 

People's war, 306. 

Perilous adventures, 18, 69, 90, 91, 143, 144; jour- 
neys, 170-174, 277-291. 

Perils of attack, 552. 

Personal to writer, 807 ; appearance, 71, 72, 326, 827, 
718, 719, 722, 725, 728 ; document, a, 543 ; staff, 
817, 318, 544. 

Pettus, J. J., 384, 335, 844, 345. 

Phelps, Lieutenant, 419, 422, 432. 

Philanthropy, its crimes, 189, 190, 194. 

Philosophy in practice, 155. 

Physical culture, 164. 

Picketing, careless, 561, 562. 

Picture of a general, 325-827, 488, 489. 

Pierce, Franklin, 183. 

Piketon, 358, 894 ; battle of, 858. 

Pillow, G. J., 296, 302, 323, 824, 859, 807, 869-378, 
433, 435-439, 441, 442, 458-461, 468, 464, 466, 469- 
475, 508, 51.5-520, 540. 

Pious old woman, a, 862. 

Pittsburg Landing. {See Battle of Shiloh.) 

Pimos Indians, 283. 

PKiins, the, 210. 

Plan, Beauregard's, 541, 542, 565-572. 

Plan of concentration at Corinth, 500-509, 516-C22, 
525, 528, 538-557. 

Plans of Shiloh (gee Battles, and Albert Sidney John- 
ston) ; of campaign, Confederate, 307, 308, 812- 
317, 344, 351, 382, 485-493, 518-520 ; Federal, 420- 
426, 534-536. 

Plans of life, 48, 49, 51-55, 67, 68, 118-120, 123, 129, 



INDEX. 



751 



145, 146. 14S, 1S8, 160, 261, 2T2; of rotroat, 501- 
SOS, 565-572. 
Plantation-life, 145-169. 
I'lanter-priost, 320. 
Plausibie appeals, 511, 512. 
Plot, imaginary, 261-274. 
Plunder, 360, 498, 612. 
Plutarch in new clothes, 373. 
Pocahontas, 296, 324. 
Policy, views of military {see Military Opinions) ; 

of Texas (see Te.vasi. 
Political generals. 145 ; life, thanklessness of, 49; 
opinions, 63, 91-97, 166, 177, 244, 245, 247, 25C- 
261, 263-272. 
Politics : Confederate, 250-256, 823, 889-842, 503, 
511-513; Federal, 132. 145, 166. 167. 189, 190, 207- 
210, 221, 226-228, 239-241, 244, 245, 247, 249, 250, 
256-261, 270-273; Kentucky, 296-805, 308, 809. 
328, 831, 3S2, 892, 492 ; Missouri, 293, 294 ; Texas, 
61, 62, 67, 91-98, 120, 123, 127, 123, 250, 260 ; dis- 
like to, 120. 121, 244, 245; in war, 124, 127, 130, 
132, 142, 14.5, 146, 1S4, 1S5. 849, 503, 611-613. 
Polk, Leonidas, 13, 291, 305, 817-325, 837, 349, 859, 
867-378, 332, 410, 421-425, 428, 437, 525, 526. 539, 
540. 543, 549. 556, 553 (see Battle of Shiloh;, 721. 
Polk. Thomas, 318. 
Polk, William, 818-320. 
Polk, "William M., 321, 323. 

Pond, Preston, 573, 594, 596, 597, 601, 606, 646, 643. 
Pope, John, 527. 
Popular appreciation. 290, 291 ; contrition, 659 ; rage, 

434, 495-499, 505, 509-514. 
Ponulation of the AUstrhanies, 813 ; of the South, 
252-255, 333-340 ; of Texas, 61 ; of Utah (see Mor- 
mons). 
Portents, 231-233. 
Porter, Fitz-Johu, 210, 211, 214, 224, 234, 235, 241, 

269, 270, 272. 
Porter, Thomas R.. 447, 443, 461, 465-463. 
Portraiture, a friendly, 198-195. 
Posey, General, 36-41. 
Postponement of sortie, 454. 
Pound Gap, 816. 390-394. 
Poverty, 165, 189. 
Powder, 382. 

Powell, Lazarus W., 22C-22S. 
Powers of a Confederate general, 328, 
Prairie-dogs, 175. 
Prairies, the, 146, 147, 172-175. 
Prayer, 132, 720. 

Precautions, 171, 176, 177, 411, 412. 
Predilection for the navy, 5. 
Pregnant words, 532-584. 
Preliminary orders for Shiloh, .551, 558. 
Premature recall of troops, 627-639. 
Prentice, George D., 299. 
Prentiss. B. M.. 523, 577, 579, 581, 587, 539-591, 593- 

600, 604, 606, 619-622, 640, 641. 
Preparations for defense (see Defense) ; Northern, 

417. 41S; for retreat, 487, 492. 
Presence, 71, 72, 326, 327, 718, 719, 722, 725, 723; of 

mind, 176, 177. 
Presidency. Texan, 67. 92, 120, 123. 123. 
Presidential combinations, 244, 245 ; elections, 166, 
167, 189, 190, 247. 

49 



Preston. ITenriotta. (See ITenrietta Johnston.) 

Preston, William. 55, 180, 15:3, 1.55. 159, 184-136. 298, 
379, 420, 505, 515, 549, 569, 531, 089, 590, 597, 614, 
615, 640, 668, 690, 717. 

Prestonburg, 392-894. 

Prevision. 419. 

Price. Sterling, 293-296, 324, 325, 349, 523-525. 

Pride, honest, 271. 

Prime and Helvetti, 807. 

Primitive plainness, 114. 

Prisoners, 876, 377, 897, 405, 474, 473, 560, 574 ; citi- 
zen, 326; exchange of, 876, 877, 405. 

Private soldiers. United States, 242. 

Problem of Shiloh, 563. 

Proceedings of Congress on death, C91-694. 

Proclamations, 125, 228, 238, 262, 811, 812. 

Procrastination, 424. 

Profession, choice of, 5, 9, 48-50, 54, 55, 153, 162-164. 

Prohibition to attack, 542. 

Project of a colony, 54, 55. 

Promise kept, s, 128. 

Promotion from the ranks, 242 ; in army (see Rank). 

Promptitude to act, 544. 

Prophecy fulflUed, a, 439, 490 ; literal, 877 ; of civil 
war, 40, 194. 

Prophetic words, 289. 

Prophet, the, 30-32. 

Prophets, false, 195-206. (&e Joseph Smith and 
Brigham Ygung.) 

Protest against retreat, 492. 

Protest of Governor Johnson, 560. 

Providence, 153, 182, 260, 560. 561. 

Provisional government of Kentucky. 331, 832. 

Puma, kills a, 69. 

Purdy, 542, 556-558. 

Purpose, aggressive, 651-555, 56C-572, 532. 

Pursuit, 403, 406, 653. 

Q. 

Quadrilateral, a, 530, 531. 
Quarles, W. A., 443, 466-469. 
Quartermaster-general, 246. 
Quarters, 216-220, 233, 234, 395-399. 

' Pv. 

Rage, public, 434. 405-499, 505, 509-514. 

Raid, the first. 509. 

Railroad system, 529, 588, 539. 

Railroads : East Tennessee & Virginia, 817, 364, 
883 ; Louisville & Nashville, 310, 817, 884, 337, 43,5, 
509; Memphis & Bowling Green, 331, 832, 4-?3, 
435, 527, 5:39; Memphis & Charleston; 507, 627, 
523, 530, 534, 585, 538, 539, 661 ; Mobile & Ohio, 
627, 661 ; Nashville & Chattanooga. 506-503. 540 ; 
Texas & Pacific, 177; Union Pacific, 213, 241, 
484, 505. 

Rains, untimely, 608-510, 516. 

Raising troops, 827-848, 589, 540. 

Raith, Julius, 592, 595. 

Randolph, negro cook, 171, 248, 279. 230. 

Rank iu C. S. Army. 292 ; in Texan Army, 69-75; 
in U. 3. Army, 9, 13, 21, 134, 136, 137, 16T, 169, 
185, 229. 

Rank, relative, 292. 

Ransom, T. E. G., 591. 



752 



INDEX. 



Eapacity rebuked, 4. 

Rashness of Grant, 528, 530-536. 

Ravages of war, 153. 

Eawlins, General, 531. 

Eawness of troops, 523-580, 5G5. 

Eear-guard at Shiloh, 652, 653. 

EeasoDS for retreat at Shiloh, 5C7. 

Eebuke, power of, 46, 3S9. 

Eecall of troops, unfortunate, 464. 

Eeception at Nashville, 306; by President Davis, 291. 

Eecommendations as colonel, 130, 132, 1&4; as brig- 
adier-general, 142. 

Reconnaissance in force, 579. 

Eeconnsissances, 358, 362, 384-386, 419, 500, 574. 

Eecruiting, 186, 347, 351, 860. 

Rector, Governor H. M., 334, 837. 

Bed Bird, 19, 20. 

Reenforcements, 343, 845, S46, 359, 890, 424-423, 502, 
503, 518, 519, 589, 540 ; at Donelson, 434-439, 465, 
456, 519 ; at Shiloh, 635-627, 630, 639-643. 

Eeflections on life and death, 122. 

Refuge, a city of, 21T. 

Refugees, 217, 379-831, 492. 

Refusal of appointment, 17. 

Refusing to dance, 287. 

Regard for non-combatants, 227, 22S, 500, 503. 

Regularity of development, 618. 

Regulars, U. S., 242. 

Religion, 158, 182, 183, 195, 248, 720, 721. 

Eemiuiscences. {See Albert Sidney Johnston.) 

Remnant of Grant's army, 641, 642. 

Remonstrance of Governor Johnson, 550. 

Removal of remains, 694-715. 

Removal of stores from Nashville, 498, 499, 504, 505, 
507, 516. 

Renewal of battle at Shiloh, 643. 

Reorganization, 406, 589, 544, 543, 549. 

Reparation, insufficient, 267. 

Reply to Brigham Young, 219. 

Report of Shiloh, Beauregard's, 543 ; of Fort Henry, 
Gilmer's, 426-428 ; of river-defenses, Polk's, 410, 
411; of peace commissioners, 223; of General 
Johnston, 108. 

Republican party, 247, 271 ; opinions, 68, 159-102, 
244, 245, 256-260. • 

Repulse at Wild Cat, 856, 357; oT gunboats, 450-451, 
of lancers, 139-141. 

Repulses at Shiloh, 593, 594, 596, 605, 606, 610, 624, 
643-653. 

Requisitions for troops, 328-343. 

Resaca de la Palma, battle of, 132. 

Rescue, the penalty of, 653. 

Rescue of army, 215, 624-627, 043-653. 

Resentment, popular, 484, 495-499, 505, 510-515. 

Reserve corps, 559. 

Resignations : as lieutenant, 52 ; as Secretary of 
War, 123 ; as general, 261-275. 

Resolve to attack, 551-555. 

Respect for woman, 46, 53, .54, 72. 

Results of Donelson, 469, 476. 

Resuscitation, 47. 

Reticence, 10, 151, 247, 326, 327. 

Retii-e, order to, 62T, 628, 639, 639. 

Retirement, rural, .52, 54, 121, 122, 145-169, 261. 

Retirement from Mexican War, 142, 145, 146. 



Retreat arrested, 361; retreat from Belmont, 872- 
375; from Bowling Green, 484-500,518, 519, 550; 
from Fishing Creek, 403-406 ; from Murfreesboro, 
500-522; from NashviUe, 498-500, 503, 504, 519, 
550; route of, 507-510, 519, 520; proposed before 
Shiloh, 565-572 ; from Shiloh, 651-663. 

Reverie, 176. 

Review of campaign, 508, 504. 

Revolution, right of, 259, 271, 272. 

Revolution, the Texan, 62-66. 

Revolutionary movements in Texas, 57-61. 

Revolutionary point, the, 340. 

Revolvers, Jack Hays's, 859. 

Reynolds, Thomas C, 825. 

Rhetoric, 161, 163, 224. 

Richmond, at, 291. 

Ridge road, 556-558. 

Ridley, A., 277, 278, 235-239. 

Right of resistance, 259, 271, 272 ; of revolution {see 
Revolution) ; of secession, 249, 250, 259. 

Rio Grande, the, 286-290. 

River-defenses, 496. (See Fort Henry and Fort 
Donelson.) 

River-obstructions, 410, 422, 435. 

Rivers, 286-290, 313, 314, 390, 398, 399. (See Barren, 
Cumberland, Green, Mississippi, and Tennessee 
Rivers ; also Gunboats, and Fort Henry and Fort 
Donelson.) 

Road, Ridge or Bark, 555-558. 

Roads, bad. 508, 509, 559, 560, 564. 

Robbery, 178, 179. 

Rockcastle Hills, 356. 

Rock Island, 81. 

Rocky Mountains, 211-217, 225, 226. 

Rodgers, John, 418. 

Rogers, Jason, 40, 134, 152. 

Rousseau, L. H,, 299, 302, 315, 646, 647. 

Rout of Federal front, 595; of Hildebrand, 588 ; of 
Sherman, 597; at Shiloh, final, 623-626, 685-637. 

Buggies, Daniel, 589, 540, 502, 504, 573, 619, 620, 622, 
634, 644-646, 650. 

Ruin, financial, 180. 

Rules of conduct, 151. 

Rumor, false, 400, 401, 405. 

Running the gantlet, 284. 

Rural life, 52, 54, 121, 122, 145-169, 261. 

Rusk, Thomas J., 63, 70, 71, 90, 105, 106, 109-111, 
123, 184. 

Russell. R. M., 695, 596, 601, 606, 621. 

Russellville, 360, 8S1, 3S2, 425, 429, 433, 434, 485, 
4S6. 

S. 

Sacketf s Harbor, 18. 

Sacs and Foxes, 27-45. 

Sagacity. 859. 

Salt in diplomacy, 218, 219, 224. 

Salt Lake City, 198, 229, 288. 

San Antonio," £6, 62-64, 66, 86-91, 115-117, 189-195, 
290. 

S.in Antonio massacre, 116, 117. 

San Francisco. (See California.) 

Sanguine temper, a, 348. 

San Jacinto, battle of, 66. 

Santa Anna, 60-66. 

Saunders, James E., 423, 424. 



INDEX. 



753 



Savannah (.Tonnessce), MS, 584-586, 574, 576, 5S0, 
5S1, 602, 603. 

Scenery, Texan, 122, 147, 143, 178, 174. 

Schaller, Frank, 4SS-490. 

Schemes of foroitrn adventure, 12. 

Schoepf, Albin, 356, 85S, 863, 864, 897, 893, 400, 403 
406. 

Schools, S-5. 

Scotch-Irish, 81S, 819. 

Scott, John, 508, 509. 

Scott, Winfield, 17, 1S5, 1S6, 20S, 229, 230, 247, 248, 
255, 278, 274, 378, 420, 730. 

Scurrj, K., 514. 

Sea-coast defense, 329, 330. 

Secession, 249, 250, 256-261, 263. 

Second battle of Shiloh, 643. 

Second Cavalry. 183-195. 

Secretary of War, of Texas, 92-118. 

Secretary of War's report, 95, 96, 108-110. 

Secret history, fictitious, 486. 

Secret of command, the, 720. 

Self-complacency of success, 5G0. 

Self-complacent security, 529, 530, 574-581. 

Self-control, 3, 9, 181, 224, 225, 261, 495, 496, 518, 513, 
516, 720. 

Self-deception, 620. 

Self-denial, 282. 

Self-estimate, 232, 550, 716. 

Self-reliance, 180, 550. 

Sepulture, 688. 

Serenity, 513-515. 

Settlement of accounts, 178. 

Seven-years' war, a, 189, 333, 340. 

Severance of army, 48.5-487, 500-502. 

Sharp-shooters, 447. 

Shaver, Colonel R. G., 572, 587-591. 

Shelbyville, 540. 

Sheridan, Philip H., 704. 

Sherman, Colonel, of Texas, 66. 

Sherman, General William T., 810, 315, 349, 357, 362, 
86-3, 865, 866, 420, 528, 5:31-533, 536, 574^581, 587- 
594, 601, 602, 607, 621, 623, 641, 642, 643, 649, C53, 
657, 658. 

Sherman broken at Shiloh, 596. 

Sherman routed at Shiloh, 597. 

Sherman's " Historical Raid," 420, 532, 533, 578-580. 

Sherman's "Memoirs." 420, 6:31, 532, 575. 

Sherman's theory of Shiloh, 574-581. 

Shiloh Church, 4S9, 490, 528, 530, 531, 607. (See Bat- 
tle of Shiloh.) 

Shrinkage of force, 493. 

Sickness, 47, 51-5:3, 74, 81, 88, 85, 165, 170, 189. 

Sickness, Beauregard's, 542, 543. 549 ; in the army, 
89, 47, 296, 334, 387, 360, 861, 443, 493, 660. 

Sigel, Franz, 295, 524. 

Silence, the power of. 512. 

Simonton, Colonel, 458, 4C.9. 

Simonton, Mr., 281. 

Simplicity, Spartan. 3. 

Simplicity of character, 723. 

Sirocco, 281. 

Sisters and brothers, 2, 5, 7-9, 15-18, 48-61, 67. 

Situation, military. {See Military Situation.) 

Skill with arms, 72, 76, 150. 

Skinned pant'er, 2S7. 



Skirmtshes : At Albany, 8.')5; at Barboursvllle, 855; 
at Laurel Bridse, 365; at Eddyville, 358; at Fort 
Donelson, 430 ; at Jo Undrrwood, 362 ; at Mill 
Springs, 397; at Morgantown, S-W; at Sacra- 
mento, 385, 886 ; at Whippoo^^vill, 3^8 ; at Wood- 
bury, 858; at Woodsonville, 384, 8-^7; at Shiloh 
(cavalrv-), 560, 562, 574 ; beginning of Shiloh, 587. 

Slander, 262, 263, 271, 272. 

Slave, a faithful, 171, 248, 2T9, 280 ; a dishonest, 17S, 
179. 

Slavery, 149, 190, 194, 258. {See Slave.) 

Slaves in the army, 348, 410, 416, 41T, 428, 424. 

Small results, 348, 349. 

Smith, Ashbel, 5&t, 694, 698, 699, 717. 

Smith, C. F., 210-212, 241, 890, 421, 422, 444, 447, 
448, 463, 46.5, 466, 527, 528, 631, 532, 

Smith, E. Kirby, 165, 518. 

Smith, Henry, 62, 63. 

Smith, Joseph, 195-197. 

Smith, Marshall J., 619-621. 

Smith, Persifer, 229, 730. 

Smith, Preston, 596, 606. 

Smithland, 814, 408. 

Snake Creek, 530, 531, 623, 641. 

Snake Indians, 2:55, 236. 

Snow-beleaguered, 213. 

Soldiers weeping, 243, 497. 

Solemn Declaration, the, 62, 107. 

Solitude, 145-160, 165. 

Somerset, 395, 397. 

Sorrow, public, 688. 

Sortie, abortive, 454 ; agreed on, 456 ; plan of, 456. 

South Carrollton, 419. 

Southern apathy {see Apathy) ; Governors, 258 (see 
Joseph E. Brown, I. G. Harris, C. F.Jackson, 
John Letcher, B. Magoffin, A. B. Moore, J. J. 
Pettus, H. M. Rector); Confederacy, 249-256; 
dissensions, 251 ; population, 252-255. 

Special pleading, 577 ; providences, 724, 725. 

Splitting the South, 534-536. 

Spoils of war, the, 612. 

Springfield (Missouri), 52.3-625. 

Spurrier, John, 654.- 

Squirrel-shooting, 683. 

Staff, 317, 318, 544, 688 ; appointment, IT. 

Stage-driver, or not? 2S3. 

Stampede, 688. 

Starr, James H., 92, 94, 110, 112, 114. 

Start, the, 277; at Shiloh, 585, 586. 

Startling announcement, 495. 

State Guard (Kentucky), 298, 801, 303. 

State line, 408. 

State sovereignty, 248-261, 289-312, 829, 407, 408. 

Statham, Colonel, 508, 557, 559, 573, 598, 001, 609, 
010, 618, 614, 647, 652. * 

Steamboat explosion, 50. 

Stewart, A. P., 415, 526, 527, 578, 595, 596, 598, 601, 
604-606, 621, 839, M8. 

Stephens, William S., .573, 601. 

Stillman's defeat, 85, 36. 

St. Louis, 19, 22-24, 28, 54, 293, 294. 

Stoicism, 155, 165, 166, 215, 2S1, 282, 49.5. 

Storms, 560, 561, 640, 663. (See Winter Storms.) 

Strahl, O. F., 595, 596. 

Strategic point, 638. 



754 



INDEX. 



Strategy, 307-310, 813-317, 349, 855, 357, 359-863, 
8S3, 887, 88S, 890, 897, 419-421, 425, 426, 433-439, 
458, 4S4-493, 500-507, 516-523, 534-544, 54S, 551- 
55S ; after the fact, 4s4 ; the essence of, 555. 

Strength of armies, 308, 309, 314-316, 337, 888, 844- 
846, 849-351, 859, 300, 363-366, 869, 875, 387, 392, 
898, 399, 411, 422, 423, 425, 428-430, 482, 436, 443, 
448, 458, 478-4S3, 484, 503, 504, 508, 518-520, 524, 
528, 537, 538, 572, 5T3, 660. {i'ee Tables, Appen- 
dlces.) 

Strength of position, 531-535. 

Stronghold, a natural, 580-582, 592, 601, 604-610. 

Stuart, D., 580, 592, 598, 600. 

Sturgess, Major, 293. 

Submarine batteries, 412, 423, 435. 

Subsistence, 217. 

Success the test of merit, 521, 725. 

Successive lines of battle, 554. 

Sugar Creek, 624, 525. 

Sugar-planting, 166. 

Sugg, Colonel, 442, 466-463. 

Suicide, 22. 

Sullen retreat, 493. 

Summary of Shiloh, Beauregard's, 586. 

Sumner, E. V., 248, 262-265, 273, 274. 

Superior Federal force, 528-530. 

Surprise at Shiloh, 532, 538, 574^581, 590, 591, 654, 
655. 

Surprise attempted, 400. 

Surrender of Fort Henry, 482; Fort Donelson, 471, 
474, 567; Island No. 10, 527; NashviUe, 499; 
Prentiss, 619-622, 628. 

Surveillance, 277. 

Suspense, 290. 

Swampy country, 146, 147, 165, 580. 

Sweeping a field, 621-623. 

Swinton's " Decisive Battles," 486, 656. 

Sympathy with youth, 149-151, 155, 173, 175, 176, 
198, 194. 



Table of distances, 538. 

Tables of strength and casualties, 365, 366, 413, 473- 
483, 537, 638, 669-6S7. 

Tactical errors, 553-555. 

Tactics, 60S, 655. 

Tappan, John C, 307, 368, 652. 

Tarantula, the, 133. 

Tate, Sam, 506. 

Taylor, Joseph P., 167-169. 

Taylor, Richard, 732, 733. 

Taylor, Zachary, 85, 40, 41, 45, 46, 131-144, 152, 154, 
166-169, 733. 

Taylor's (General Z.) recommendations, 132, 142. 

Telegrams,' important, 453, 554, 640. 

Temerity of Grant, 52S-534. 

Temperance, 119. 

Tenacity, 493. 

Tennessee, 2.53, 305 (see Defense of Tennessee, I. 
G. Harris, W. C. Whitthorne, Fort Donelson, Fort 
Henry, Nashville, F. K. Zollicoffer, etc.) ; Kiver 
814, 817. (See Fort Henry, Pittsburg Landing^ 
Shiloh.) 

Terry, Colonel, 333. 334, 336, 834, 335. 

Test of manhood, 533. 



Test of merit, the, 521. 

Tests of soldiership, 216. 

Texas: Johnston's first interest, 55; early history, 
56; revolutionary movements, 57-61; General Con- 
sultation, 62 ; revolution, 62-68 ; Johnston joins, 67 ; 
elections, 67, 92, 120, 128, 128 ; army, 61-67, 69, 70, 
73, 74, 81, 82, 87 ; poverty, 88 ; Houston's military 
policy, 81-90, 92, 123, 124, 127; politics, 91-98, 120, 
123, 127, 128; Houston's Indian policy, 84, 88, 90. 
9S, 100-107 ; rangers, 132, 183, 287, 288, 832, 333, 
884, 885, 508, 514 ; riflemen, 134-136; scenery, 122, 
147, 148, 178, 174; annexation, 128 ; northwestern, 
no; northers, 174, 188; Pacific Railroad, 177; 
frontier, 184; services to, 238; love for, 128, 24P, 
248, 260, 272, 276 ; secession of, 250, 260 ; Legisla- 
ture on his death, 694, 699; honors paid by the 
people, 694-715; Moore's regiment, 595, 717. 

Thankfulness, 183. 

Thayer, Colonel, 460-462. 

Theatre of war, 292, 298, 306, 312, 313-317, 487-491, 
504. 

Thief detected, 178. 

Thirst, 281, 283. 

"This is not war I " 563. 

Thomas, George H., 185, 803, 304, 315, 817, 349, 356, 
363, 306, 397-406, 536. 

Thompson, Jacob, 570, 593. 

Thompson, Jeff, 324, 849. 

Throckmorton, J. W., 694, 712, 713. 

Tilghman, Lloyd J., 302, 361, 408, 409, 411, 415, 416, 
422, 425-432, 486. 

Times, Kew York; 231, 726, 727. 

Tishomingo County, 416. 

Toffa virilis, ISO. 

Tolerance, 22. 

Tomb, Confederate, 715. 

Too late, 503. 

Topography of Donelson and Henry, 407-411 ; of 
Northern Alabama, 503, 509; of Corinth, 529; of 
Pittsburg Landing, 529^31 ; of Shiloh battle-field, 
553, 554, 560. 

Torpedoes, 412, 423, 435. 

Trabue, K. P., 573,598, 601, 606, 621, 648, 650-652. 

Trans-Mississippi Department, 291-296, 335, 849, 
523-525. 

Transportation, deficiency in, 485, 506, 507, 565. 

Transylvania University, 6, 8. 

Travis, "William B., 59, 63, 64. 

Treason, 380. 

Treaties with Indians, 19, 26, 29, 31, 32, 84, 88, 89, 
98, 101-110, 115, 235, 236; with Mexico, 100, 
104. 

Tkoops: Care of, 81-84, 134-136,190,191, 213-220, 
238-235, 492-494 ; concentration of, 334, 349, 350 ; 
condition of, 837; disbanding, 339, 340; dispo- 
sition of, 485, 521; militia, 343 ; number of (see 
Strength of Armies) ; recruiting, 328-348 ; time 
of service, 835-340, 347 ; United States regulars. 
(See Black-Hawk War, Mormons, Second Caval- 
ry, Utah.) 

Trust discharged, 266. 

Tucson, 2S3. 284. 

Tupelo, 661. 

Turner, Major, 466, 467. 

Turning-point, 633-639, 658, 717. 



INDEX. 



ibo 



Unarmed troops refused, 839. 

Uncompliuientnry recognition, 145. 

Under arms, 561. 

Unexpected disaster, 40G, 495. 

Unfounded terror, 362. 

Union, Feder.il, 249, 200, 25T, 253. 

Unionism, 2G'J, 270. 

Unionists, 251. 252, 257, 269, 270, 2S8, 285, 800-304, 

857, 85S. 360, 379, 8S1. 
University of the South, 320. 
Unselfishness, 549, 050; fatal, C15. 
Utah. (See Mormons.) 
Ute Indians, 235, 236. 

V. 

Vacillation, 455. 

Valor and enthusiasm, 6S5. 

Value of good character, 169. 

Vandalism, 283. 

Van Dorn, Earl, 1S5, .523-52.5, 543, 544. 

Van Home, T. IL, 802, 810, 317, 366, 397, 39S, 404, 
579. 

Verses, 707. 

Victory and death, 613. 

Victory thrown away, 464, 627. 

Vigilance enjoined, 412, 415. 

Vigorous protest, 550. 

Villain rebuked, a. 720. 

Vindication, real, 515, 516. 

Virginia, 252-254. 

Visit to Louisiana, 5; to Virginia, 52, 53. 

Volunteer aides, 817, 325. 

Volunteers as a private soldier, 69 ; In the Mexican 
War, 132 ; disbanding, 340. 

Volunteer troops. (See Black-Hawk War, Mexi- 
can War, and Confederate War.) 

Von Trebra, Colonel, 3S4. 

Vote, General Johnston's only, 166. 

W. 
Wabokieshiek, 80-32. • 

Waddell, B. B., 59S. 
Walker, L. Pope, 539, 540. 
Wallace. Lewis, 449, 460, 462, 465, 52S, 559, 531, 602, 

641, 646, 648, 649. 
Wallace, W. H. L., 447, 458, 461, 462, 52S, 577, 531, 

591, 592, 595, 597-601, 604, 605, 619-621, 641, 657. 
Walthall, E. C, 400-403. 
Want of arms. (See Arms.) 
War, its waste, 1.53. 
War Department (U. S.), 188, 20T, 221, 239, 240. (See 

John B. Floyd.) 
War Department (C. S.). (See J. P. Benjamin.) 
Wars. (See Black-Hawk War, Cherokee War, Civil 

War, Indians, Mexican War, Missouri, Mormon 

Eebellion, Te.xas.) 
Warning to Crittenden and ZolUcoffer, 390. 
Washington, George, 161, 162. 
Washington society, 15. 



Water communications, 484, 4S5. 

Water-courses. (See Rivers.) 

W.iter-shed of the Tennessee, 529. 

Weakley, Samuel D., 416. 

Weakneas of Confederate army, 344-846, 428. 

Webb, James, 92. 

Webster, J. D., 876, 458, 623-620, 630. 

Wedge, strategic, 634. 

Wells, Daniel H., 202, 204, 219. 

Western District, 861. 

West Point, 9-14. 

West Tennessee, 322-824. 

Whig party, 166. 

Wh-irton, John A., 514, 557, 5=4, 607. 

Wharton, William II., 62. 

Wheeler, Joseph, 595, 643, 644. 

Whitthorne, W. C, 887, 840, 347, 348, 505, 729. 

Wickham, Captain, 544, 614, 615, 6S8. 

Wife, first (nee Henrietta P. Johnston); second (.«ee 

Eliza G. Johnston). 
Williams, John S., 358, 360, 879. 
Williams, Samuel M., 121. 
Williams, N. G., 600. 

Wild Cat, repulse at, 356, 8.57 ; stampede, 363, 864. 
Wilderness of Kentucky, 356. 
Wilson's Creek, battle of, 294, 295. 
Winged words, 582-584. 
Winnebagoos, 19, 2S. 
Winter campiiigns. (See Mormons, Fishing Creek, 

Fort Henry, Fort Donelson, and following.) 
Winter storm, a, 188, 211-216, 449, 493. 
Winter-quarters, 216-220, 233, 284, 895-899. 
Withdrawal at Shiloh, 627-639. 
Withers, Jones M., 562, 563, 572, 622, 634, 643, 644. 
WoU's inviision, 127. 
Wood, Robert. .509. 
Wood, S. A. M., 508, 572, 587-591, 648. 
Wood, T. J., 536, 602, 662, 653. 
Woodbury, 558. 
Woodcraft. 177. 
Woodsonville, 384, 887. 
WooIIcy, Eobert W., 485, 402, 494, 608, 514. 
Work at Bowling Green. 492. 
Worth, William J„ 12, 13, 137-140, 727. 
Worthington, Thomas, 583, 534, 578. 
Wounds, 78-85, 61.3-615. 
Wrath, popular, 484, 495-499, 505, 509-514. 
Wright, J. M., 642. 
Wright, M. II., 8;32. 
Wynn's Ferry road, 456, 462. (See Fort Donelson.) 



Yandell, David W., 498, 519, 615, 725. 

Tellow fever, 170. 

Young, Brigham, 197-204, 219-224, 241, 242. (See 

Mormons.) 
Yuma, 260-282. 

Z. 
Zollicoffer, F. K., 806, 809, 816, 317, 344, 349, 355- 

867, 860, 388, 394-406. 
Zouaves, the manufacture of, 589. 



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